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Title: To Young Political Workers Author: Bhagat Singh Date: 2nd February, 1931 Language: en Topics: India, workers, letter Source: Retrieved on 2020-05-05 from https://libcom.org/library/young-political-workers-bhagat-singh Notes: Bhagat Singh’s address to young political workers, written one month before his execution. Notable is his warning that national liberation could result in simply the replacement of the raj by the new national bourgeoisie.
DEAR COMRADES
Our movement is passing through a very important phase at present. After
a year’s fierce struggle some definite proposals regarding the
constitutional reforms have been formulated by the Round Table
Conference and the Congress leaders have been invited to give this
[Original transcription is unclear — MIA Transcriber]…think it desirable
in the present circumstances to call off their movement. Whether they
decide in favour or against is a matter of little importance to us. The
present movement is bound to end in some sort of compromise. The
compromise may be effected sooner or later. And compromise is not such
ignoble and deplorable an thing as we generally think. It is rather an
indispensable factor in the political strategy. Any nation that rises
against the oppressors is bound to fail in the beginning, and to gain
partial reforms during the medieval period of its struggle through
compromises. And it is only at the last stage — having fully organized
all the forces and resources of the nation — that it can possibly strike
the final blow in which it might succeed to shatter the ruler’s
government. But even then it might fail, which makes some sort of
compromise inevitable. This can be best illustrated by the Russian
example.
In 1905 a revolutionary movement broke out in Russia. All the leaders
were very hopeful. Lenin had returned from the foreign countries where
he had taken refuge. He was conducting the struggle. People came to tell
him that a dozen landlords were killed and a score of their mansions
were burnt. Lenin responded by telling them to return and to kill twelve
hundred landlords and burn as many of their palaces. In his opinion that
would have meant something if revolution failed. Duma was introduced.
The same Lenin advocated the view of participating in the Duma. This is
what happened in 1907. In 1906 he was opposed to the participation in
this first Duma which had granted more scope of work than this second
one whose rights had been curtailed. This was due to the changed
circumstances. Reaction was gaining the upper hand and Lenin wanted to
use the floor of he Duma as a platform to discuss socialist ideas.
Again after the 1917 revolution, when the Bolsheviks were forced to sign
the Brest Litovsk Treaty, everyone except Lenin was opposed to it. But
Lenin said: “Peace”. “Peace and again peace: peace at any cos t— even at
the cost of many of the Russian provinces to be yielded to German War
Lord”. When some anti-Bolshevik people condemned Lenin for this treaty,
he declared frankly that the Bolsheviks were not in a position to face
to German onslaught and they preferred the treaty to the complete
annihilation of the Bolshevik Government.
The thing that I wanted to point out was that compromise is an essential
weapon which has to be wielded every now and then as the struggle
develops. But the thing that we must keep always before us is the idea
of the movement. We must always maintain a clear notion as to the aim
for the achievement of which we are fighting. That helps us to verify
the success and failures of our movements and we can easily formulate
the future programme. Tilak’s policy, quite apart from the ideal i.e.
his strategy, was the best. You are fighting to get sixteen annas from
your enemy, you get only one anna. Pocket it and fight for the rest.
What we note in the moderates is of their ideal. They start to achieve
on anna and they can’t get it. The revolutionaries must always keep in
mind that they are striving for a complete revolution. Complete mastery
of power in their hands. Compromises are dreaded because the
conservatives try to disband the revolutionary forces after the
compromise from such pitfalls. We must be very careful at such junctures
to avoid any sort of confusion of the real issues especially the goal.
The British Labour leaders betrayed their real struggle and have been
reduced to mere hypocrite imperialists. In my opinion the diehard
conservatives are better to us than these polished imperialist Labour
leaders. About the tactics and strategy one should study life-work of
Lenin. His definite views on the subject of compromise will be found in
“Left Wing” Communism.
I have said that the present movement, i.e. the present struggle, is
bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure.
I said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary
forces have not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle
dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both
these, and particularly the latter, can never dare to risk its property
or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in the
villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our
bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle them. The sleeping
lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after
the achievement of what our leaders aim at. After his first experience
with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi declared: “We must
not tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of
the factory proletariat” (The Times, May 1921). Since then, they never
dared to approach them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli
resolution of 1922 clearly denies the horror the leaders felt when they
saw the gigantic peasant class rising to shake off not only the
domination of an alien nation but also the yoke of the landlords.
