Europe's revolution 20 years on

2009-02-10 12:30:22

The year 1989 reshaped the world. Its news stories - from Tiananmen Square to

the fall of the Berlin Wall - are now historical marker posts. BBC Diplomatic

Editor Brian Hanrahan watched many of the events at first hand, and will

retrace his steps this year to talk to those involved and consider the

long-term implications.

It was a baffling year - neither predictable nor inevitable. For those of us in

the thick of it, there was a constant struggle to make sense of what we were

seeing. Even those with the power to shape events were taken aback. The outcome

was not what they had bargained for.

It was a year in which power was transferred away from repressive communist

leaders who tolerated no questions or debate about their policies to mass

movements which swept away governments and rewrote the map of Europe.

Only China resisted the momentum of change by brutally suppressing

demonstrations.

And at times Europe nearly toppled over into mass bloodshed. One night in

October I saw East German troops armed and ready to fire on street

demonstrators. Only a loss of nerve in the East German politburo prevented a

horrendous massacre.

But at the beginning there was little to indicate that we were witnessing the

collapse of communism, and the end of the Cold War.

I have looked back through my notebooks and can find not a mention of the round

table talks in Poland which began in February and would eventually lead to

Eastern Europe's first non-communist government. Few thought it worth remarking

on.

The struggle between Poland's communists and the Solidarity movement had been

under way for a decade, and from London this looked like another cynical

manoeuvre intended to keep the Polish communists in power. That is certainly

what the communists intended.

On their own

In London our attention was focused on Afghanistan. The Red Army was abandoning

its ill-starred attempt to control the country and retreating. We - the

watching diplomats, journalists, and politicians - were trying to interpret

what this meant for future Soviet ambitions.

Was it a tactical retreat, or a permanent change of policy?

Fresh from three years living in Russia, I had my own theory. I had seen the

depths of the economic crisis on Moscow's streets - poor food, shoddy housing,

and roads that would disgrace the third world - and believed this was an empire

in decline.

I predicted it would crumble from the edges - a long-drawn-out process that

would take many years.

Only in October did the real truth become clearer. With the communists already

out of office in Poland, and East Germans fleeing in their tens of thousands

through Hungary's newly-opened borders, the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev,

visited East Berlin.

I discovered from West German intelligence that Mr Gorbachev had told the East

German leader, Erich Honecker, that the Soviet Army would not back him if he

used force against the demonstrators.

How they had access to such a sensitive conversation goodness knows, but the

implications were clear.

The Soviet satellites were now on their own. It was a total turnabout from the

decades in which Soviet tanks had repressed dissent in East Germany, Hungary

and Czechoslovakia.

This was partly because the Soviet Union could no longer afford to support

them, but more importantly because Mr Gorbachev believed it unnecessary.

Reformed communism, he thought, would be popular and Stalinist repression was

no longer needed at home or abroad.

He was wrong. But his rejection of violence, and moral courage in facing down a

hard-line Soviet establishment, ensured the year ended far more peacefully than

it might have done.

'Remember Tiananmen'

But how would his client governments respond?

Poland acquiesced and struck the best deal it could with Solidarity.

But East Germany was attracted by the example of China. The communist

government there had ruthlessly cut down demonstrators in Tiananmen Square

under the eyes of the watching world.

The East German authorities sent a message to New Forum, the group behind the

demonstrators.

It said, "Remember Tiananmen". One of my strongest memories of the year is

watching the face of Jens Reich, one of New Forum's founders, as he heard it.

Ashen faced, and aware of the enormity of the threat, he said immediately that

they would go on.

"We have got to get a dialogue going, so people can say something, before they

all disappear. I feel guilty that I have not spoken up sooner."

In the end his bravery, and the courage of millions more like him, faced down

communist governments right across Europe. But the dangers were very real and

the result in doubt right up until the last.

Every country fought its own battle. No wonder it was a difficult year to make

sense of.