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[Speech: Massachusetts Libertarian Party:
200th Birthday of the Bill of Rights, December 19, 1991.]
The occasion of the two-hundredth anniversary of the Bill of
Rights reminds us to be very worried about the growth since World War Il
of a national-security oligarchy, a secret and invisible state within
the public state.
The national-security state has come upon us not all at once but
bit by bit over a span of several decades. It is useful to review the
episodes -- the ones that are now known to us -- through which the current
situation evolved.
1. 1945: The Gehlen Deal
Wild Bill Donovan of the wartime Office of Strategic Services,
the OSS, proposed to President Roosevelt before the war was over that
the United States should setup a permanent civilian intelligence agency,
but military foes of Donovan leaked his plan to a conservative
journalist, Walter Trohan, who exposed the idea in the Chicago _Tribune_
and denounced it as an" American Gestapo." [1]
But only a few weeks after this. after Roosevelt's death and the
inauguration of Harry Truman. In the utmost secrecy, the Army was taking
its own much more dangerous steps toward an American Gestapo.
Days after the Nazi surrender in May 1945, a US Army command
center in southern Germany was approached by Nazi Brigadier General
Reinhard Gehlen. Gehlen was the chief of the Nazi intelligence apparatus
known as the FHO, Foreign Armies East. The FHO ran spy operations
throughout East Europe and the Soviet Union during the war, and it
remained intact during the late-war period when the rest of the
Wehrmacht was crumbling. In fact, the FHO was the one part of the
Naziwar machine that continued to recruit new members right through the
end of the war. SS men at risk of war crimes charges in particular were
told to join with Gehlen, go to ground, and await further orders.
Gehlen presented himself for surrender to the American forces
with an arrogant, take-me-to-your-leader attitude and was for a few
weeks shunted aside by GIs who were unimpressed by his demand for
red-carpet treatment. But he had an interesting proposal to make and was
soon brought before high-level officers of the Army's G-2 intelligence
command.
Gehlen's proposal in brief: Now that Germany has been defeated,
he told his captors, everyone knows that the pre-war antagonism between
the Soviet Union and the United States will reappear - Who emerges with
the upper hand in Europe may well depend on the quality of either side's
intelligence. The Soviets are well known to have many spies placed in
the United States and the American government, but the Americans have
almost no intelligence capability in East Europe and the Soviet Union.
Therefore, Gehlen proposes that the United States Army adopt the FHO in
its entirety, including its central staff, as well as its underground
intelligence units, several thousand men strong, throughout East Europe
and the U.S.S.R. Thus, the FHO will continue doing what it was doing for
Hitler that is, fighting Bolshevism - but will now do it for the United
States.
The OSS was formally dismantled in the fall of 1945 at the very
moment at which General Gehlen and six of his top aides were settling
into comfortable quarters at the army's Fort Hunt in Virginia, not far
from the Pentagon. For the next several months, in highly secret
conversations, Gehlen and the U.S. Army hammered out the terms of their
agreement. By February 1946, Gehlen and his staff were back in Europe,
installed in a new village-sized compound in Pullach, from which they
set about the business of reactivating their wartime intelligence
network, estimated at between 6,000 and 20,000 men, all of them former
Nazis and SS members, many of them wanted for war crimes but now (like
the famous Klaus Barbie) protected through Gehlen's deal with the United
States both from the Nuremberg Tribunal and the de-Nazification
program.
Thus it was that the superstructure of the United States'
post-war intelligence system was laid on the foundation of an international
Nazi spy ring that had come to be the last refuge of SS war criminals who
had no other means of escaping judgment. The Gehlen Org, as it came to be
called by the few Americans who knew about it (and needless to say, the United
States Congress knew nothing of the Gehlen deal, and the evidence is strong
that Truman knew very little, if anything at all, about it) continued to serve
the United States as its eyes and ears on Europe and the U.S.S.R. until 1955.
At that time, fulfilling one of the terms of the secret treaty of Fort Hunt in
1945, the entire Gehlen Org was transferred to the new West German government,
which gave it the name of the Federal Intelligence Service, or BND, and which
the descendants of General Gehlen serve to this day. The BND continued to serve
as the backbone of NATO intelligence and is said to have supplied well into the
1960s something in the order of seventy percent of the NATO intelligence take.
