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<title>FAFO Report 151</title>

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<h3>Chapter 4</h3>
<H2>Health</H2>
<b>Rita Giacaman<BR>
Camilla Stoltenberg<BR>
Lars Weiseth</b>
<p>

<BR>
<b>Introduction</b><BR>

An important question in the perspective of a living conditions survey is
whether there are indications of social welfare systems - particularly in
the field of health and education - in the occupied territories that may
to some extent counteract general economic and social inequalities and insecurity.
In the analysis of employment, household economy and social stratification
(chapters 6, 7 and 8) it is shown that important divisions in the Palestinian
community exist between camp refugees and refugees outside of camps, and,
on the other hand, between Gaza and other areas. To what extent is this
true also for the distribution of illnesses, for the utilization of health
services, and for symptoms of distress?

<P>
Another major question is how and to what extent health conditions are influenced
by the Israeli occupation, the social uprising - the intifada - and the
sometimes warlike situation that Palestinians experience. Under such circumstances,
individuals will experience traumatic events like injuries caused by confrontations
with military personnel, arrest and perhaps even torture. Others will react
to the general stress of living induced by curfews and restrictions on movement.
This topic will be elaborated further in the section on symptoms of distress.

<P>
This chapter will first present data on patterns, prevalences and consequences
of self-reported acute and chronic health problems, as well as on utilization
of health services and health insurance coverage. Second, we will present
major concepts concerning psychological and psychosomatic distress, as well
as results of the questions on symptoms of distress.

<P>
All individuals in the sample were asked questions about their health and
health behaviour (were they absent from work or other duties, did they consult
health personnel, were they able to go out on their own?). Women answered
additional questions focusing on utilization of health services during pregnancy.

<P>
The intention here is mainly to report the data collected in the FAFO survey.
Only brief references will be made to other studies from the area and international
sources. For an overview of literature on health in the occupied territories,
see 'Health in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, an annotated bibliography'
(Health Development Information Project, 1992).

<P>

<B>Health Transition</B><BR>
Concepts of health and disease, as well as the behaviour and roles related
to illness, are cultural inventions. They change through time, and from
one community to another. Biological, demographic, economic and social factors
determine, and are influenced by, the patterns of mortality and morbidity
and of perceptions and behaviour related to health.

<P>
The concept of health transition (Feachem et al, 1992) parallels the concept
of demographic transition, referring to changes in levels and causes of
illness and death that occur in the course of social and economic development.
The health transition is the net result of a demographic component (the
demographic composition and development of a society), a risk factor component
(smoking, alcohol, diet, physical activity, traffic, uprising/conflict and
violence) and a therapeutic component (availability and quality of health
services). In a recent World Bank Report (Feachem et al, 1992), analysis
of the health of adults in the developing world indicates that age-specific
rates for both communicable and non-communicable diseases are declining
in these countries, while the number and relative importance of non-communicable
diseases (hypertension, diabetes, coronary heart disease, etc.) are increasing.

<P>
The present survey has not been designed to analyze health transition, but
the concept is useful to keep in mind when interpreting the results.

<P>
<B>Self-perceived Illness</B><BR>
Measurements of health are traditionally obtained through data on demography,
mortality, morbidity and utilization of health services. In level of living
conditions studies self-perceived symptoms, functional disability and utilization
of services are often measured. In the living conditions survey conducted
in the occupied territories, data on mortality or observed measures of morbidity
(clinical investigations like weight/height/blood pressure etc., or laboratory
tests) has not been collected. Nor do such studies normally include categories
of self-perceived illness that can be directly translated into medical diagnoses.
Measures of self-perceived morbidity are determined both by the underlying
diseases and by perceptions of illness. The ratio of clinically diagnosed
morbidity in relation to self-perceived morbidity is not easily predictable,
and varies from one medical condition to the other, as from community to
community. Rates of self-perceived illness may even be inversely correlated
to clinically diagnosed morbidity. This is found in several studies where
poor people with high prevalences of clinically diagnosed diseases report
less illness than rich people, who may tend to categorize a wider range
of conditions as illnesses (Feachem et al, 1992). Studies of self-perceived
illness lead to results that are difficult to interpret, and the World Bank
report states that on the basis of such studies, 'meaningful comparisons
of disease burdens over time or across communities cannot be made' (Feachem
et al, 1992). The report nevertheless draws comparisons between studies
of self-perceived illness for want of other, more reliable information on
the same topic. In this chapter, such comparisons will be made as well.

<P>
In spite of these inherent problems, studies of self-perceived illness serve
useful purposes. They offer the possibility of relating perceived health
problems in a representative sample with a broad range of social and economic
factors.

<P>

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