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SECULARISM:
ITS RELATION TO THE SOCIAL
PROBLEMS OF THE DAY.
by
CHARLES WATTS,
Vice-President of the National Secular Society.
Price Twopence.
LONDON
WATTS CO., 17, Johnson's Coury, Fleet Street.
1894.
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SECULARISM:
ITS RELATION TO THE SOCIAL PROBLEMS
OF THE DAY.
SECULARISM, in dealing with the social problems of the
day, relies upon human reason, not upon "divine" faith; upon fact,
not upon fiction; upon experience, not upon a supposed supernatural
revelation. It can discover no value in what is termed spiritual
proposals as a remedy for existing evils, Hence Secularists can
recognize only that as being socially useful which tends to the
physical, mental, moral, and political improvement of mankind as
members of the general commonwealth. Considerations about matters
that are said to transcend the province of reason, and that make
the business of this life merely of secondary importance,
Secularists deem to be, at the most, only of theoretical interest,
and of no real service in the social struggle in which society is
at present engaged. The very fact that the theological remedy for
social wrongs has had a long and fair trial, with such advantages
in its favor as wealth, fashion, and untiring devotion, and yet
that it has failed to prevent the present crisis, is ample proof of
its utter inability to successfully grapple with the drawbacks to
a healthy state of society. It is, therefore, of the highest
importance to seek to destroy faith in theology as a reforming
agency, inasmuch as it has been well weighed in the balance of time
and experience, and has been found wanting.
Our first duty, then, in my opinion, as Secularists, in
reference to social problems, is to expose false remedies, and thus
make it easier to establish correct ones. True, many persons think
the fallacies of theology have already been sufficiently exposed,
and they urge that to continue the destructive work is only to
"beat a dead horse." But is the theological horse really dead? Let
the recent conduct of the clerical party upon the London School
Board, and the present persistent efforts of Christian exponents of
all denominations to put their teachings forward as the only
effectual panacea, answer the question. It is still proclaimed even
by some "advanced" reformers, that the solution to our social
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problems would be in following the example of Christ and in
adopting his teachings. A greater delusion was never promulgated,
and I deem it my duty to say so. Christ is reported to have said,
"My kingdom is not of this world," and according to the New
Testament he acted as if he believed what he said.
What are our social problems? Principally they are excessive
poverty, unjust class distinction, monopoly of the land, unfair
accumulation of wealth, the degradation of labor, the predominating
rule of the aristocracy, and the absence of genuine secular
education among the masses. Probably, the problem of ignorance is
likely to be more speedily solved than either of the others named,
but Christ did not furnish the key to the solution, and it is
worthy of note that his followers have thrown every obstacle in the
way of the emancipation of the masses from the curse of the absence
of knowledge. In reference, to the other stupendous evils
mentioned, where and when did Christ propound an efficient scheme
whereby the world could be freed from them? Granted, he exclaimed:
"Woo unto you that are rich"; "Sell that thou hast and give to the
poor." But would it not have been better to have shown how the
monopoly of wealth could have been prevented, and how giving to the
poor would have been unnecessary? Poverty is a curse, and to be
dependent on charity is humiliating.
Seeing that all attempts in the name of religion have been
futile in furnishing solutions for our social problems, the duty of
all Secularists is to seek some other plan whereby those solutions
may be obtained. Among other plans, we have Socialism,
Individualism, and Anarchism put forward, and each is claimed by
its advocates as being the true remedy. Now it is evident to me
that the Secular Society cannot, in its official capacity, accept
either method in it entirety, for to do so would be to ignore the
primary object of the Secular organization, which is to destroy
theological errors and to establish the truths, that morality
depends upon no form of supernaturalism, and that the actions of
daily life can be usefully performed in the noblest manner,
unassociated with any of the religions of the churches. The
relation of Secularism to all the "isms" named is the same as it is
towards the political and religious movements of the day, namely
Eclectic -- that is, it selects the best from among them all.
Provided he does his best to combat existing evils, each member of
the Secular party is at liberty to support any movement that seems
to him wise and useful, supposing it to be based upon "peace, law,
and order." In fact Secularists should feel bound to investigate,
as far as possible, all proposals made for the redemption of
mankind regardless of sect or party. Special care, however, should
always be taken to discriminate between true and false methods, and
not to confound vain theories with practical remedies.
