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Title: Why Break Windows? Author: CrimethInc., Anonymous Date: December 10th, 2014 Language: en Topics: CrimethInc., propaganda of the deed, property, violence Source: Retrieved on December 15th, 2014 from http://www.crimethinc.com/blog/2014/12/10/why-break-windows/
From the initial revolt in Ferguson last August to the demonstrations in
Oakland and Berkeley last week, property destruction has been central to
a new wave of struggle against police violence. But what does
vandalizing businesses have to do with protesting police brutality? Why
break windows?
First, as countless others have argued, because property destruction is
an effective tactic. From the Boston Tea Party to the demonstrations
against the 1999 World Trade Organization summit in Seattle, property
destruction has been an essential part of many struggles. It can
pressure or punish opponents by inflicting an economic cost. It can
mobilize potential comrades by demonstrating that the ruling forces are
not invincible. It can force issues that otherwise would be
suppressed—we would certainly not be having a nationwide conversation
about race, class, and policing were it not for the courageous actions
of a few vandals in Ferguson. Finally, it conveys an uncompromising
rejection of the prevailing order, opening space in which people may
begin to imagine another.
Property destruction charges don’t look good on a résumé or in a
campaign for city council, but perhaps this is a good thing. It means
that political vandalism is usually a selfless act—and even when it
isn’t, it has to be its own reward. There is more reason to suspect paid
nonprofit activists and aspiring politicians of ulterior motives than to
question the motivations of vandals. This may explain why activists and
politicians cast such aspersions on them.
Shop windows represent segregation. They are invisible barriers. Like so
much in this society, they simultaneously offer a view of “the good
life” and block access to it. In a polarizing economy, shop windows
taunt the poor with commodities they cannot afford, status and security
they will never attain. For millions upon millions, the healthy food,
medicines, and other goods they need are the breadth of an entire social
class away from them, a gulf they will not cross in a lifetime of hard
work—a gulf represented by half an inch of plate glass.
To smash a shop window is to contest all the boundaries that cut through
this society: black and white, rich and poor, included and excluded.
Most of us have become inured to all this segregation, taking such
inequalities for granted as a fact of life. Breaking windows is a way to
break this silence, to challenge the absurd notion that the social
construct of property rights is more important than the needs of the
people around us.
One reactionary argument goes that vandals are wrecking “their own
neighborhoods,” but this is a disingenuous way to speak about those
whose names do not appear on any deeds. Indeed, when developers speak of
“improving” these neighborhoods, they mean the de facto expulsion of the
current population. The problem in Ferguson and everywhere like it is
not that the economy has been interrupted; the problem is the routine
functioning of the economy itself. In a profit-driven society, the more
that poor people work and pay rent, the poorer they will end up relative
to those who are profiting on their labor—that’s where profit comes
from. It is dishonest to blame the victim here, as if more
submissiveness could produce a different result. In a pyramid scheme,
somebody has to form the bottom tier, and ever since the colonization of
the so-called Americas that has always meant black and brown people.
As others have pointed out, colonization, gentrification, mass
incarceration, and police killings are all forms of displacement, of
erasure. We have become accustomed to ceaseless, dramatic disruptions of
the environments we live in—so long as it is capitalists and police
driving them, not poor people. This normalizes an alienated relation to
the urban landscape, so whole neighborhoods can be leveled and replaced
without anyone batting an eyelid. It normalizes a social system that
itself has only been imposed on the earth over the past couple
centuries, making the most unsustainable way of life ever practiced seem
timeless and eternal. Vandalism demonstrates that both the current
disposition of urban space and the social system that determines it are
contingent and temporary—that it is possible, even with limited
resources, to transform space according to a different logic.
Gentrification and vandalism are both forms of intervention in the urban
landscape—the difference is that gentrification is top-down, while
vandalism is bottom-up.
It is not a coincidence that shop windows have been targeted in protests
against police violence. Businesses, be they multinational or local, are
the tax base that pays for police, and without police they would not be
able to accumulate so much wealth at everyone else’s expense. In this
situation, addressing protests directly to the police is oblique, for
the police answer to business owners and politicians, not to public
opinion. It is much more direct to target their bosses, the capitalists
themselves. Cost them enough money in smashed windows, and maybe they’ll
think twice about what kind of policing they call for.
“But some poor worker is going to have to clean that up,” sanctimonious
liberals charge whenever they see a protester making free with the
avenues of the wealthy. Anyone who has worked a blue-collar job knows
that this is pure bunk. Replacing windows or scrubbing graffiti off a
façade is no worse than any other kind of work one can get in that pay
bracket—it’s not as though the workers in question would be doing
something pleasant and fulfilling otherwise. If anything, vandalism
creates jobs, offering additional work opportunities to service industry
employees and construction workers whose labor would not otherwise be
required. This means you can’t smash capitalism one storefront at a
time—but trying to might at least redistribute a little wealth downward.
It is typically liberal for critics to present the poor as the victims
of confrontational tactics, when in fact it is their own status and
comfort they fear for.
In the more paranoid version of this perspective, liberals who assume
that everyone else must be as satisfied with the prevailing order as
they are declare that only the police themselves, in disguise of course,
would have smashed the windows they are tasked with protecting. Like
other conspiracy theories, this attributes all agency to a single
nefarious power, denying the existence and strategic sense of those who
take action against it.
All this is not to argue that window-smashing is itself enough to change
the world. In the final analysis, sabotage and arson are the strategy of
a retreating army—of those who know they will not hold a given terrain
for long. A movement strong enough to retain the territory it seizes
from the police wouldn’t need to break or burn anything, only to
transform it. On the other hand, as long as such inequalities persist,
people are bound to lash out against them via property destruction as
well as other tactics. Anyone who truly desires to see an end to
property destruction should hasten to bring about the end of property
itself. Then, at last, the only reason to break windows would be thrill
seeking.
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Further Reading
A Beginner’s Guide to Targeted Property Destruction
In Defense of Rioting
http://time.com/3605606/ferguson-in-defense-of-rioting/
In Defense of Looting
http://thenewinquiry.com/essays/in-defense-of-looting/
In Defense of the Ferguson Riots
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/08/in-defense-of-the-ferguson-riots/
The Illegitimacy of Violence, the Violence of Legitimacy