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Title: What is Anarcho-syndicalism? Author: George Woodcock Date: 1943 Language: en Topics: anarcho-syndicalism, syndicalist, anarcho-syndicalist Source: Retrieved on 4/4/2017 from http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/f4qs9m
Syndicalism is a method of industrial organisation which goes away from
all the traditional conceptions of authority and government, of
capitalism and the state. While communism in abolishing individual
capitalism, creates a worse monster in its place in the form of the
economic state, syndicalism leaves all the patterns of administration
which have in the past resulted only in the oppression and exploitation
of man by man, and sets out to build an organisational form based on the
natural needs of man rather than on the interests of ruling classes,
based not on the dictates of authority, but on the voluntary cooperation
of free and equal individuals in satisfying the economic needs of the
men who form society.
Syndicalism is the industrial manifestation of anarchism. Anarchism
itself is a doctrine which teaches the necessity of a society without
government… Anarchism advocates, instead of the governmental coercion of
the individual, which exists in the most democratic society that still
retains the state, a society based on the free co-operation of
individual men and women for the fulfilment of their social and economic
needs. Organisation on a voluntary basis is necessary for the operation
of the means of production and the desirable public services, but no
kind of superior body of authority, with its parliaments, police,
bureaucracies, codes of law, taxes, armies and secretive intrigues in
internal and foreign politics, has any place or value in a society based
on justice and reason. In anarchy a man, once he has fulfilled his
contractual economic functions, can live as he will, providing he does
not interfere with the freedom of his fellows.
Anarchists believe that the means of production should be the property
of society, held in common, and that only by such an arrangement will
the restricting influence of private property be removed and the
resources of nature and science be used to their full extent for the
benefit of humanity. In order that there may be no possibility of such
private interests arising, they advocate that, once the means of
production have been taken out of the hands of their usurping
controllers, they shall be run not by any authority or elite or leaders,
but by the people who are themselves concerned in production, i.e. by
the workers in each industry.
Syndicalism is, as I have already said, the method by which such control
by the workers would be organised. It is, moreover, the method by which
the workers under a property society would organise themselves for the
attainment of the free classless society.
The syndicate is a form of union which differs from the ordinary trade
union in that it aims, not only at the gaining of improvements in wages
and conditions under the present system, but also at the overthrow of
that system and its replacement by the free society by means of social
revolution based on the economic direct action of the workers. This is
not to say that it ignores the day to day struggle, but its members
recognise that only by a complete destruction of the structure of
property and authority can justice and security ever be attained for the
workers.
The syndicate differs also from the ordinary trade union in its method
of organisation. The ordinary trade union follows the pattern of
governmental society in that it has a centralised form, with authority
at the centre and a permanent bureaucracy, who, like any other
bureaucracy, rapidly gain privilege and power and rise into a class with
an economic position considerably higher than that of the workers who
pay them and whom they are supposed to serve. The syndicate, on the
other hand, is based on the organisation of workers by industry at the
place of work. The workers of each factory, or depot or farm are an
autonomous unit, who govern their own affairs and who make all the
decisions as to the work they will do. These units are joined federally
in a syndicate which serves to co-ordinate the actions of the workers in
each industry. The federal organisation has no authority over the
workers in any branch, and cannot impose a veto on action like a trade
union executive. It has no permanent bureaucracy, and the few privileged
officials are chosen on a short term basis, have no privileges which
raise their standard of living above that of the workers, and wield no
authority of any kind.
The syndicate being actually governed from below and being untainted by
the idea or the institution of authority, represents more truly than any
other type of organisation the will of the workers and the good of
society. Its lack of centralism and lack of bureaucracy, of any kind of
privilege or vested interest in the present order of society, give it a
flexibility of action and real solidarity which make it the ideal
instrument for canalising and influencing in the right way the
spontaneous revolutionary activity of the people.
In the social revolution the syndicates will play their part by
organising the economic direct action of the workers. On the railways
for instance, they will lead the workers in the expropriation of the
lines, stations and rolling stock, and their use only for the purposes
of the revolution and not for those of the dispossessed masters.