It is not my present object to discuss the merits or the
demerits of the many professed remedies for social evils now before
the public. No doubt there is much in connection with each of them
that is commendable; and, as a Secularist, I should defend the
right of the exponents of all the schemes to be hoard, so long as
they confined themselves to argument and intellectual exposition,
free from all physical violence. Personally, I cannot accept the
theory of Individualism, if it is not based upon regard for the
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rights of others. Neither can I adopt that phase of Socialism that
would entirely obliterate the just claims of the individual; whilst
with that form of Anarchism that would destroy individuals
indiscriminately Secularism, as I understand its principles, can
have no sympathy whatever, It is not a question of motive, but of
method, that has to be considered.
While I recognize the right and utility of combination for
mutual protection, and for advancing the good of those united, I am
not blind to the fact that there may be interests outside of any
one particular combination that should be fairly considered. If,
for instance, a person accepts the theory that the land, which is
the source of all social comfort, should be nationalized and that
the reasonable value of its use should be applied to defraying the
national expenditure, it does not follow that he should consent to
have his house, his family, and his wages also nationalized. Many
persons prefer the form of Socialism known as Cooperation, which is
at once legal, rational, and useful. There are approximations to
this plan in building societies and in profit-sharing manufacturing
concerns, And neither of these involve the extinction of
individuals or of individual interests; on the contrary, they
contribute to the maintenance of both in their integrity.
In seeking to solve social problems, there is one thing that
must always be observed -- namely, that, in pursuing our own good
in our own way, we should strive not to unnecessarily damage the
interests of others. Freedom of thought, of speech, and of action
for all is a claim consistent with reason, and essential to human
progress. The point here to be insisted upon is that the exercise
of personal liberty, which does not infringe upon the freedom of
others, is the right of all without any regard to class
distinction. This principle Secularists maintain, without
committing themselves to all that is taught in the exercise of that
right. If it is asked how true freedom is to be distinguished from
that which is false, the answer will be that every individual
should be free to give expression to his thoughts; but whether or
not such thoughts represent that which will prove beneficial to
society must be tested by comparison, and by fair and open
discussion.
It will be thus seen that while, in my estimation, Secularism
recognizes the justice and need of revolution, that revolution must
be one of thought and of principles. This cannot be too much
emphasized, more especially at the present time, when revolt, in
some instances, has assumed the brutal form of reckless violence in
the shape of bomb-throwing, which cannot be too emphatically
condemned, as being not only cruel and diabolical in its nature,
but also as being a barbarous hindrance to the progress aimed at by
all true reformers. I am thoroughly opposed, under the present
conditions of society, to all violence which tends to the
destruction of persons and property. It indicates either insanity
or uncontrolled passion, rather than a clear insight into the
causes of social advancement. At any rate, violence, if resorted to
at all, should be the last, not the first, process in the struggle
for any reform among reasonable beings. Possibly in times past it
might have been necessary; but the people did not then possess the
means for redressing wrongs that they have at their command to-day.
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In the past they were kept down by a domineering Church and by a
despotic Government, and all political rights were withheld from
the masses. Now the Church has lost its former power, and
governments must "assume a virtue if they have it not." Besides,
the people, although they have not all the political power that is
their due, have sufficient to enable them, if they use what they
possess wisely, to obtain farther reforms in a peaceful manner.
Secularism enjoins reliance upon free speech, a free platform, and
a free press, in the conducting of our present social warfare.
These are weapons more in harmony with the intelligence of the age
than is the use of instruments of physical violence. Further, the
employment of moral force gives promise of a success that will be
useful in its influence and enduring in its results.
To sum up, the duty of Secularists towards our social problems
appears to me to be this: To recognize the necessity of discovering
the best possible solutions, and, when those solutions are found,
to apply them with all the moral force at our command. This useful
work must be carried on by each of us in our capacity as social
reformers -- a task which will be inspired by the genius of
Secularism, for no consistent secularist can remain idle while
evils abound that mar the happiness of the human family. The
special duty of a member of the Secular organization consists in
demanding that freedom which will enable every reformer to carry on
his good work without intimidation or persecution of any kind, and
also in doing his utmost to remove such impediments to progress as
have been caused by priestly invention, and by the false
conceptions of human duty which have been engendered by theological
teachings. Here the Secularist will have ample scope for his
reforming aspirations. He can commence at the root of the evil,
which is the theological errors with regard to the nature and
destiny of man, and the persistent opposition of the Church to
mental freedom and social independence. When these errors are
eradicated from the human mind, it will be in a condition to more
readily receive those truths, discovered by long and patient study
-- truths that will form the real basis of the solution of our
social problems.
