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Brazil and the new old normal

2016-10-20 14:22:16

There is more than one kind of economic mess to be in

Oct 12th 2016, 20:11 by R.A. | WASHINGTON

HERE is a funny little story about the history of economics. John Maynard

Keynes called his landmark economics text "The General Theory of Employment,

Interest and Money". The "general theory" in the title was doing double duty.

It modestly suggested a comparability between Keynes and Albert Einstein, a

genius whose work revolutionised his field. It was also meant to convey that

this was the big one might say macro idea shaping how employment, interest, and

so on all work. Keynes's peers, while impressed by the book, weren't quite sure

about its generality. John Hicks helped to turn Keynes's great work into the

models that would form the basis of macroeconomics textbooks, and shape policy

thinking, for decades to come. Yet he also needled Keynes, writing that the

great man's economics provided a novel way of thinking about depressions but

not much else:

[I]t is not the General Theory. We may call it, if we like, Mr. Keynes' special

theory. The General Theory is something appreciably more orthodox.

Burn. Yet interestingly, Keynes seems to have had the last laugh. Looking

around the world at this moment, one sees near-zero interest rates and weak

demand almost everywhere one looks. In this world, Keynes's depression

economics are the general rule of the road. They are so general, in fact, that

one could actually be forgiven for forgetting that there are other sorts of

economic mess to be in. Like Brazil's, for instance. Brazil is in the thick of

a special mess, which used to be a general sort of mess, before yesterday's

special conditions became general, if you follow. And so when news broke

earlier this week of the approval by Brazil's Congress of a constitutional

amendment placing sharp limits on growth in government spending, jaws dropped.

"I think this might be the single most insane fiscal policy proposal I have

ever heard in my life," tweeted Chris Hayes, a pundit of a left-leaning but

sober disposition.

Is it insane? Let's take a step back. The old normal the "more orthodox" world

Hicks described is one in which the economy is operating at its potential. In

that "classical" world, fiscal expansion uses capital that might otherwise fund

something else. Government borrowing raises interest rates, crowding out

private borrowing and preventing the expansion from generating much of an

increase in real output. Keynes's insight was that in conditions of depressed

demand, things don't work like that. Fiscal expansion raises employment without

much raising interest rates. Because there is no crowding out, stimulus boosts

real output. As real incomes rise, private firms and households regain their

appetite for consumption and investment, further boosting output (this is the

Keynesian multiplier).

Since 2008, much of the world has sunk into these special Keynesian

circumstances (thereby making them general). In this world, government

borrowing does not crowd out private borrowing. Interest rates across many rich

economies are near zero, or even negative, even in places with enormous public

debt burdens and persistent budget deficits. The multiplier in this world is

larger than would normally be the case. That is especially so since many rich

economies have sunk into a liquidity trap, in which central banks cannot

continue to provide monetary stimulus by cutting rates. There is disagreement

over how effectively they can stimulate through other means, but estimates of

the multiplier on fiscal contractions suggest that it is large: that austerity

places a drag on growth which central banks, for whatever reason, fail to fully

offset.

In this world, pundits have grown used to the idea that austerity is

necessarily bad. On the whole, that is a fairly reasonable bit of intellectual

shorthand. At any time austerity could be problematic, if it disproportionately

hurt the poor or led to underinvestment in public goods. Under circumstances

like the ones most countries now face it is almost inherently bad. Budget cuts

reduce real output, which reduces private consumption and investment, and which

often worsens the deficit. So for the pain, countries neither liberate capital

for private use or get all that much in the way of reduced debt. (Unless the

consolidation leads to a big rise in net exports, but that mostly shifts demand

weakness to other economies, most of which are in the same rut and are

therefore unable to offset the drag.)

But that's not the only way a country can be! That might be new normal, but

there are still those countries facing the old normal, and Brazil is one. In

recent years, the prices of the commodities Brazil exports tumbled, leading to

a sharp deterioration in its terms of trade. Capital flowed out, leaving the

Brazilian economy relatively starved of financing. Brazil sank into a sharp

recession; real output declined by more than 3% last year and is expected to do

so again this year. Brazil is not suffering from much of a shortfall in demand,

however. Nominal output has continued to expand, albeit at a slower pace than

before the recession, and inflation has risen into double digits. At current

commodity prices, Brazil is operating at close to capacity.

Under these circumstances, what could fiscal expansion accomplish? If it could

boost productivity dramatically, perhaps through investment in public goods,

that could be helpful. But lousy infrastructure is just one of the constraints

on Brazilian economic capacity. Complex tangles of taxation and regulation

contribute to what is known as the "Brazil cost": the added expense of doing

business in Brazil over and above what it costs elsewhere. In a Keynesian

world, calls for structural reform are often either misguided or somewhat

beside the point; not in Brazil.

Neither would it be especially helpful if spending added to aggregate demand.

Higher incomes would mean increased competition for already scarce goods and

services, leading to more rapid inflation. Accelerating inflation is especially

dangerous in a country with a recent history of hyperinflation. Government

borrowing would compete for access to scarce capital, pushing up interest rates

that are already in double digits. Higher interest rates are especially

dangerous in a country with what counts as a large public debt burden for an

emerging economy. Higher borrowing costs make servicing of Brazil's debts more

expensive, increasing the potential for a default. An increased default premium

could then raise rates still further, leading to a vicious spiral into crisis.

That, in turn, might create the possibility of money-financing of the

government's bills: a grand idea when firms and households are desperate for

liquidity but not very smart in conditions like those facing Brazil.

And while austerity could have distributional consequences, depending on how it

is implemented, it should not lead to the drop in demand that makes

consolidation in depressed economies so daft. Interest rates are high, which

means that any ebbing in demand can easily be offset by the central bank (which

was the general practice among central banks before the general became

special). Lower interest rates, in turn, are very good for the private firms

and households trying to make ends meet. In the examples of expansionary

austerity used so misleadingly to justify austerity in the depressed economies

of the rich world, big declines in interest rates were one of the key

mechanisms through which budget cuts led to output growth. Of course that

wouldn't work in places where interest rates were already pinned close to zero.

But the thing that made austerity so inapt a prescription for depressed

economies is precisely the thing that makes it a sensible solution, or at a

minimum a non-insane one, in Brazil. Spending restraint might well prove

painful for some members of Brazilian society. But hyperinflation and default

are hardly a walk in the park for those struggling to get by. Generally

speaking, austerity has been a misguided policy approach in recent years. But

Brazil is a special case. For now, anyway.