Shadow and substance

2014-05-13 09:47:18

As banks retreat in the wake of the financial crisis, shadow banks are taking

on a growing share of their business, says Edward McBride. Will that make

finance safer?

May 10th 2014

IT WOULD BE hard to find a company with a greater sense of tradition than Hall

& Woodhouse brewery. Founded in 1777 in the English county of Dorset, it is

still based just a few sheep-speckled hilltops from the village where it began.

It is also still owned and run by descendants of its founder, Charles Hall (the

Woodhouses married into the family in 1847). It has been brewing on the same

site, using water from the same wells, since 1900.

The firm s grand Victorian brewery complex (pictured above), with its clock

tower, turrets and red-brick smokestack, has been preserved with pride. A

museum inside displays ancient brewing equipment, a stuffed badger and

sepia-toned pictures of the Halls and Woodhouses of yore, alongside records

from Hall & Woodhouse s earliest days. They show, for example, that on October

22nd 1779 the firm paid a Mr Snook 18 shillings for seven quarters (roughly

90kg) of barley. Even the names of the beers, such as Fursty Ferret and

Blandford Flyer (said to help ward off the insects that plague local

fly-fishermen) are steeped in rural nostalgia.

Until this year the firm s financial arrangements were equally traditional. It

never listed its shares or issued a bond. Instead, whenever it needed to

finance a big new project, such as the gleaming new brewing facilities that

abut the Victorian ones (now converted to offices), it borrowed money from a

bank. Given its steady income, its low level of debt and its pristine credit

record, it never had any trouble getting a loan, says Martin Scott, the firm s

finance director.

Hall & Woodhouse needed more reliable long-term creditors, so it reduced its

bank borrowing and turned to a shadow bank

The financial crisis changed all that. When in 2010 Hall & Woodhouse asked its

main bank, the Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS), to renew its regular 50m ($84m)

line of credit, it got a nasty surprise. The management of RBS had been far

less prudent than that of Hall & Woodhouse, borrowing heavily over the

preceding years to expand its business at breakneck speed. When its own credit

dried up, it was forced to turn to British taxpayers for a 45 billion bail-out

and began a frantic retrenchment, shedding 1 trillion in assets and cutting

its staff by 40,000. The bank told Hall & Woodhouse that it would renew its

line of credit for only three years instead of five, and at a sharply higher

rate of interest.

Mr Scott balked at this and arranged a similar loan facility at another, less

troubled bank, but the incident unsettled him and the owners. They decided they

needed more reliable long-term creditors, so they reduced their bank borrowing

and turned instead to a shadow bank a financial firm that is not regulated as a

bank but performs many of the same functions (see article). The one they picked

was M&G (the asset-management arm of Prudential, a big insurance firm), which

offered them 20m over ten years.

Shadow banking got itself a bad name during the financial crisis, chiefly in

the form of off-balance-sheet vehicles that were notionally separate from banks

but in practice dependent on them. Their assets were often securitised loans

that turned out to be much riskier and less valuable than expected.

These vehicles were meant to expand credit, and thus bolster the economy, while

spreading the risks involved; at least that was the justification for excluding

them from the banks liabilities and allowing them to hold relatively little

capital to protect against potential losses. Yet when they got into trouble,

the banks had to bail them out on such a scale that many of the banks

themselves then needed bailing out. The vehicles turned out to be an accounting

gimmick dressed up as a service to society.

Worse, they generally relied on short-term funding from money markets, another

form of shadow banking. Money-market funds, in which businesses, institutions

and individuals invest spare cash for short periods, involved a different sort

of subterfuge. Although all lending is inherently risky, they presented

themselves as risk-free. Their shares were supposed to retain a steady value of

$1, so when one of the biggest funds announced at the peak of the crisis that

it would have to break the buck , panic ensued.

The flight from the money markets added to the troubles of banks and other

financial institutions that relied on them for short-term borrowing. They had

made big losses, were struggling to borrow and so found themselves unable to

repay depositors, bondholders and other creditors. That left taxpayers on the

hook, both because governments in most rich countries guarantee small bank

deposits and because they were reluctant to let big banks fail, for fear that

the financial system might fall apart altogether.

