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<title>FAFO Report 151</title>

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<H2>Household Income</H2>
Due to assumed under-reporting of household income, household wealth rather
than income, has been chosen as main point of reference for household economic
resources. For measurement of recent changes in household economic resources,
wealth is, however, a less suitable measure due its relative stability over
time. The first part of this section thus uses (self-reported) changes in
household income to chart the development of household economic resources
in the occupied territories since the Gulf War.

<P>
Even though the survey does not aspire to record exact levels of household
income, the prevalence of various types of household income has still been
recorded. The second part of this section will thus deal with various household
income types, in particular how different income types are correlated with
the Head of Households's labour activity and household wealth.

<P>
<B>Recent Development of Household Income in the Occupied Territories<a href="6_notes.html#8"><SUP>8</SUP></a></B><BR>
During 25 years of Israeli occupation, the economy of the occupied territories
has gradually been integrated into the Israeli economy. Introduction of
Israeli currency and economic legislation, as well as extension of water,
energy and transportation networks, has created a strong dependence on Israel.
Palestinian employment in Israel and unimpeded import of Israeli goods have
reinforced the pattern of dependence.

<P>
The outbreak of the intifada, characterized by frequent strikes and curfews,
has initiated a period of declining household income in the occupied territories.
During the Gulf War, a six week curfew paralyzed all economic activity in
Gaza and the West Bank. After the Gulf war, new restrictions on employment
in Israel deprived many households of their main source of income. Remittances
and financial assistance from Arab countries also dropped sharply. Finally,
the severe winter of 1991-2 had serious effects on agriculture, particularly
in the West Bank.

<P>
The recent economic recession in the occupied territories is clearly documented
in figure 6.7, which shows (self-reported) changes in household income since
the Gulf War.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.7 Change in household income since the Gulf War in percent of households by region</i><br>

<img src="bilder/67.gif">

<P>
Two out of three households reported a decline in income, while only one
out of twenty households experienced increased household income. Figure
6.7 also reveals that the number of households reporting a substantial decline
in household income is particularly high in Gaza and in refugee camps, the
areas most affected by the new Israeli restrictions on employment introduced
during the war.

<P>
Arab Jerusalem has the smallest proportion of households with reduced income,
both escaping the curfew during the war and being less dependent on employment
in Israel than Gaza and the West Bank. The effect of the Gulf War was thus
not only a general recession in household income in the occupied territories,
but a decline that hit the groups already worst off (Gaza and camps) the
hardest.

<P>
<B>Sources of Household Income</B><BR>
Since 1967, a cash economy based on waged labour has gradually replaced
self-subsistence as the dominant economic mode of most households in the
occupied territories. Employment in Israel has partially substituted local
employment, especially in agriculture. The exposure to Israeli influence
has also had cogent effects on consumption patterns in the occupied territories,
increasing the importance of wage employment.

<P>
Household income types may be crudely divided into two main categories.
The most important type of household income in the occupied territories
by far, is labour activity. The importance of labour activity is particularly
great because it is the most evenly distributed type of household income.
Private and public transfers to households and capital income constitute
the other main category of household income types. As will be shown below,
transfers and capital income are, however, of less importance than income
from labour activity.

<P>
As can be seen from figure 6.8, most households receive only one type of
income. (Note, however, that this income type, e.g. wages, may be received
by more than one household member). Less than 1% of the households report
no income, an interesting result taking the general problem of under-reporting
of income into consideration.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.8 Number of income types of households in the occupied territories</i><br>

<img src="bilder/68.gif">

<P>
Figure 6.9 shows that changes in household income for households receiving
only one type of income are very similar to the average for all households.
Contrary to what could have been expected, there are no indications that
these households have been harder hit by the economic decline since the
Gulf War than other households.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.9 Change in household income since the Gulf War in households with only one source of income</i><br>

<img src="bilder/69.gif">

<P>
<B>Income from labour activity<a href="6_notes.html#9"><SUP>9</SUP></a></B><BR>
Income from labour activity comprise wages and salaries, business income,
and income from land cultivation and raising of animal husbandry. As illustrated
by figure 6.10, wages are, by far, the most frequent type of household income.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.10 Percentage of households receiving labour income types</i><br>

<img src="bilder/610.gif">

<P>
The share of households receiving wage income increases, as can be expected,
with the number of adult males residing in the households. Figure 6.11 shows
that Gaza has a lower share of households receiving wage income than the
West Bank and Arab Jerusalem. This difference, which persists also when
camps are excluded from the respective areas, is most likely caused by the
problematic labour market situation in Gaza.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.11 Percent of households earning income from labour activity by region and type of locality</i><br>

<img src="bilder/611.gif">

<P>
As a further illustration of the employment problems in Gaza, figure 6.12
shows the regional percentages of full-time employed persons out of the
total population in each area. (&quot;Full-time&quot; work is defined as
7 weeks or more of employment during the last two months prior to the survey).<BR>
In Arab Jerusalem, one out of five persons is full-time employed, the same
figure as for Israeli Jews. In Gaza, on the contrary, only one out of twenty
persons is employed full-time. In the southern part of the Gaza Strip this
rate even drops to one out of thirty persons.