This is the base upon which the U.S. intelligence system was
founded. The National Security Act of 1947 reorganized the military and
created the CIA, but the Gehlen Org was the base from which U.S.
intelligence developed throughout the decades of the Cold War. I am not
trying to imply here that Stalin was not a villain or that Soviet
communism was not a threat to Europe. I am saying rather that everything
American policymakers believed they knew about Europe and the U.S.S.R.
well into the 1960s was sent to them by an intelligence network made up
completely of Hitler's most dedicated Nazis. I believe this fact helps to
explain how the American national-security community evolved the
quasi-fascistic credo we can observe developing in the following incidents.
2. 1945: Operation Shamrock
This program, set up by the Pentagon and turned over to the
National Security Agency after 1947, was discovered and shut down by
Congress in 1975. As a House committee explained in a 1979 report,
Shamrock intercepted "virtually all telegraphic traffic sent to, from,
or transitting the United States." Said the House report,'Operation
Shamrock was the largest government interception program affecting
Americans" ever carried out. In a suit brought by the ACLU in the 1978
to declassify Shamrock files, the Defense Department claimed that either
admitting or denying that the Shamrock surveillance took place, never
mind revealing actual files, would disclose "state secrets." A judicial
panel decided in the Pentagon's favor despite the ACLU's argument that
to do so was 'dangerously close to an open ended warrant to intrude on
liberties guaranteed by the Fourth Amendment.' [2]
3. 1945: Project Paperclip
This is perhaps the most famous of such programs but it is still
not well understood. The U.S. Army wanted German rocket scientists both
for its own interest in rocketry and to keep them out of the hands of
the Soviets, who had the same ambitions. United States law forbade these
scientists' entry into the U.S., however, because they were all Nazis
and members of the SS, including the prize among them, Dr. Werner von
Braun. The Army acted unilaterally, therefore, in bringing the rocket
scientists to the United States as prisoners of war and defining the
Redstone rocket laboratory in Huntsville as a POW compound. Later the
Paperclip scientists were de- Nazified by various bureaucratic means and
emplaced at the center of the military space program. What is not well
understood is that hundreds of additional Nazi SS members who had
nothing at all to contribute to a scientific program were also admitted.
This included the SS bureaucrat who oversaw the slave labor efforts in
digging the underground facilities at the Nazi rocket base on
Peenemunde. [3]
4. 1947: Project Chatter
The U.S. Navy initiated this program to continue Nazi
experiments in extracting truth from unwilling subjects by chemical
means, especially mind-altering drugs such as Mescaline. This was at the
same time that U.S. investigative elements detailed to the Nuremberg
Tribunal were rounding up Nazis suspected of having experimented with
"truth serums" during World War II. Such experiments are banned by
international law. [4]
5. 1948: Election Theft
New to the world and eager to learn, the CIA immediately began
spending secret money to influence election results in France and Italy.
Straight from the womb, it thus established a habit of intervention
which, despite being rationalized in terms of the Red menace abroad,
would ultimately find expression within the domestic interior. [5]
6. 1953: MK-Ultra
The CIA picked up the Navy's Project Chatter and throughout the
1950s and '60s ran tests on involuntary and unwitting subjects using
truth drugs and electro-magnetic fields to see if it could indeed
control a subject's mind without the subject's being aware. This
research continued despite the fact that the United States signed the
Nuremberg Code in 1953 stipulating that subjects must be aware, must
volunteer, must have the aid of a supervising doctor, and must be
allowed to quit the experiment at any moment.
7. 1953: HT/Lingual
The CIA began opening all mail traveling between United States
and the U.S.S.R. and China. HT/Lingual ran until 1973 before it was
stopped. We found out about it in 1975. [6]
8. 1953: Operation Ajax
The CIA overthrew Premier Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran,
complaining of his neutralism in the Cold War, and installed in his
place General Fazlollah Zahedi, a wartime Nazi collaborator. Zahedi
showed his gratitude by giving 25-year leases on forty percent of Iran's
oil to three American firms. One of these firms, Gulf Oil, was fortunate
enough a few years later to hire as a vice president the CIA agent
Kermit Roosevelt, who had run Operation Ajax. Did this coup set the
clock ticking on the Iranian hostage crisis of 1979-80? [7]
9. 1954: Operation Success
The CIA spent $20 million to overthrow the democratically
elected Jacabo Arbenz in Guatemala for daring to introduce an agrarian
reform program that the United Fruit Company found threatening. General
Walter Bedell Smith, CIA director at the time, later joined the board of
United Fruit. [8]
10. 1954: News Control
The CIA began a program of infiltration of domestic and foreign
institutions, concentrating on journalists and labor unions. Among the
targeted U.S. organizations was the National Student Association, which
the CIA secretly supported to the tune of some $200,000 a year. This
meddling with an American and thus presumably off-limits organization
remained secret until _Ramparts_ magazine exposed it in 1967. It was at
this point that mainstream media first became curious about the CIA and
began unearthing other cases involving corporations, research centers,
religious groups and universities. [9]
11. 1960-1961: Operation Zapata
Castro warned that the United States was preparing an invasion
of Cuba, but this was 1960 and we all laughed. We knew in those days the
United States did not do such things. Then came the Bay of Pigs, and we
were left to wonder how such an impossible thing could happen.