It is there that our leaders prefer a surrender to the British than to
the peasantry. Leave alone Pt. Jawahar lal. Can you point out any effort
to organize the peasants or the labourers? No, they will not run the
risk. There they lack. That is why I say they never meant a complete
revolution. Through economic and administrative pressure they hoped to
get a few more reforms, a few more concessions for the Indian
capitalists. That is why I say that this movement is doomed to die, may
be after some sort of compromise or even without. They young workers who
in all sincerity raise the cry “Long Live Revolution”, are not well
organized and strong enough to carry the movement themselves. As a
matter of fact, even our great leaders, with the exception of perhaps
Pt. Motilal Nehru, do not dare to take any responsibility on their
shoulders, that is why every now and then they surrender unconditionally
before Gandhi. In spite of their differences, they never oppose him
seriously and the resolutions have to be carried for the Mahatma.
In these circumstances, let me warn the sincere young workers who
seriously mean a revolution, that harder times are coming. Let then
beware lest they should get confused or disheartened. After the
experience made through two struggles of the Great Gandhi, we are in a
better position to form a clear idea of our present position and the
future programme.
Now allow me to state the case in the simplest manner. You cry “Long
Live Revolution.” Let me assume that you really mean it. According to
our definition of the term, as stated in our statement in the Assembly
Bomb Case, revolution means the complete overthrow of the existing
social order and its replacement with the socialist order. For that
purpose our immediate aim is the achievement of power. As a matter of
fact, the state, the government machinery is just a weapon in the hands
of the ruling class to further and safeguard its interest. We want to
snatch and handle it to utilise it for the consummation of our ideal,
i.e., social reconstruction on new, i.e., Marxist, basis. For this
purpose we are fighting to handle the government machinery. All along we
have to educate the masses and to create a favourable atmosphere for our
social programme. In the struggles we can best train and educate them.
With these things clear before us, i.e., our immediate and ultimate
object having been clearly put, we can now proceed with the examination
of the present situation. We must always be very candid and quite
business-like while analysing any situation. We know that since a hue
and cry was raised about the Indians’ participation in and share in the
responsibility of the Indian government, the Minto-Morley Reforms were
introduced, which formed the Viceroy’s council with consultation rights
only. During the Great War, when the Indian help was needed the most,
promises about self-government were made and the existing reforms were
introduced. Limited legislative powers have been entrusted to the
Assembly but subject to the goodwill of the Viceroy. Now is the third
stage.
Now reforms are being discussed and are to be introduced in the near
future. How can our young men judge them? This is a question; I do not
know by what standard are the Congress leaders going to judge them. But
for us, the revolutionaries, we can have the following criteria:
and the extent of the right of participation given to the masses.
These might require a little further elucidation. In the first place, we
can easily judge the extent of responsibility given to our people by the
control our representatives will have on the executive. Up till now, the
executive was never made responsible to the Legislative Assembly and the
Viceroy had the veto power, which rendered all the efforts of the
elected members futile. Thanks to the efforts of the Swaraj Party, the
Viceroy was forced every now and then to use these extraordinary powers
to shamelessly trample the solemn decisions of the national
representatives under foot. It is already too well known to need further
discussion.
Now in the first place we must see the method of the executive
formation: Whether the executive is to be elected by the members of a
popular assembly or is to be imposed from above as before, and further,
whether it shall be responsible to the house or shall absolutely affront
it as in the past?
As regards the second item, we can judge it through the scope of
franchise. The property qualifications making a man eligible to vote
should be altogether abolished and universal suffrage be introduced
instead. Every adult, both male and female, should have the right to
vote. At present we can simply see how far the franchise has been
extended.
I may here make a mention about provincial autonomy. But from whatever I
have heard, I can only say that the Governor imposed from above,
equipped with extraordinary powers, higher and above the legislative,
shall prove to be no less than a despot. Let us better call it the
“provincial tyranny” instead of “autonomy.” This is a strange type of
democratisation of the state institutions.
The third item is quite clear. During the last two years the British
politicians have been trying to undo Montague’s promise for another dole
of reforms to be bestowed every ten years till the British Treasury
exhausts.
We can see what they have decided about the future.
Let me make it clear that we do not analyse these things to rejoice over
the achievement, but to form a clear idea about our situation, so that
we may enlighten the masses and prepare them for further struggle. For
us, compromise never means surrender, but a step forward and some rest.