While it is a Secular duty to consider the best means that can
be employed to improve the general condition of society, the method
adopted by any member of the Secular Society to accomplish this
result rests upon his individual responsibility. I am anxious that
this fact should be remembered, because it is not my desire that
Secularism should be held responsible for the opinions of its
adherents upon "outside questions." The official position taken by
the National Secular Society in reference to reforms of general
social matters may be seen from its published statement under the
heading of "Immediate Practical Objects" in the Secular Almanack
for 1894.
Recently Cardinal Vaughan proclaimed that the one remedy for
our present social disasters was to be found in the Roman Catholic
religion and, with a view of applying this remedy, he announced the
inauguration of a Roman Catholic Social Army, for the purpose of
carrying out his plans. He based his action upon the assumption
that our social evils and all the revolutionary proposals for their
extinction were due to the presence of Atheism and of other "isms,"
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which he recklessly classed together, regardless of their non-
relation. Here is the old theological trick of representing
disbelief in God and Christianity as being the cause of all the
wrongs and woes that afflict the human race, and arguing that the
only real remedy for such misfortunes is the adoption of the
teachings of the Church. The fact is overlooked that such teachings
did not prevent, neither have they removed, the very evils which we
have to deplore. If, however, Atheism is such a prolific source of
evil, it would be reasonable to suppose that the characters of
Atheists would be known to be bad, and their policy destructive of
the stability of society. But the very opposite is the truth, as
personal experience and general history amply testify. Theodore
Parker observes: "Atheists are men who aim to be faithful to their
nature and to their whole nature. ... They are commonly on the side
of man, as opposed to the enemies of man; on the side of the people
as against a tyrant; they are, or mean to be, on the side of truth,
of justice, and of love." Bacon says Atheism did never perturb
States." The Right Hon. William Pitt truthfully acknowledges that
"Atheism furnishes no man with arguments to be vicious."; and
Professor Tyndall remarks: "If I wished to find men who are
scrupulous in their adherence to engagements, whose words are their
bond, and to whom moral shiftiness of any kind is subjectively
unknown; if I wanted a loving father, a faithful husband, an
honorable neighbor, and a just citizen, I should seek him and find
him among the band of Atheists." Surely the testimony of the above
writers, who knew the character of Atheists from practical
experience, is of more value than the opinion of Cardinal Vaughan,
whose religion doubtless has prevented him from associating in any
way with "wicked Atheists." In the 'Weekly Sun,' March 25, Hector
Graham writes I have associated with a great number of Agnostics in
my time, and am constrained to admit that I have always found them
happy, honorable men. ... I put the question seriously -- How many
thorough unbelievers are found in gaol? How many promote bogus
societies and victimize the fatherless and widows? Alas! the press
too often shows us that the promoters of such societies and
companies have been looked upon with respect and adoration, and
have been Christians of an eighteen-carat stamp,"
But it is not only the nature of Atheism and the characters of
Atheists that refute the pious Cardinal's assumption; there are
other facts that are equally cogent against him, and these show the
utter impotency of his theological schemes to successfully cope
with existing social evils. Supposing Roman Catholicism were a cure
for social evils, have we not a right to suppose that such evils
would have been absent in this country during the Middle Ages, and
that they would not be found in Catholic countries to-day? Such,
however, was and is not the case. Crime, ignorance, and poverty
flourished daring the period when the religion of Rome was in the
zenith of its power, and when Atheism and other "isms" had
comparatively no opportunity to exercise a counteracting influence
upon the actions of the Church. And today we know of no Roman
Catholic orthodox continental country whose government is free from
anxiety in consequence of the deplorable condition of the people.