12. 1960--63: Task Force W
Only because someone still anonymous inside the CIA decided to
talk about it to the Senate Intelligence Committee in 1975, we
discovered that the CIA's operations directorate decided in September
1960: (a) that it would be good thing to murder Fidel Castro and other
Cuban leaders, (b) that it would be appropriate to hire the Mafia to
carry these assassinations out, and (c) that there would be no need to
tell the President that such an arrangement was being made. After all,
was killing not the Mafia's area of expertise?
It hardly seemed to trouble the CIA that the Kennedy
administration was at the very same time trying to mount a war on
organized crime focusing on precisely the Mafia leaders that the CIA was
recruiting as hired assassins.
13. 1964: Brazil
Two weeks after the Johnson administration announced the end of
the JFK Alliance for Progress with its commitment to the principle of
not aiding tyrants, the CIA staged and the U.S. Navy supported a coup
d'etat in Brazil over-throwing the democratically elected Joao Goulart.
Within twenty-four hours a new right-wing government was installed,
congratulated and recognized by the United States.
14. 1965: The DR
An uprising in the Dominican Republic was put down with the help
of 20,000 U.S. Marines. Ellsworth Bunker, the U.S. ambassador, Abe
Fortas, a new Supreme Court justice and a crony of LBJ's presidential
advisors (Adolf Berle, Averill Harriman, and Joseph Farland) were all on
the payroll of organizations such as the National Sugar Refining
Company, the Sucrest Company, the National Sugar Company, and the South
Puerto Rico Sugar Company--all of which had holdings in the Dominican
Republic that were threatened by the revolution.
15. 1967: The Phoenix Program
A terror and assassination program conceived by the CIA but
implemented by the military command targeted Viet Cong cadres by name
-- a crime of war, according to international law. At least twenty thousand
were killed, according to the CIA's own William Colby, of whom some 3,000
were political assassinations. A CIA analyst later observed "They
killed a lot of the wrong damn people". [10]
16. August 1967: COINTELPRO
Faced with mounting public protest against the Vietnam War, the
PBI formally inaugurated its so-called COINTELPRO operations, a
rationalized and extended form of operations under way for at least a
year. A House committee reported in 1979 that "the FBI Chicago Field
Office files ? ? ? in 1966 alone contained the identities of a small
army of 837 informers, all of whom reported on antiwar activists' political
activities, views or beliefs, and none of whom reported on any unlawful
activities by these activists." [11]
17. October 1967: MH/Chaos
Two months after the PBI started up COINTELPRO, the CIA followed
suit with MH/Chaos, set up in the counterintelligence section run by a
certifiable paranoid named James Jesus Angleton. Even though the illegal
Chaos infiltration showed that there was no Soviet financing or
manipulation of the antiwar movement, Johnson refused to accept this,
and the operation continued in to the Nixon administration. By 1971, CIA
agents were operating everywhere there were students inside America,
infiltrating protest groups not only to spy on them but to provide
authentic cover stories they could use while traveling abroad and
joining foreign anti-war groups. Chaos was refocused on international
terrorism in 1972, but another operation, Project Resistance, conducted
out of the CIA Office of Security, continued surveillance of American
domestic dissent until it was ended in June 1973.
18. April 1968: The King Plot
The assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. led at once to
massive urban riots, the breakup of the nonviolent civil rights movement
and in ten years to a congressional investigation that found evidence of
conspiracy, despite the initial finding that, as in the JFK case, the
assassin was a lone nut. The conspiracy evidence included proof that the
FBI had directly threatened King and that, in the certain knowledge that
King was a target of violent hate groups, the Memphis Police Department
had withdrawn its protective surveillance and had let this fact be known
publically via newspaper, radio, and television broadcasts.