That is all and nothing else.
---
HAVING DISCUSSED the present situation, let us proceed to discuss the
future programme and the line of action we ought to adopt. As I have
already stated, for any revolutionary party a definite programme is very
essential. For, you must know that revolution means action. It means a
change brought about deliberately by an organized and systematic work,
as opposed to sudden and unorganised or spontaneous change or breakdown.
And for the formulation of a programme, one must necessarily study:
Unless one has a clear notion about these three factors, one cannot
discuss anything about programme.
We have discussed the present situation to some extent. The goal also
has been slightly touched. We want a socialist revolution, the
indispensable preliminary to which is the political revolution. That is
what we want. The political revolution does not mean the transfer of
state (or more crudely, the power) from the hands of the British to the
Indian, but to those Indians who are at one with us as to the final
goal, or to be more precise, the power to be transferred to the
revolutionary party through popular support. After that, to proceed in
right earnest is to organize the reconstruction of the whole society on
the socialist basis. If you do not mean this revolution, then please
have mercy. Stop shouting “Long Live Revolution.” The term revolution is
too sacred, at least to us, to be so lightly used or misused. But if you
say you are for the national revolution and the aims of your struggle is
an Indian republic of the type of the United State of America, then I
ask you to please let known on what forces you rely that will help you
bring about that revolution. Whether national or the socialist, are the
peasantry and the labour. Congress leaders do not dare to organize those
forces. You have seen it in this movement. They know it better than
anybody else that without these forces they are absolutely helpless.
When they passed the resolution of complete independence — that really
meant a revolution — they did not mean it. They had to do it under
pressure of the younger element, and then they wanted to us it as a
threat to achieve their hearts’ desire — Dominion Status. You can easily
judge it by studying the resolutions of the last three sessions of the
Congress. I mean Madras, Calcutta and Lahore. At Calcutta, they passed a
resolution asking for Dominion Status within twelve months, otherwise
they would be forced to adopt complete independence as their object, and
in all solemnity waited for some such gift till midnight after the
31^(st) December, 1929. Then they found themselves “honour bound” to
adopt the Independence resolution, otherwise they did not mean it. But
even then Mahatmaji made no secret of the fact that the door (for
compromise) was open. That was the real spirit. At the very outset they
knew that their movement could not but end in some compromise. It is
this half-heartedness that we hate, not the compromise at a particular
stage in the struggle. Anyway, we were discussing the forces on which
you can depend for a revolution. But if you say that you will approach
the peasants and labourers to enlist their active support, let me tell
you that they are not going to be fooled by any sentimental talk. They
ask you quite candidly: what are they going to gain by your revolution
for which you demand their sacrifices, what difference does it make to
them whether Lord Reading is the head of the Indian government or Sir
Purshotamdas Thakordas? What difference for a peasant if Sir Tej Bahadur
Sapru replaces Lord Irwin! It is useless to appeal to his national
sentiment. You can’t “use” him for your purpose; you shall have to mean
seriously and to make him understand that the revolution is going to be
his and for his good. The revolution of the proletariat and for the
proletariat.
When you have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can
proceed in right earnest to organize your forces for such an action. Now
there are two different phases through which you shall have to pass.
First, the preparation; second, the action.
After the present movement ends, you will find disgust and some
disappointment amongst the sincere revolutionary workers. But you need
not worry. Leave sentimentalism aside. Be prepared to face the facts.
Revolution is a very difficult task. It is beyond the power of any man
to make a revolution. Neither can it be brought about on any appointed
date. It is brought can it be brought about on an appointed date. It is
brought about by special environments, social and economic. The function
of an organized party is to utilise an such opportunity offered by these
circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organize the forces for the
revolution is a very difficult task. And that required a very great
sacrifice on the part of the revolutionary workers. Let me make it clear
that if you are a businessman or an established worldly or family man,
please don’t play with fire. As a leader you are of no use to the party.
We have already very many such leaders who spare some evening hours for
delivering speeches. They are useless. We require — to use the term so
dear to Lenin — the “professional revolutionaries”. The whole-time
workers who have no other ambitions or life-work except the revolution.
The greater the number of such workers organized into a party, the great
the chances of your success.
