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Title: Language Militia Manifesto Author: Solidarity Federation Date: Summer 1999 Language: en Topics: language, Direct Action Magazine Source: Retrieved on April 7, 2005 from https://web.archive.org/web/20050407003451/http://www.directa.force9.co.uk/archive/da11-features.htm Notes: Published in Direct Action #11 â Summer 1999.
Language is such a major part of everyday life, it gets taken for
granted. But from the day weâre born, our identity is defined by
language. The genders, races and classes we belong to are also thus
defined. Our status and level of living is fundamentally influenced by
the language of power.
But language can also be turned into an important weapon in the fight
against discrimination. This article details two primary concerns; how
language is used to maintain power over us, and how we can use it to
challenge and overcome existing power structures.
Language is vital in developing, maintaining and reproducing all sorts
of power relations. It perpetuates a vast range of myths and stereotypes
based on class, gender, racial, sexual and other feelings of
superiority. From âsimpleâ name-calling and insults to the subtler-end
chauvinistic journalism, verbal attack, in one form or another, is ever
present. After a time, this negative language becomes ingrained, and so
the power structures which language reflects determine our social and
language practices. In turn, these practices contribute to maintaining
the power structures. This cyclical process has helped establish and
reinforce a hierarchy of language styles, used in different social and
institutional situations, which are parallel to the hierarchy of social
and class relations.
The form of language we use with our mates, our families, or in the
school playground differs from that we use with the boss, the police, in
an interview or in the classroom. The âtelephone voiceâ phenomenon
indicates how we change our language to fit with the expectations and
norms of society. In institutional situations, like the police station,
the managerâs office, the classroom, or all sorts of interview
situations, the context is one in which rigid, pre-determined language
roles exist. Power, in these situations, is reflected by the respective
roles of the participants, and is either maintained or challenged
through the ability or willingness of one or other of the participants
to play their expected role. Where the authority figure can assume and
retain control, power relations are reinforced, and regular repetition
of these events throughout society reproduces these power relations.
Before going on to look at the part played by the education system in
this process, letâs deal with a few myths about language.
The form of the English language that is associated with power in
Britain today, is variously known as BBC English, received
pronunciation, southern British standard, or even simply âproperâ
English. It is no accident that this dialect descends from the merchant
class of London at the end of the medieval period. As this class evolved
into the new capitalist class, so their linguistic influence spread.
Capitalism required improved communication, and therefore a working
class that at least understood the dominant dialect, both written and
spoken, even if they didnât use it in their own speech. Establishing the
dominance of this dialect was part and parcel of the capitalist class
establishing its dominance over the working class.
It could be said that a language is just a dialect with an army and a
navy. Two points arise. First, it ties prestige forms of language to
capitalismâs favourite form of political organisation â the nation
state. Second, it reflects the reality that âstandardâ English is no
less a dialect than any other form of English. The difference is that it
is a class dialect, not a regional one. It is held up as something to
aspire to, not denigrated like regional dialects. It is a class dialect
because the capitalist class uses it most, and because it is working
class people who are said not to speak âproperâ English.
Not content merely with dominance, there are even those who wish to go
further and develop standard English into a uniform national language
that everyone must use. The latest example to hit the headlines was
Beryl Bainbridgeâs bigoted demand for working class accents to be weeded
out at school. To hold such views is a demonstration of crass class
arrogance. It certainly shows no understanding of how we learn language
or what language should be about.
In fact, the majority of language learning is done before we reach
school. Most of us therefore, donât learn âproperâ English, but the
dialect of our families and communities. At school, we learn to read and
write the standard dialect, but we largely ignore the attempts to make
us talk proper(ly). Although people can, and do, change their accents or
dialects, it has rarely anything to do with school. Even so, childhood
dialects remain, as witnessed by their ability to show up, or get
stronger, due to stress, emotion or inebriation. To try to wipe out
regional dialect, therefore, can only be doomed to failure, for children
by and large continue to use the same speech habits as their family and
friends, not those that school attempts to force-feed them.
The elitist, prescriptivist ideology is that standard English is the one
and only truly correct form, that all other forms are lazy, inelegant
and lacking logic. But the truth is that no dialect is any more correct,
elegant or logical than any other. It takes the same level of mental
sophistication to develop the knowledge to speak âproperâ as it does to
speak Scouse, Cockney, Geordie, Brummie or anything else.
Prescriptivists like the bigot Bainbridge fear that English is being
infected, debased and mongrelised by regional dialects and âsloppy
usageâ. But no language remains static. Standard English, like other
English dialects, and like other languages, changes all the time. Such
changes are irresistible, and beyond the control of the self-appointed
grammar police.