19. June 1968: The RFK Hit
The assassination of Robert Kennedy came on the heels of his
victory in the California presidential primary. This victory had
virtually guaranteed his nomination as an antiwar presidential candidate
at the Democratic convention in August. The assassinations of King and
the second Kennedy were body blows to the civil rights and the antiwar
movements and drove nails in the coffins of those who were still
committed to the principles of democratic nonviolent struggle.
From now on there would be virtually nothing left of the
organized movement except the Black Panthers and the Weathermen, both
committed to violence and thus both of them doomed. The official
verdict in Robert Kennedy's murder was, predictably enough, that it was
the work of another lone nut. This conclusion was reached by a
still-secret Los Angeles Police Department investigation, despite the
fact that L.A. coroner Thomas Noguchi found that most of RFK's wounds were
fired point blank behind him whereas the alleged assassin Sirhan Sirhan, by
unanimous testimony of many eyewitnesses, never got his pistol closer to
Kennedy than six feet and was always in front of him. It was true
nevertheless, that Sirhan fired. It was also true that he was, and
apparently remains, insane. Sirhan has claimed several times that he
was "programmed" to carry out the assassination by unnamed sources. Was Sirhan
the offspring of Project Chatter and/or MK-Ultra?
20. 1969: Operation Minaret
This was a CIA program charted to intercept (according to a
House Report) "the international communications of selected American
citizens and groups on the basis of lists of names, 'watchlists,'
supplied by other government agencies...The Program applied not only to
alleged foreign influence on domestic dissent, but also to American
groups and individuals whose activities 'may result in civil
disturbances...'" [14]
21. April 1971: Helms protests
In a rare public speech to the American Society of Newspaper
Editors, CIA Director Richard Helms asked the nation to "take it on
faith that we too are honorable men devoted to her service." He went on
to say, "We do not target on American citizens." [15]
22. 1972: Watergate
As though to give body to Helms' touching promise, seven CIA
Operatives detailed to the Nixon White House played the same political
game the CIA learned abroad in all its clandestine manipulations from
France to Brazil, from Italy to Guatemala, but now in the context of
U.S. Presidential politics. Whether through sheer fluke or a subtle
counter-conspiracy, Nixon's CIA burglars were caught in the act, and two
years later Nixon was therefore forced to resign. For a moment, a
window opened into the heart of darkness.
23. 1973: Allende Murdered
Frustrated in its 1970 efforts to control the Chilean election,
the CIA resorted to murder once again in the elimination of Salvador
Allende. Allende government official Orlando Letelier along with an
American supporter, Ronnie Moffit, were also killed, not far away in
Chile, but in Dupont Circle in our nation's capital.
24. Late 1970s: "Defenders of Democracy"
As death squads raged through Latin America, FBI agents and U.S.
marshals in Puerto Rico secretly created, trained and armed a super-secret
police unit named "Defenders of Democracy" and dedicated to the assassination
of leaders of the Puerto Rican independence movement. [16]
This was in the Jimmy Carter period. Did Carter know?
25. 1980: October Surprise
The facts in this strange first act of the Iran-Contra episode
are still in dispute, but the charge made by Barbara Honegger, activist
in the Reagan 1980 campaign, and by Carter national security aide Gary
Sick, is of megascandal dimensions.
Honegger and Sick claim in outline that in 1980 William Casey,
long-time U.S. super-spy but at that point without the least portfolio,
led a secret Reagan campaign delegation to Europe to strike a secret
deal with Iran, a nation with which the United States was virtually at
war because of the 42 hostages Iran had seized from the U.S. embassy.
In the alleged deal, Iran agreed not to release the hostages
until the U.S. presidential race was over, thus denying President Carter
the political benefit of getting the hostages back. Reagan agreed that,
if elected, he would help Iran acquire certain weapons. Well, for a few
bucks here and there, too, of course, and something for Israel, but the
basic deal was U.S. Arms for U.S. hostages held by Iran.
The basic deal was also so deeply criminal as to go beyond all
statutes but those that deal with treason.
26. 1970s and 1980s: The Noreiga Connection
The CIA was exposed time and again throughout these decades in
big-time international dope trafficking. This was not altogether new.