<P>
Figure 6.12 gives an approximate illustration of the ratio of consumers
compared to producers in the occupied territories, expressing an important
dimension of the prevailing economic problems in the area. While some of
the difference between Israel and the occupied territories in total can
be ascribed to different age structures in the two populations, age composition
falls short of labour market problems as main explanation of the regional
differences within the occupied territories. (See the subsequent chapter
for a further discussion about employment problems).
<p>

<i>Figure 6.12 Full-time employed persons in percent of total population by region</i><br>

<img src="bilder/612.gif">

<P>
There are small variations by region or socio-economic group in the share
of households receiving other types of labour income than wages. Salaries
from UNRWA and agricultural income constitute the two main exceptions from
this rule. The highest share of households receiving salaries from UNRWA
are, as one could anticipate, found among UNRWA registered refugees, because
UNRWA primarily provides salaried employment to UNRWA registered refugees.

<P>
Income from land cultivation and animal husbandry is most frequent in West
Bank villages. Quite naturally, shares of households receiving agricultural
income are lowest in Arab Jerusalem and in camps, as urban residents usually
possess no agricultural land.

<P>
Labour income is, as mentioned above, the most common type of household
income. In most households the labour activity of the Head of Household
provides the bulk of labour income. An index for Head of Household labour
activity, documented in a technical report available from FAFO, has therefore
been constructed. The index gives a crude estimate of the Head of Household's
labour income as a product of the expected wage level for his type of employment,
multiplied with the duration of his work the year prior to the survey.

<P>
Nearly 30% of the Household Heads had less than 1 month of labour activity
the year prior to the survey. These will be referred to as &quot;non-working&quot;
or &quot;non-active&quot; Household Heads in the discussion below. The remaining
70% have firstly been ranged according to estimated labour income during
the previous year. Secondly, they have been divided into three equally sized
groups of low, middle and high estimated income respectively.

<P>
The distribution of the index for estimated Head of Household income by
region and socio-economic group clearly shows the importance of the Head
of Household's labour activity for the acquisition of household economic
resources. The variational pattern of the estimated income index shows a
fairly close resemblance to the index for household wealth (a correlation
coefficient of 0.27 is estimated between the two indices).

<P>
What is the share of households receiving labour income when the Head of
Household does not work? To answer this question, the households in the
occupied territories have been divided into two groups, namely households
where the Household Head has no labour activity, and households where the
Household Head is working. When a household with a non-working Head receives
a particular type of labour income, this income type must stem from the
labour activity of other household members.

<P>
Figure 6.13 shows that the share of households receiving wages and business
income is lower in households with a non-active Head than in other households.
For agricultural income, though, there is no difference between the two
groups.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.13 Household labour income by Head of Household labour activity</i><br>

<img src="bilder/613.gif">

<P>
A reasonable interpretation of figure 6.13 is that wages, and in particular
business income, tend to stem from the labour activity of the Household
Head himself. Still, many households receive wages from the labour activity
of other household members.

<P>
Which types of income from labour activity tend to be the only income type
in households in the occupied territories? Figure 6.14 shows the share of
households receiving various types of labour income as their only type of
income, compared to the total share of households receiving these income
types.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.14 Percent of households receiving various labour income types for all households and households receiving only one type of income</i><br>

<img src="bilder/614.gif">

<P>
Figure 6.14 reveals that most households receiving wages and salaries, rely
on these income types as their only source of income. It is less common
to find business income as the only type of income. Agricultural income
is even rarer as the only source of income, which goes to show that agricultural
income generally plays a supplementary role in the household economy.