To proceed systematically, what you need the most is a party with
workers of the type discussed above with clear-cut ideas and keen
perception and ability of initiative and quick decisions. The party
shall have iron discipline and it need not necessarily be an underground
party, rather the contrary. Thought the policy of voluntarily going to
jail should altogether be abandoned. That will create a number of
workers who shall be forced to lead an underground life. They should
carry on the work with the same zeal. And it is this group of workers
that shall produce worthy leaders for the real opportunity.
The party requires workers which can be recruited only through the youth
movement. Hence we find the youth movement as the starting point of our
programme. The youth movement should organize study circles, class
lectures and publication of leaflets, pamphlets, books and periodicals.
This is the best recruiting and training ground for political workers.
Those young men who may have matured their ideas and may find themselves
ready to devote their life to the cause, may be transferred to the
party. The party workers shall always guide and control the work of the
youth movement as well. The party should start with the work of mass
propaganda. It is very essential. One of the fundamental causes of the
failure of the efforts of the Ghadar Party (1914–15) was the ignorance,
apathy and sometimes active opposition of the masses. And apart from
that, it is essential for gaining the active sympathy of and of and
organising the peasants and workers. The name of party or rather,* a
communist party. This party of political workers, bound by strict
discipline, should handle all other movements. It shall have to organize
the peasants’ and workers’ parties, labour unions, and kindred political
bodes. And in order to create political consciousness, not only of
national politics but class politics as well, the party should organize
a big publishing campaign. Subjects on all proletens [Original
transcription is unclear — MIA Transcriber] enlightening the masses of
the socialist theory shall be wit in easy reach and distributed widely.
The writings should be simple and clear.
There are certain people in the labour movement who enlist some absurd
ideas about the economic liberty of the peasants and workers without
political freedom. They are demagogues or muddle-headed people. Such
ideas are unimaginable and preposterous. We mean the economic liberty of
the masses, and for that very purpose we are striving to win the
political power. No doubt in the beginning, we shall have to fight for
little economic demands and privileges of these classes. But these
struggles are the best means for educating them for a final struggles
are the best means for educating them for a final struggle to conquer
political power.
Apart from these, there shall necessarily be organized a military
department. This is very important. At times its need is felt very
badly. But at that time you cannot start and formulate such a group with
substantial means to act effectively. Perhaps this is the topic that
needs a careful explanation. There is very great probability of my being
misunderstood on this subject. Apparently I have acted like a terrorist.
But I am not a terrorist. I am a revolutionary who has got such definite
ideas of a lengthy programme as is being discussed here. My “comrades in
arms” might accuse me, like Ram Prasad Bismil, for having been subjected
to certain sort of reaction in the condemned cell, which is not true. I
have got the same ideas, same convictions, same convictions, same zeal
and same spirit as I used to have outside, perhaps — nay, decidedly —
better. Hence I warn my readers to be careful while reading my words.
They should not try to read anything between the lines. Let me announced
with all the strength at my command, that I am not a terrorist and I
never was, expected perhaps in the beginning of my revolutionary career.
And I am convinced that we cannot gain anything through those methods.
One can easily judge it from the history of the Hindustan Socialist
Republican Association. All our activities were directed towards an aim,
i.e., identifying ourselves with the great movement as its military
wing. If anybody has misunderstood me, let him amend his ideas. I do not
mean that bombs and pistols are useless, rather the contrary. But I mean
to say that mere bomb-throwing is not only useless but sometimes
harmful. The military department of the party should always keep ready
all the war-material it can command for any emergency. It should back
the political work of the party. It cannot and should not work
independently.
On these lines indicated above, the party should proceed with its work.
Through periodical meetings and conferences they should go on educating
and enlightening their workers on all topics. If you start the work on
these lines, you shall have to be very sober. The programme requires at
least twenty years for its fulfillment. Cast aside the youthful dreams
of a revolution within ten years of Gandhi’s utopian promises of Swaraj
in One Year. It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life
of constant struggle, suffering and sacrifice. Crush your individuality
first. Shake off the dreams of personal comfort. Then start to work.
Inch by inch you shall have to proceed. It needs courage, perseverance
and very strong determination. No difficulties and no hardships shall
discourage you. No failure and betrayals shall dishearten you. No
travails (!) imposed upon you shall snuff out the revolutionary will in
you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and sacrifice you shall come out
victorious. And these individual victories shall be the valuable assets
of the revolution.
LONG LIVE REVOLUTION