Already in the late '60s we had discovered that this was happening in
Southeast Asia, where the CIA's regional airline, Air America, was found
deeply involved in the opium trade being run out of the so called Golden
Triangle centered in Laos and involving Chinese drug lords associated
with the anti-Communist Kuomintang. [17] The ClA's support in moving
large amounts of opium was valuable, it seemed, in maintaining good
relations with our anti-Communist friends. In the 1970s and '80s, CIA
drug operations appeared in this hemisphere for a related but even
better reason: they were a convenient way to finance anti-Communist
operations that the Congress would not fund.
The rash of drug cases around former Panamanian strongman Manuel
Noriega--once a darling of the CIA until he dared oppose U.S. policy in
Nicaragua--provides a glimpse into the true heart of the contemporary
CIA. Noriega received as much as $10 million a month from the Medellin
Cartel (whose profits were $3 million a day) plus $200,000 a year from
the CIA for the use of Panamanian runways in transhipment of cocaine to
the north.
Noriega is only in trouble today because he turned against the
Reaganauts. The real attitude of Reagan and Bush toward drug trafficking
is indicated much less in Noriega's trial itself than in the kind of
deals the Justice Department is willing to make to convict him.
According to a recent _Boston Globe_ news story, federal prosecution
have paid at least $1.5 million in "fees" for testimony against Noriega.
In addition, some government witnesses have received freedom from life
sentences, recovery of stashed drug profits and confiscated property,
and permanent U.S. residency and work permits for themselves and family
members.
The best deals go to the biggest offenders, such as Carlos
Lehder. Leader of the Medellin Cartel, Lehder was sentenced to 145 years
in prison, but is probably facing a real sentence of less than five
years on account of his collaboration against Noriega. He is said to
have made a $10-million contribution to the contra cause.
The case of Floyd Carlton is also instructive. Carlton was a
drug pilot whose testimony led to Noriega's indictment in 1988. He was
allowed by Bush's prosecutors to transfer his cocaine profits into the
U.S.tax-free. Bush also promised not to seize his various homes and
ranches and agreed to pay $210,000 to support his wife, three children,
and a nanny and to furnish them with permanent residence in the U.S. and
work permits. [18]
27. October 1986: The Enterprise
A contra supply plane was shot down in Nicaragua. A low-level
CIA agent named Eugene Hassenfus was captured alive. Hassenfus chose not
to make a martyr of himself, and thus was born the Iran-Contra scandal,
a continuation of the politics of the October Surprise but on a far
grander scale. The CIA and the NSC were learning how to operate beyond
the reach of American Law. With the "free-standing, off-the-books"
organization they called "the Enterprise," capable of financing it's
operations from drug profits and thus independent of the exchequer, The
likes of Oliver North and John Poindexter and Theodore Shackley and
Thomas Clines and Rafael Quintero and William Casey had it made. They
could form U.S. policy pretty much by themselves, especially since the
super-patriot Ronald Reagan seemed content to blink and doze. Who cared
what Congress might think or say? As Admiral Poindexter put it so
eloquently, "I never believed . . . that the Boland Amendment ever
applied to the -- National Security Council staff." [19]
28. 1991: BCCI
The main difference between the CIA's early Cold War scandals
and the ones we are seeing today is that the more recent ones are
immeasurably more complex. This is sharply true of our last two
examples, one of which is that of the still emerging scandal around the
Bank of Credit and Commerce International. The BCCI scandal appears to
involve the CIA in a far-flung international financial network created
for the primary purpose of laundering vast amounts of drug money and
with the secondary purpose of ripping off the unsuspecting smaller banks
that BCCI acquired in pursuit of its primary objective.
One fascinating aspect of the BCCI scandal is that it may at last supply
us with the final solution of one of the outstanding riddles of the last
decades--namely, why does the government insist on keeping drugs illegal
since the only evident result of this is to keep the price of drugs (in
both dollars and lives) high? Could this be because it is the secret
elements of the Government--The CIA, the NSC, the Enterprise--that is actually
selling them?
29. 1991: Casolaro
Finally, consider just briefly another case of astounding
complexity, still not at all exposed, still writhing in the
twilight--the case of Inslaw, Inc., involving the George Bush Justice
Department and the death of Danny Casolaro, a free-lance investigative
journalist with whom I happen to identify most closely, even though I
never met him.