Banks have since had their room for manoeuvre severely restricted to make them

safer. New accounting rules have made it much harder for them to park suspect

assets in off-balance-sheet vehicles. In effect, lending by banks must be

labelled as such. And they are now obliged to hold much more capital to help

absorb losses in case another crisis strikes.

There are only three ways for them to increase capital relative to their loans

and other assets: by raising more of it, by cutting costs or by trimming

lending and investment. Banks around the world have been doing all three for

several years, to the dismay of firms such as Hall & Woodhouse. They have an

especially strong incentive to curb long-term loans to business, since

regulators not only require them to hold more capital against them but also to

fund long-term loans in part with long-term borrowing, which is more expensive

than the fly-by-night sort.

As a result, bank lending to businesses in America is still 6% below its 2008

high. In the euro zone, where it peaked in 2009, it has declined by 11%. In

Britain it has plummeted by almost 30%. Bank lending to consumers has shrunk by

less, in part because most of it consists of mortgages, which take some time to

unwind (see chart 1). But all in all, big Western banks have shrunk their

balance-sheets by trillions of dollars.

This retreat of the banks has allowed the shadow banking system to fill the

ensuing void. Mr Scott of Hall & Woodhouse, for one, is happy to be able to

borrow from somewhere other than a bank. Although his arrangement with M&G is

slightly more expensive and less flexible than the shorter-term credit he is

still getting from the banks, he says it costs far less in terms of managers

time and allows the firm to plan for the longer term. British banks, he says,

simply do not offer ten-year loans to firms like his any more because they

cannot make a profit on them.

M&G has no such concerns because it is not considered a bank, nor regulated as

such. The money it has doled out to Hall & Woodhouse comes directly from

institutional investors, including Prudential and various pension funds, which

have given M&G 500m to lend to mid-sized British businesses. All the proceeds

from the loans go to the investors, who must also bear any losses; M&G simply

administers the portfolio of loans on their behalf and charges them a fee.

Whereas a bank intermediates between savers and borrowers by entering into

separate transactions with each, with all the risk that entails, M&G is merely

a matchmaker, with no skin in the game .

For all their residual worries about shadow banking, regulators like this

arrangement, because in some ways it makes the financial system safer. If the

economy stumbles, causing corporate earnings to slide and thus increasing the

number of defaults on loans such as Hall & Woodhouse s, any losses will fall

squarely on the institutional investors who put up the money.

It is not just M&G that has benefited from the banks retrenchment. The

business of direct lending or private debt (by analogy with private equity)

is booming. Investment funds that make loans of this sort raised $97 billion

last year worldwide and hope to raise a further $105 billion this year,

according to Private Debt Investor, a magazine. Another similar but exclusively

American category, business development companies, grew tenfold between 2003

and 2013, according to the Securities and Exchange Commission. At the end of

last year they held assets mainly loans to businesses of roughly $63 billion.

Don t bank on it

And private debt is only one form of lending that takes place outside banks.

Bond markets by far the biggest source of non-bank financing continue to grow

even as bank lending shrinks. In 2007 the value of all outstanding corporate

bonds issued by American firms was just under 29% of GDP; by last year it had

risen to over 42%, according to McKinsey. In South Korea the figure rose even

more dramatically, from 23% of GDP to 48%. Globally, corporate bond-issuance

doubled between 2007 and 2012, to $1.7 trillion, as firms everywhere took

advantage of extraordinarily low interest rates.

Money markets in the rich world seized up during the crisis and have not yet

fully recovered, but in China and other emerging markets they are growing

rapidly. A money-market fund launched last June by Alibaba, a Chinese

e-commerce giant, attracted 500 billion yuan ($81 billion) in its first nine

months.