Skeptical England, with all its faults, is far ahead socially of
many countries where Catholicism is supreme. Before Cardinal
Vaughan's spurious remedy can be accepted in this country,
credentials of its efficacy must be forthcoming. It has not proved
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effectual in America. The progress of that great and grand Republic
has for years been retarded, and is now being paralysed, through
the increasing power of Rome within its domain. The number of
voters who profess the Catholic religion in the United States is
becoming larger every year, and it is acknowledged that this fact
proves a great danger to the development of American free
institutions. The influence of these votes is used against public
schools and the secularization of general legislation. But what is
worthy of special note, as demonstrating the fallacy of Cardinal
Vaughan's claim as to the utility of his remedy for social evils,
is that, notwithstanding the power of his Church on the other side
of the Atlantic, the condition of the people there is at the
present time most alarming. The reformer stands aghast at the
spectacle of a million sober and industrious citizens being without
the means of living, having neither money, food, nor shelter, and
not having the means of obtaining these requirements by honest
work.
If there be any doubt as to the accuracy of what is here
stated, let the reader study Henry George's article in the 'North
American Review' for February last, and it will be found that I
have not over-stated the gravity of the social condition of the
American people. Henry George describes many of tho principal
institutions of that country as being converted into charity-
collecting and distributing agencies, and every group of workers as
taxing themselves for the relief of the thousands of unemployed. He
farther alleges that the churches in Chicano are thrown open for
the shelter of the homeless poor, and that in Ashland (Wis.) a
charity pie had been made twenty-two feet in circumference and a
quarter of a ton in weight. The continent is represented by him as
being visited by an epidemic of charity, and no other subject is
allowed to engage so much of public attention. This certainly is an
appalling state of affairs -- one which cries aloud for an
immediate remedy. The Cardinal's faith evidently is useless as a
panacea, for more profession of that faith is to be found in the
United States than in any other Protestant country; and yet the
social evils have been increasing for some time past, until the
state of society has reached a degree of wretchedness and poverty
that is a disgrace to civilization. Of course, Henry George
professes to see the cause of this gloomy condition of affairs,
which he considers to be the wrong regulations regarding the
distribution of wealth and the terms of land tenure; and, like the
Cardinal, he thinks that he also has discovered a remedy in what is
called "the single tax." This means that the increased increment
that "now goes to the more appropriator" should be used to pay all
the expenses of the country, and thus abolish all other taxes now
imposed for general purposes. The result of this would be, he
argues, that an end would be put to speculation in land, which
makes it become dearer every year.
In submitting his proposal for remedying our present social
evils Henry George thinks he has discovered that the prevailing
wrongs in society are largely due to interference by man with the
exercise of Almighty Power. He says: "He who made food and clothing
and shelter necessary to man's life has also given to man, in the
power of labor, the means of maintaining that life; and when,
without fault of his own, man cannot exert that power, there is
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somewhere a wrong of the same kind as denial of right of property
and denial of right of life -- a wrong equivalent to robbery and
murder on the grandest style." It is presumable, from this extract,
that Mr. Goorge entertains some peculiar theological notions which
he mixes up with his purposed remedy. To my mind it seems most
unfortunate that social reformers will encumber their suggested
remedies with mystic theological speculations. This, no doubt, has
proved one of the causes why such remedies have failed to achieve
the object sought. It is my firm belief that, judging from
experience, ameliorating efforts will continue to fail until the
evils of society are dealt with by purely natural means. The
alleged supernatural aid has been evoked long enough without
success; and now surely wisdom should prompt us to avail ourselves
of those resources of which. we have some knowledge, and over which
we can have some control. It is not here a question of the truth of
Mr. George's theology so much as of its non-adaptability to the
purpose at issue, although, as be puts it, God's providential share
in the scheme seems to be exceedingly puzzling. For instance, what
can be thought of an Almighty "He" who would have so arranged
matters that the present evils could be possible? Further, can it
be conceived that "He," if he is benevolent and the principal in
the concern, would permit "robbery and murder on the grandest
style"? Would it not be better to leave all that this "He" is
supposed to represent entirely out of consideration in dealing with
the social evils, and to seek for the remedy in mundane conditions?
Even upon the theological hypothesis, the "bane" being here, the
"antidote" should be here also; and our duty is to seek to discover
it, and to apply it to the "ills that flesh is heir to."
This position Henry George admits to be the practical one,
despite his theological adulteration; for he says the solution of
the labor problems is to be found as follows: "The opportunities of
finding employment, and the rate of all wages, depend ultimately
upon the freedom of access to the land, the price that labor must
pay for its use" This solution. Mr. George holds, can be speedily
put into practice. To this latter statement I cannot assent. No
doubt, if its immediate application were possible, improvement upon
the existing state of things would follow. But experience proves
that the partial remedies that have hitherto been adopted, both in
social and political affairs, have been gradual in their growth and
slow in producing the desired results. True, he refers to the many
thousands of families that were enabled to settle on estates in Now
Zealand through the Land Act of the late Freethinking Premier, Mr.
