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<title>FAFO Report 177</title>

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<H2>Rashidiyya</H2>
The camp of Rashidiyya lies on the seashore seven kilometres outside the
south Lebanese town of Tyre. The 267,000 square metre camp site is surrounded
by agricultural areas and citrus plantations providing the camp with a rural
setting. The camp is divided between an &quot;old camp&quot; inhabited by
the first wave of refugees who came during the early fifties, and a &quot;new
camp&quot; inhabited by refugees who were transferred from the Beqaa Valley
in Lebanon in 1964.<BR>
<BR>
Most of the residents in Rashidiyya are 1948-refugees originally from the
Galilee region. Rashidiyya is the refugee camp closest to the Israeli border.
The refugees can see the hills of their one-time homeland of Palestine across
the border, and feel that they are under constant Israeli military surveillance.
The sea has at times transported activists and enabled them to carry out
attacks on Israeli territory. The camp has therefore frequently been at
the centre of warfare, of which the biggest episodes happened in 1973, 1978
and 1982 each time leaving houses in the camp in a total and sem-total demolished
state.<BR>
<BR>
The Lebanese army controls the camp's entrance. There were several entrances
before 1985, but now both cars and people have to go through the entrance
guarded by the Lebanese soldiers.<BR>
<BR>
Until 1987 Rashidiyya housed approximately 21,000 refugees4 and was regarded
as the largest camp in terms of inhabitants compared to al-Buss and Burj
al-Shamali, the other two refugee camps in Tyre. The current number of residents
is however by the local camp committee assumed to be reduced to approximately
13,000 inhabitants, mainly due to displacement following the five major
destructions of the camp.<BR>
<BR>
The high rate of mobility and displacement of refugees is a direct result
of the constant search for personal security throughout the Lebanese Civil
War which erupted after the collapse of the country's fragile sectarian
political system in 1975 and lasted until 1989.<BR>
<BR>
Individuals and households in Rashidiyya have thus experienced a continuous
long term imbalance between their immediate security, consumption and labour
needs enforcing them to move in and out of the camp in order to meet these
needs.<BR>
<BR>
Former camp residents prefer to continue living in the places where they
sought refuge during the civil war, residing either in squatter areas, in
forlorn houses, or by relatives in Lebanese towns and villages.5 A large
number of camp residents have migrated to Western and Arab countries.6<BR>
<BR>
A large portion of Rashidiyya residents work as seasonal workers and day-labourers
in agricultural fields and citrus plantations. Average male income per day
is 9,000-10,000 Lebanese Lira (LL) (5,4 - 6 USD). Females can work two shifts
enabling them to earn the same sum as males if they work both shifts. Males
are also engaged in the construction industry earning approximately 15,000
LL (9 USD) per day. Underemployment among day-workers is, however, very
common, and day-workers complained that they only worked 3-4 days per week.<BR>
<BR>
Perceived unemployment is widespread. Many have income generating labour
not related to their profession. Electricians, car mechanics and carpenters
are prone to work in the fields as they do not have the means to open up
stores neither inside nor outside the camp. Women are able to have an income
through canvas-work which they deliver to two organisations. Single women
without heavy home-duties are thus able to earn at least 100,000 LL (60
USD) per month provided they work regularly. <BR>
<BR>
UNRWA operates a welfare system which includes three schools and one health
centre. In addition, the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) operates
a hospital. There are disputes concerning responsibilities for electricity-
and water systems where UNRWA takes partial responsibility. Special hardship
cases7 enrolment amount to 11.8% of the registered refugee population in
1992/93 (United Nations 1994:34). According to UNRWA's guidelines, special
hardship cases are entitled to rations every second month of basic foodstuffs,
cash assistance, access to shelter rehabilitation and self-support project
programmes. Before the Lebanese civil war there were restrictions against
enlarging dwellings, but these were by-passed during the war, and houses
have been rebuilt and enlarged vertically.<BR>
<BR>
Prior to the Lebanese civil war Palestinians enjoyed the benefits of a pluralist
society and the freest press in the Arab world. A substantial segment of
the native population supported the Palestinian cause. The PLO headquarters
were located in Beirut from 1970 until 1982. During this period, the Lebanese
authorities withdrew from the camps leaving them as &quot;liberated zones&quot;
where the PLO developed into a significant military force in the country
(Sayigh 1994a:25).<BR>
<BR>
What started out as an alliance between Lebanese and Palestinian groups
was to change character dramatically during the 14-year civil war. The ambivalent
attitude between the two communities prevails at present in the south, but
does not undermine the fact that there exist mutual bonds between the two
groups which are reflected in intermarriage. <BR>
<BR>
Following the Taif Agreement in 1989, Syria's influence and political role
in the country became manifest; the presence of Syrian troops was to stabilise
internal affairs while Lebanese security and foreign political issues were
to comply with Syrian policy. <BR>
<BR>
One of the main effects of the Syrian presence in Lebanon regarding the
Palestinians is Syria's support of Palestinian groupings who oppose DoP,
enhancing thus the political cleavages within the PLO where Fatah, Arafat's
group, is part of the peace process.<BR>
<BR>
In Rashidiyya, the political scene is currently marked by the undisputed
leadership of Fatah proponents who display positive attitudes towards DoP,
a standpoint which does not necessarily reflect the political attitude of
camp residents nor the majority of Palestinians in Lebanon. In fact, PLO
leadership at the camp-committee level in south Lebanon can be attributed
to the non-existence of Syrian influence south of the Awwali river. The
river's borders mark, unofficially, the Syrian and Israeli spheres of influence
in south Lebanon where the area of Tyre lies within the latter. The Syrian
non-presence has therefore indirectly enabled Fatah to remain in power in
Rashidiyya. <BR>
<BR>
Rashidiyya inhabitants indicate that the possibility for them to return
back to their homeland is not up for them to negotiate and decide. The decision
to migrate to the homeland is mainly in the hands of the international community
and politicians, Palestinians and non-Palestinians, who live outside Lebanon.
Camp residents have a collective consciousness of being left behind, and
this has resulted in a sense of insecurity and apathy concerning their immediate
future. Lebanon, previously an important arena for Palestinian affairs,
gradually lost political significance since the PLO moved its field of interest
from Lebanon to the occupied territories after the PLO-leadership left Lebanon
in 1982. This process has been even strengthened following the Oslo-Agreement.
Palestinians in Lebanon are aware that the fate of 1948-refugees is not
currently on the agenda in the ongoing peace negotiations which build on
DoP, while the overall majority of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon belong
to this category.<BR>

<h5>4.) UNRWA-figures show that the number of refugees living in Rashidiyya
is 21,543(Map of UNRWA's Area of Operations, 30 June 1993). Residents
themselves say that this was the number of residents before 1987, and that
the camp has not housed the original number of residents since the camps
war in 1987.<br>
5.) As a result of the civil war in Lebanon, the Ministry of the Displaced
was erected in order to handle the problems of internally displaced people.
The Ministry cooperates with UNWRA in order to resettle approximately
6,000 Palestinians households.<br>
6.) Another factor might be that the UNRWA-registry of camp residents is
inflated, not keeping statistically up with the actual number of residents
due to the constantly fluctuating residency pattern during the civil war.<br>
7.) UNWRA created the Special Hardship Case- programme in 1978 aimed at
providing support to households unable to maintain an economically
adequate living standard.</h5>
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<a href="../../../../../../../base/mailpage.html">al@mashriq</a>                       960428/960613</pre>

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