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Free exchange - Levying the land

2013-07-03 07:11:22

Governments should make more use of property taxes

Jun 29th 2013 |From the print edition

TAXES on property go back a long way. Ancient civilisations from Greece to

China had levies on land. In 11th-century England the Domesday Book, a record

of who owned what land, documented William the Conqueror s tax base. Britain

had a window tax in the late 17th century, well before it introduced an income

tax. In America local governments have raised money from property taxes since

the colonial era; the federal income tax has been in place only since 1913.

But property taxes are much less prominent than they once were. To fund rising

government spending, far more cash is raised from other sources, particularly

income taxes, payroll taxes and value-added taxes (see left-hand chart). A new

study by John Norregaard of the International Monetary Fund suggests that the

average rich country, including all levels of government, raises under 5% of

total tax revenue from annual levies on land or the buildings on it. The norm

in middle-income emerging economies is lower still, at around 2% of all tax

revenue (see right-hand chart). Including property-transaction taxes like stamp

duty raises the total a bit but not by much.

These averages mask big differences. Property taxes loom largest in Anglo-Saxon

economies. In America they still account for 17% of all government revenue; in

Britain and Canada the figure is around 12%. Only 2% of revenues come from

annual property taxes in Germany and Italy; in Switzerland it is a mere 0.4%. A

small share of national tax revenue can belie the importance of property taxes

for the local governments that tend to levy them. In Australia and Britain

taxes based on property are the only source of local-government tax revenue.

America s local authorities get around 70% of their revenue from property

taxes. But, overall, property taxation plays a relatively small role.

That s a pity. Taxing land and property is one of the most efficient and least

distorting ways for governments to raise money. A pure land tax, one without

regard to how land is used or what is built on it, is the best sort. Since the

amount of land is fixed, taxing it cannot distort supply in the way that taxing

work or saving might discourage effort or thrift. Instead a land tax encourages

efficient land use. Property developers, for instance, would be less inclined

to hoard undeveloped land if they had to pay an annual levy on it. Property

taxes that include the value of buildings on land are less efficient, since

they are, in effect, a tax on the investment in that property. Even so, they

are less likely to affect people s behaviour than income or employment taxes. A

study by the OECD suggests that taxes on immovable property are the most

growth-friendly of all major taxes. That is even truer of urbanising emerging

economies with large informal sectors.

Property taxes are a stable source of revenue in a globalised world where firms

and skilled people can easily move. They are also less prone to cyclical

swings. In the financial bust America s state and local governments saw smaller

declines in property taxes than other forms of revenue, largely because the

valuations on which tax assessments are based were adjusted more slowly and

less dramatically than actual prices. Property taxes may even restrain housing

booms by making it more expensive to buy homes for purely speculative purposes.

Given these advantages, why don t governments raise more money from property? A

few are trying to. Mr Norregaard cites almost 20 countries that have recently

introduced new property taxes, or are considering doing so. Namibia recently

introduced a land tax on agricultural land; Ireland is reintroducing a tax on

residential property that was abolished in 1997. Britain s opposition Labour

Party has suggested taxing developers who sit on land and don t build on it.

But given the scale of the fiscal crunch, surprisingly few governments have

gone down this route.

Like it or lump it

One explanation is that many governments lack the information to exploit these

sorts of taxes. Lots of emerging economies (and some supposedly emerged ones

such as Greece) do not have the modern equivalent of the Domesday Book, a clear

cadastre of who owns what. But the big reason is that these taxes are wildly

unpopular, often spawning opposition quite out of proportion to their scale.

Mario Monti, Italy s former technocrat prime minister, lost the election

earlier this year for many reasons but his much-loathed decision to raise a tax

on property played a substantial part. Asked in surveys what is the worst or

least fair tax, Americans consistently cite property taxes.

Economists are more divided about the fairness of property taxes than they

are about their efficiency. For a long time the prevailing consensus was that

property taxes were regressive because the burden would be passed on to tenants

and workers. Today another school of thought is more popular. It argues that in

an efficient capital market the burden of property taxes is borne by owners of

capital across the economy; and since capital owners tend to be richer, the tax

is likely to be progressive.

Nuanced judgments about progressivity are not what drive political opposition

to these taxes. Voters hate property taxes because they are what economists

call salient : the burden is obvious, easy to calculate and hard to avoid. An

intriguing new paper by Marika Cabral and Caroline Hoxby at Stanford University

shows what a difference this makes. Most American homeowners pay their property

taxes in one or two lump sums during the year. Around a third (mainly those

with mortgages) have their tax payments bundled in with monthly mortgage

payments. The economists find that how people pay their property taxes affects

their tolerance for them. The more people pay in lump sums, the lower property

taxes are likely to be. For property taxes to become a much bigger source of

revenue, governments must apparently ensure people don t realise how much they

are paying.

Sources

Taxing Immovable Property. Revenue Potential and Implementation Challenges ,

by John Norregaard. IMF Working Paper WP/13/129. May 2013

The Hated Property Tax: Salience, Tax Rates, and Tax Revolts , by Marika

Cabral and Caroline Hoxby. November 2012

Tax Policy Reform and Economic Growth . OECD. November 2010.

http://Economist.com/blogs/freeexchange