Peer-to-peer (P2P) lenders websites that match savers with borrowers are also

growing like topsy, albeit from a tiny base. The value of loans chaperoned by

Lending Club, the biggest such website, has doubled every year since its launch

in 2007 and now totals over $4 billion. New firms are springing up the world

over to cater to all manner of niches, from short-term loans for property

developers to advances against unpaid corporate invoices.

The Financial Stability Board (FSB), a global financial watchdog, reckons that

shadow lending in all its forms accounts for roughly a quarter of all financial

assets, compared with about half in the banking system. But it excludes

insurance and pension funds from its calculations; add those in, and shadow

banking is almost on a par with the better-lit sort.

According to the FSB, shadow lending has grown by leaps and bounds in recent

years. The watchdog estimates that such loans in the 20 big economies that it

tracks rose from $26 trillion in 2002 to $71 trillion in 2012 (see chart 1

above). The FSB s data show bank lending growing at much the same pace, but

that is partly because, in the teeth of the crisis, regulators forced

financiers trying to game the system to reclassify much shadow lending as bank

lending. The FSB s data confirm that the sorts of shadow lending that worry

regulators, particularly off-balance-sheet vehicles, have atrophied, whereas

the sorts that please them, including direct lending, have rocketed.

The process of shifting lending out of the banks and into other financial

institutions has long been underway in America, where bond and money markets

are well-developed; banks there now account for only a quarter of loans. But it

is also gathering pace in Europe, where banks have been especially hard hit by

the crisis, and in other parts of the world.

And lending is just one area in which banks find themselves on the back foot.

The same combination of stricter regulation and increased competition is

hurting banks in other areas that used to be seen as an integral part of their

business, such as payments, the mundane but important business of transferring

money from one account to another.

The most common and lucrative way for payments to be made in the rich world is

through credit or debit cards. Regulators in America and the European Union

have been putting limits on the fees banks can charge for such transactions. At

the same time all sorts of new payment technologies are springing up, from

virtual wallets that claim to make the physical sort redundant to Bitcoin, a

scandal-prone electronic currency that nonetheless has the potential to turn

the business of sending money upside down, cutting banks out of the process

altogether.

New ways to pay

The trading of bonds and other financial instruments the mainstay of investment

banking is another area where banks are pulling back in the face of new

technology, new rivals and new regulatory constraints. Rules that bar or deter

banks from trading on their own account, and make it more costly to do it for

others by increasing capital requirements, have already resulted in a big drop

in the volume of bonds held by investment banks. Other regulations now being

introduced are pushing the trading of derivatives onto public exchanges,

greatly reducing banks influence over the business and the profits they can

make from it. Regulators are also discouraging banks from dealing in physical

commodities in any form.

Other financial institutions are cheerfully abetting the regulators drive to

wrest a lot trading from banks. The banks big customers chiefly asset managers

of various kinds are trying to create systems to trade more among themselves,

cutting out the middlemen. The shift away from fast-talking salesmen towards

electronic trading is also bolstering exchanges, technology firms and data

providers at the banks expense.

Similarly, asset management (which this report will not cover in detail) has

been growing much faster outside the banking system than within it in recent

decades. The crisis accelerated the trend, as some banks sold their

asset-management arms to raise money. Regulation designed to protect investors

from conflicts of interest makes it hard for a big bank to do business with an

in-house asset-manager, reducing the opportunities for savings or

cross-selling. And new technology is making it easier for firms and individuals

to find and invest in a range of financial instruments without the help of a

bank. The world s biggest asset manager, BlackRock, with about $4 trillion

under management, is now considerably larger than the biggest bank, the

Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, with assets of roughly $3 trillion.

Before the crisis the reverse was true.

This does not mean that banks are about to fade away; only that their relative

weight in the financial system is diminishing as other financial institutions

proliferate and grow. Indeed, that is largely what regulators intend. They want

to see banks shrink and welcome the transfer of risky assets to other parts of

the financial system. This special report will chart some of that transition

and consider the potential pitfalls.

Whatever the consequences, however, this new world is here to stay. As Mr Scott

of Hall & Woodhouse says of shadow lenders like M&G: The banks are going to

have all their best customers taken by these people.