<P>
<B>Transfers and Capital Income<a href="6_notes.html#10"><SUP>10</SUP></a></B><BR>
Some types of household income are not directly linked to the labour activity
of household members. The most important of these income types are remittances
and social benefits. (The category &quot;other&quot; income refers to a
number of income types which do not fit into the income classification system).
By comparing the share of households receiving non-labour income with the
share of households receiving wages, figure 6.15 shows the subordinate role
of non-labour income as compared to income from labour activity in the occupied
territories.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.15 Percentage of households receiving non-labour income types</i><br>

<img src="bilder/615.gif">

<P>
There are small variations by region or socio-economic group in the share
of households receiving non-labour income, except for social benefits. Figure
6.16 shows the regional percentages of households receiving social benefits.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.16 Percent of households receiving social benefits by region and type of locality</i><br>

<img src="bilder/616.gif">

<P>
The high rate of recipients of social benefits in Arab Jerusalem is clearly
due to easy access to Israeli social security managements. In this connection
it should be remembered that Arab Jerusalem enjoys a different status in
Israeli law than Gaza and the West Bank. As opposed to these regions, the
high share of households receiving social benefits in Arab Jerusalem does
thus not necessarily express economic deprivation, at least not when compared
to the other regions.

<P>
It has been estimated that remittances constitute up to 1/3 of private disposable
income in the occupied territories<a href="6_notes.html#11"><sup>11</sup></a>. The share of households receiving
remittances is particularly high among households with female Heads, indicating
that their spouses are working abroad. As to regions, the share of households
receiving remittances seems somewhat higher in the northern and central
parts of the West Bank than in other areas.

<P>
Capital income, in this survey comprising rent revenues and income from
land sale, is received by a small number of households, and is the most
unevenly distributed type of income recorded by the survey. Capital income
in the occupied territories, as in most countries, generally increases with
household wealth.

<P>
What is the share of households receiving non-labour income when the Head
of Household does not work? To answer this question, households where the
Household Head has no labour activity have been compared to households where
the Household Head is working. For transfers like social benefits, remittances
and pensions we observe the inverse effect of the one found for for wage
and business income. Figure 6.17 illustrates these results.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.17 Household non-labour income by Head of Household labour activity</i><br>

<img src="bilder/617.gif">

<P>
The share of households receiving pensions increases when the Household
Head is not working, as pensions obviously replace labour income for older
Household Heads. Remittances are also more common in households with non-active
Heads, because many of them are women with spouses working abroad. Social
benefits are to a large extent received when or if the household lacks alternative
income, for example from labour activity.

<P>
Which types of non-labour income tend to be the only source of household
income? Figure 6.18 shows the share of households receiving various types
of non-labour income as their only type of income, compared to the total
share of households receiving these income types.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.18 Percent of households receiving various non-labour income types for all households and households receiving only one type of income</i><br>

<img src="bilder/618.gif">

<P>
Many households receiving capital income and transfers, also have other
sources of income. One out of three households receiving remittances and
social benefits, however, have no other means of income.

<P>
<B>Household Wealth and Types of Family Income<a href="6_notes.html#12"><SUP>12</SUP></a></B><BR>
How are the recipient households of various income types distributed over
the household wealth groups? If more than 1/3 of the households receiving
one particular income type fall into the lowest household wealth group,
and less than 1/3 in the highest, this type of income can be said roughly
to be associated with low status. Figures 6.19 and 6.20 show the distribution
of households receiving labour income and non-labour income respectively,
by household wealth groups.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.19 Household labour income types by household wealth</i><br>

<img src="bilder/619.gif">

<P>
UNRWA salaries, social benefits, &quot;other salaries&quot; and &quot;other
income&quot;, are income types mainly received by households belonging to
the lowest household wealth group. Most UNRWA employees are refugees, thus
explaining the high share of recipients in the lowest wealth group.<BR>
As many as almost one out of three households receiving social benefits
falls in the upper household wealth group. This result is most likely due
to the high share of Arab Jerusalem households receiving this income type.
Recipients of social benefits would probably have been even more concentrated
in the lowest wealth group if Arab Jerusalem had been excluded. &quot;Other
salaries&quot; and &quot;other income&quot; refer to miscellaneous income
types, typical of the temporary kind of employment frequently found among
persons from poorer households.
<p>

<i>Figure 6.20 Household non-labour income types by household wealth</i><br>

<img src="bilder/620.gif">

<P>
Wages, which comprise everything from daily to monthly wages, are evenly
distributed among the three household wealth groups. Note, however, the
large size and the strong heterogeneity of this group, which comprises several
substantially disparate sub-groups.

<P>
Remittances, and in particular agricultural income, are over-represented
in the middle household wealth group. Agricultural activity thus seems to
secure households a satisfactory minimum level of economic resources.

<P>
Pensions, rent revenues and business income are mainly received by households
in the upper group of household wealth. For these types of income, the picture
is the same as can be found in other countries in the region. (A high share
of households receiving income from sub-contracting in the upper wealth
group may be due to random variation caused by small sample size).<BR>
<p>

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<a href="../../../../../../../base/mailpage.html">al@mashriq</a>                       960715</pre>

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