John Ballance. But it must be remembered that this able reformer
had a long and hard struggle to secure the moderate relief that he
obtained for a few thousand families in that new and fertile
country. It took many years of courageous and persistent advocacy
of a very able organizer before his efforts were crowned with any
success. And when the battle was won, it was not that of the
purchase of the land, but merely that it should be held at a rate
equivalent to the income or property tax imposed in that colony. It
should, however, be remembered that even this medium of reform was
much easier to obtain in a colony possessing now and virgin soil
than it would be to "take from mere appropriators" in the old
country that which could only be secured by lawful means. As
regards England, the probability of any benefit arising from Mr.
George's proposal appears very remote. His plan has been before the
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world now for many years, and at present there is no indication of
its being adopted. This, of course, is no argument against its
value; but it shows that Mr. George is rather Premature in
supposing that his remedy "can be speedily put into practice." I
have not the slightest desire to depreciate any attempt to relieve
the burdens of toil, or to check any possible alleviation of social
suffering; still, I cannot ignore facts, although I may regret that
they exist.
It will be within the knowledge of many of my readers that a
whole generation has passed away since J.S. Mill and others
inaugurated a movement in reference to the unearned increment, and
little or nothing has been done up to date to realize the
improvements those reformers suggested. Parliament has also been
recently considering the subject of allotments, from which great
things are expected. Leading articles in our democratic newspapers
are echoing the old cry of "Back to the Land," than which nothing
could be better under suitable conditions. But how is the thing to
be done? and, even if it could be accomplished, would it be an
unqualified advantage without other reforms equally necessary? A
small plot of land, to be cultivated in spare hours, by men
accustomed to it, might prove a useful investment, if the rent were
nominal, of which there is not much hope at present. If, however,
anyone expects a beneficial revolution by putting families on a few
acres of land in this country, they would, I think, be doomed to
disappointment. To make the cultivation of land in England
profitable, not only industry is required, but skill, judgement,
and the best appliances are necessary, and the latter need an
amount of capital which, unfortunately, is not within the reach or
at the command of the poor laboring man. Before land in England can
become self-supporting to the working classes, the problem of a
moneyless people must be dealt with. If some millions of money and
some millions of acres of land were placed at the disposal of well-
trained and experienced farm laborers, no doubt they would give a
good account of themselves. But on any other terms I have but
little faith in the advantages of going "Back to the Land."
So far as the problem of the land question is concerned, I
fail to see its immediate solution in any one scheme now before
the, public Still, many measures could be adopted to hasten on a
solution; such, for instance, as the total abolition of the game
laws, the repeal of the laws of entail and primogeniture, and an
easy and a cheap mode of transferring land. The present expensive
manner of selling it should at once cease, for so long as it is
legal to buy and sell land there is no reason why it should not be,
transferred in as inexpensive a manner as that in which the beasts
that feed upon it are sold. All legislation upon this subject
should tend to destroy the monopoly of land, and to place it at the
command of the people, so that it may be used for the two purposes
of providing food and of paying its just share of national
taxation. To do this it may be found that the Nationalization
scheme will be the most effectual one to adopt, But ere this can be
accomplished and properly worked, the toiling classes must
recognize that the work of reform will have to be done by
themselves. They have depended upon others too long, and now the
fact must be faced, that self-help is the only successful aid to
rely upon. It will also be necessary to make our Government
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representative in its character in the fullest sense of the word --
a Government by the people, and for the people, irrespective of any
particular class. With such a Government, its principal function
would be to give force to the public will in removing existing
obstacles to the attainment of just laws, so that the work of
amelioration may go on unimpeded by that legacy of aristocratic and
class distinctions which has so long proved a potent hindrance to
the general welfare. In order that such a consummation may be
realized, prudence, frugality, disciplined thought, and sound
education upon the part of the masses will be necessary. And in
proportion as these requisites are possessed and utilized, so, in
my opinion, will the remedies be found for the present evils of
society. Under such conditions the revolution will not be sudden,
but it will be none the less certain in its arrival, and none the
less beneficial in its influence.
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