After the revolution the syndicate will form the framework on which the
first phase of the free society will be built. Anarchists do not make
any plans for the free society in its maturity, as they believe in the
free and continual growth of social institutions, and recognise that any
hard-and-fast plan of development will create only a sterile society.
Nevertheless they recognise that after the old society has been
abolished some kind of social structure must be built immediately to
take over the means of production and change the economic basis of
society from that of a class society to that most appropriate to a free
society. This means of organisation they find in the syndicate.
The organisation of industry, transport and farming under the syndicates
will follow exactly the same lines as that of the organisation of the
workers in the days before the end of the property society, except that
now, instead of organising for struggle, the workers will organise for
the construction of the economic basis necessary for the achievement and
maintenance of true freedom and justice.
Each working unit, a factory or a railway yard, will be run by the
workers who actually operate it. There will be no authority, no
management, and each worker will be jointly and equally responsible with
the rest for the proper functioning of the industrial unit in which he
works.
It should not be assumed that the syndicalist regards the operation of
industry as a simple matter. On the contrary, he knows from experience
its complexity, and regards a bureaucracy divorced from the actual work
as being incapable of operating to its maximum efficiency so involved an
organisation as that of a railway. The workers are the men who have the
knowledge of the actual operating of the railways, and if they were to
study the problems of operation and of the co-ordination of their
functions they would be able to work the railways far more efficiently
than the bureaucrats. The opportunity of gaining this knowledge is, of
course, kept from the ordinary railway workers. (Instead, the companies
prefer to work the other way round, by instituting classes to teach
bureaucrats in an academic manner the elements of train working or
signalling, usually with little success.) In this connection of course,
I am using the word ‘worker’ in a broad sense, to include technical
staff associated with civil engineering and locomotive construction, and
also the sections of the clerical staff concerned with co-ordinating
train operating, as these are both vitally necessary for the proper
working of the railways and upon their direct co-operation with their
fellow workers, eliminating the bureaucrats, will come a real workers
control of railways. It is therefore vitally necessary that such men
should be brought into any industrial movement along with the railway
men.
The various units will be joined in federations which will co-ordinate
their work throughout the country and make arrangements between the
sections to ensure that each industry is properly co-ordinated. The
industrial federations or syndicates will in turn be united in a
national federation of industry which will act as the means of
co-ordinating the activities of the various industries.
The old motives of profit and self-interest will cease to dominate
economic life. Instead the incentive will be the good of the members of
society, without distinction. In such circumstances there will be no
impediment to the exploitation of the resources of nature and science to
the full extent to which men desire it. Men will decide the standard of
life and will work to get it. It is hardly to be supposed that they will
be content with what they endure today, and the possibility of better
circumstances, together with man’s natural desire for work will ensure
that the workers left to themselves, will find the means to operate
industry a good deal more efficiently than has been the case under
capitalism… The methods of hierarchical management would cease. Instead,
the functions of administration would be vested in the workers
themselves and, wherever it was impossible for the workers all to take
part directly in administration, by delegates chosen directly from among
the workers who would administer the functioning of the various services
in accordance with the wishes of the workers. These delegates would have
no authority, nor would they make any decisions on questions of policy.
Their job would be merely to co-ordinate the work of the railwaymen,
which would be carried out entirely on a voluntary basis.
Such delegates would be in no way superior to their fellow workers in
power, privilege or position. Under anarchism the wages system, one of
the prime means by which the rulers coerce the workers, would be
abolished, and the workers, giving in labour what was necessary for the
carrying on of the function of society would in their turn receive the
goods which they found necessary for a happy life. No worker would get
more than his mate because tradition said that his craft was worth twice
as much a week, and there would be no railway directors to live in high
luxury while their lower paid employees starved on 60 shillings a week
or less. Men would get not according to their worth, for social worth
cannot be estimated, but according to their need, which is the only just
means of sharing the goods of society.