The story in brief: Inslaw, Inc. in the early 1980s was an
enterprising computer software company whose most important product was
a software program called Promis. Promis' appeal lay in the fact that it
made it possible for Justice Department attorneys to keep track of an
extremely large number of cases. The Justice Department bought Promis
from Inslaw in 1982 and began installing it in its various offices.
Inslaw had completed nineteen installations of Promis within a
year, and all seemed to be going well. But suddenly the Justice
Department began to complain about Promis and soon was refusing to pay
Inslaw, which therefore careened into bankruptcy.
The fact, however, was that nothing at all was wrong with
Promis. Rather, the Justice Department--so it is alleged--had made a
deal with Dr. Earl Brian, California health secretary under Governor
Ronald Reagan. In this alleged deal--which Dr. Brian denies--the Justice
Department would simply steal Inslaw's Promis software and give it to
Dr. Brian, who--would then be in a position to sell it back to the
Justice Department for an estimated $250 million.
Part of the reason the Justice Department was willing to do this
for Dr. Brian, as the allegation continues, is that Brian had helped
persuade Iranian leaders to cooperate with Reagan in the October
Surprise operation of 1980.
But there's more to the allegation. The attempt to get Promis
out of Inslaw's hands and into Dr. Brian's had two other purposes,
according to Inslaw's attorney, Elliot L. Richardson. The first was "to
generate revenue for covert operations not authorized by Congress. The
second was to supply foreign intelligence agencies with a software
system that would make it easier for U.S. eavesdroppers to read
intercepted signals." That is, a back door access was built into the
Promis software. Anyone who bought Promise was buying a Trojan Horse.
Danny Casolaro had talked to many of the informants in this
case. Telling friends he was on his way to contact an informant who
would put the last piece in the picture, he left his home in Washington
in August l99l to travel to Martinsburg, West Virginia, where he took a
hotel room and waited for the informant to contact him. Before leaving
he had told his friends not to believe it if he died in a car accident.
He was found dead in his room, in the bathtub, with both arms
slashed a total of twelve times. The Martinsburg police quickly ruled
his death a suicide and allowed his body to be embalmed immediately,
even before notifying his family of his death. His hotel room was
cleaned of the least indication that he had been in it. His briefcase
and his notes were never found. In his _New York Times_ op-ed piece
about this last October, Elliot Richardson ended by reminding his
readers that he had called for a special prosecutor once before.
Richardson was the nominated Attorney General in 1973 and
resigned in disagreement with Nixon, calling for a special prosecutor to
investigate Watergate.
Now Richardson wants another special prosecutor to probe the
Inslaw case. He believes Casolaro was murdered and that evidence points
to "a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser government officials in
the theft of Inslaw's technology." These same officials, of course,
would also be involved in the apparent attempt to generate funding for
illegal covert operations and to sneak Trojan Horse software into the
systems by which other governments monitor their litigation caseloads.
We can be sure at least that the events we have briefly reviewed
here are not isolated and separate. In the painful story that begins
with General of the Third Reich Reinhard Gehlen and continues down to
the death of Danny Casolaro, we face a stream of systemically connected
corruption and abuses of power.
A secret state has set itself up within the darkest corners of
the American government. It is what Nixon adviser John Dean called a
cancer on the presidency, but it has metastasized well beyond the White
House. It is not paranoia to call attention to this, but a simple act
of realism.
NOTES
1. John Ranalegh, The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), p. 80.
2. House Select Committee on Assassinations: Report, vol. Vlll, pp.
506-08.
3. Linda Hunt, Secret Agenda (New York: St. Martins Press, 1990).
4. Martin Lee and Bruce Shlain, Acid Dreams (New York: Grove
Press, 1985).
5. Ranalegh, p. 131.
6. Ibid., p. 270.
7. Ibid., p. 261-64.
8. Ibid., p. 268.
9. Ibid., p. 246, p. 471.
10. Ibid., p. 440, p. 553.
11. HSCA, vol. VIII, p. 524.
12. Ranalegh, p. 534.
13. The HSCA Report. Findings and Recommendations (Washington: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1979). See p. 407 re the FBI and p.
418 re the MPD.
14. HSCA, vol. VIII, p. 507.
15. Ranalegh, p. 281.
16. See Boston Globe and New York Times stories of January 29, 1992.
17. See Alfred McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (New
York: Harper Colophon, 1973).
18. Boston Globe, Dec. 13, 1991.
19. Iran-Contra Trading Cards #35.