As already mentioned, capitalism needed improved communication, which
led to the spread of literacy through the state education system and
among the working class, who had hitherto been denied access to
education. Of course, the teaching of skills like reading and writing,
even if based on a standard, capitalist dialect, is no bad thing in and
of itself. However, in going about the teaching process, the education
system establishes the social patterns, including patterns of language
use, that we go on to use in our dealings with wider society. School
establishes a distinctive structure with a set of situations (class,
assembly, playtime, staff meeting, etc), a set of roles (head, teacher,
pupil, prefect, boy/girl, bully) and a set of purposes (learning,
teaching, examining, maintaining [social] control), all of which demand
their own distinctive language pattern â controlled roles, controlling
roles, when to take turns, respecting the authority of the head, the
teacher, and so on.
Having downplayed the education systemâs ability to affect our dialects,
a more accurate assessment would be that, instead of our childhood
dialects being affected, we are given access to another (standard)
dialect for use in dealings with institutions, etc., which demands a
language style higher up the hierarchy. Thus, to some degree we do
absorb the standard dialect, for use in specific situations. How
successfully we can do this is reflected in how successful we are in
educational and career terms or, put another way, how successful we are
in reproducing societyâs values and power structures. Of course, people
from capitalist, âmiddle classâ or professional backgrounds, that is
backgrounds where they learn the standard dialect from birth, have a
head start in this process.
Another institution which reinforces both language patterns and
capitalist power structures is the media industry, including its
offensive off-shoot, the advertising industry. The media are skilled at
disguising power relations to direct attention away from the powerful
people and the profit-motivated causes that lie behind discrimination,
pollution, and a long list of other social evils.
A sort of simulated egalitarianism, which depends heavily on hiding
surface markers of authority and power, is projected through advertising
and the media, as well as education, government and state bureaucracies.
The language used presents capitalist practices as universal and âcommon
senseâ. The power to do this is a significant complement to economic and
political power.
For instance, industrial disputes are reported through the use of
distorting language such as âtroubleâ, âdisruptionâ or the disease
metaphor. All of the time, it is existing power structures which are
reinforced. The whole point is to achieve consent in the maintenance of
power, which is certainly a lot less risky than ruling through coercion.
An aspect of language which is just as important as its role in
maintaining power, is the role it can play in challenging and breaking
down power structures. Indeed, over the last four decades, various
social and political movements have adopted various strategies to
âexpropriateâ language in this way. Capitalist society lays great store
in being âfreeâ and âdemocraticâ. However, when those at the sharp end
of social power structures claim such ideas in the fight against
discrimination, and re-work their meanings, this is a challenge to
existing power structures.
Another way of fighting back through language is to reclaim âinsultingâ
words. This has been done to a certain extent elsewhere, but has been
most successful within the gay movement. The word âgayâ itself is one
which was reclaimed back in the 1970s, while âqueerâ has recently
undergone the same process. Again, language is being expropriated and
given unexpected and empowering meaning.
In recent decades, there has also been a trend away from the overt
marking of power relations in language, resulting in the hiding or
blurring of language power relationships. Examples include in higher
education, the use of âJapanese management techniquesâ, and the
increased use of indirect requests in everyday conversation, rather than
direct orders. In languages like French, German, and Spanish it is also
seen, in the trend away from using informal and polite equivalents of
âyouâ to mark power relations, towards their use to express family,
friendship or solidarity relations. Then again, it is seen in the shift
away from âheâ and other male pronouns to refer to all sexes
collectively.
Such changes show a response to social struggle. The powerful have felt
the need to exercise power in less open and direct ways. Of course,
there is no question of them giving up any of that power. Power
inequalities in terms of wealth distribution, access to health and
education facilities, and so on, continue to widen, deepen and generally
become more stark. But they are disguised by the ever thicker wallpaper
of subtle language change. This is simply one face of the simulated
egalitarianism referred to earlier.
While such trends may show that the language of power relations can be
challenged and changed, they also demonstrate that capitalist society
can adopt and adapt to such language change without significant change
to the whole hierarchy of power. The ultimate challenge, then, is to
bring down the capitalist system, which is built on that hierarchy. And
language must be a part of this process.
The expropriation of the terminology of the dominant ideology is one way
in which we can immediately intensify our battle against it. For
example, we can set about expropriating that old capitalist favourite
âfree speechâ. Since this must be based upon the ability to participate
freely and equally within society, a society that expects the majority
of us to meekly fit into subservient roles and follow orders cannot be
one that encourages free speech.
To be in favour of free speech, therefore, is to reject both the social
and class hierarchy, and the hierarchy of language roles that goes with
it. Now, to take on managers, coppers and other authority figures, to
refuse to accept being controlled, is no easy task. But it is one that
is central to the whole idea of overthrowing the current society to
bring about a better one. It is a task that we must prepare for, through
self-education, backed by solidarity.