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Title: Fire in Cairo
Author: libcom.org
Date: May 28, 2011
Language: en
Topics: Libcom.org, Egypt, Arab Spring, interview
Source: Retrieved on 6th March 2021 from https://libcom.org/library/fighting-dictators-old-new-egyptian-anarchist-talks-about-january-25th-revolt

libcom.org

Fire in Cairo

1) What forms of workers’ organisation has Egypt seen since the events

of Jan 25^(th)?

Since January 25^(th) the Egyptian masses self-organised themselves into

numerous grass-roots organisations. Civil-society associations

mushroomed nationwide, including ‘popular-committees’, town-councils,

cooperatives, independent trade unions, workers’ parties and coalitions.

These grass-roots associations emerged spontaneously, out of necessity.

It was a sort of organic-anarchism that was practiced by millions of

Egyptians.

The defeat of Egypt’s police forces on January 28^(th) led to their

withdrawal and disappearance from the streets. Their disappearance was

also intended to create a ‘security vacuum’. To be precise, it was the

uniformed police forces which disappeared, and the plain-clothed armed

police which stepped in to terrorise neighborhoods.

Furthermore, in many cases police officers emptied prisons; criminal

elements were armed and given orders to loot, shoot, burn, and wreak

havoc. There were also a number of jail breaks orchestrated by family

members and friends of the prisoners.

In response to this ‘security vacuum’ neighborhood patrols emerged,

along with teams of civilians to direct street traffic. Others manned

roadblocks and barricades established by the ‘popular-committees’.

‘Popular committees’ sprung-up in neighborhoods across the country — to

protect homes, shops, agricultural lands, crops, livestock, automobiles

and other properties. The people in these committees armed themselves

with anything they could get their hands on: wooden sticks, iron rods,

kitchen rolling-pins, clubs, swords, guns, rifles, mace-spray, Molotovs,

etc.

In terms of industries and services, there were some incidents of

capital-flight and employers’ lockouts and as a result there were also

some brief experiments in factory occupations, and workers’

self-management.

Egyptians are still organizing themselves into trade union committees,

general unions and federations. These labor unions, professional

syndicates, unions for peasants and small farmers — are being

established independently of the Egyptian Trade Union Federation (ETUF.)

This yellow state-controlled federation had monopolized the union

movement since 1957.

An independent union movement existed from the turn of the 20^(th)

Century, but was crushed following the military coup of 1952. Greek

anarchists (based in Cairo and Alexandria) were instrumental in

establishing Egypt’s first trade union — the cigarette rollers’ union in

1899. Italian anarchists were also involved in Egypt’s union movement

until the 1950s. The independent trade union movement re-emerged in late

2006, but only really materialized in late 2008.

2) How much continuity has there been from the 2007–8 strikes? Have

those strikes and other workers struggles influenced the 2011 movement?

There is an almost seamless continuity in the labor strikes and their

demands, which began in December 2006. The demands for independent trade

unions and an adequate minimum wage emerged from the Mahalla Textile

Strike in December 2006. These are still the primary demands of millions

of workers across the country.

A national minimum wage of LE 1,200 (around $US 200) was one of the few

economic demands raised during the 18-day uprising, which began on

January 25. It remains a popular demand of the revolution until this

day. Workers have also been demanding a maximum wage (or salary-cap) for

administrators and managers.

On January 30, four independent unions and syndicates joined forces to

establish the ‘Egyptian Federation of Independent Trade Unions.’ EFITU

announced its active solidarity with the Egyptian revolution, and is

still challenging the undemocratic and unrepresentative authority of the

state-controlled ETUF.

Then on February 8^(th) a new strike wave emerged and dictator Hosni

Mubarak abdicated three days later. This strike wave dealt a fatal blow

to the Mubarak dictatorship as it involved public transport workers

across greater Cairo, along with other public sector workers; laborers

along the Suez Canal also began protesting and threatened to strike.

Soon after Mubarak’s abdication on February 11, the public transport

workers established their own independent unions. Tens of thousands of

workers followed suit, and unions mushroomed across the country. There

are some 30 independent unions now in existence, including: blue-collar

and white-collar unions, professional syndicates, along with farmers’

and peasants’ unions. Estimates suggest that the independent union

movement has an aggregate constituency of over 250,000 — from quarry

workers to hospital staffs, from seasonally employed agricultural

laborers to pensioners.

The state-controlled ETUF reportedly had a membership of over 4 million,

but countless numbers of workers are quitting this yellow federation.

The corrupt and undemocratic ETUF is soon expected to wither away.

Other than unions, workers are now organizing themselves into workers’

parties and coalitions. The Democratic Workers’ Party (with a membership

of more than 1,000) has informally been established. However, the

Egyptian (interim) constitution and political parties law prevent the

establishment of class-based parties. Workers in this party intend to

push ahead nonetheless.

3) At the start of the movement, it seemed that people both in Egypt and

abroad saw the police as enemies of the movement, and the army as on the

side of the people. What is the general feeling towards the army now?

Yes, the general Egyptian populace hated the interior ministry, the

police forces, and especially the State Security Investigations

Apparatus — due to their oppressive practices, espionage, corruption,

brutality, systematic torture, and extra-judicial killings. January

25^(th) used to be Egyptian Police Day. Thousands poured out onto the

streets across the country to protest against Mubarak and his

police-state on this day. Three days later, Mubarak’s police forces were

decisively defeated.

On January 28^(th), when the armed forces were first deployed across

Egypt’s streets, there was a sense that the army is more respectable and

honorable than the police. Which is not saying much. Yet the army was in

fact patrolling streets and protecting neighborhoods. They (initially)

chose not to fire upon protesters. They were policing, while the police

had only been assaulting, shooting and terrorizing.

People in Tahrir Square, and across Egypt were chanting “the army and

the people are one.” This relationship quickly spoiled when the Supreme

Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) reared up its ugly head. Since

February 11, this military junta has assumed (interim) dictatorial

powers. The SCAF currently acts as the executive, legislative, and

judicial branches of the state.

The state is now in the hands of Mubarak’s generals; the ruling military

junta is presided over by Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi — Mubarak’s

loyal lapdog, and minister of defense for 20 years.

Since February 11, when SCAF assumed its dictatorial powers, over 7,000

civilians (including hundreds of political activists) have stood trials

before military tribunals. Thousands are serving prison sentences which

were hastily handed down, and do not have the right to appeal.

This is happening while only a handful of Mubarak’s corrupt and criminal

billionaire ministers stand trial before civilian courts. Hosni Mubarak

is allowed to play dead at a five-star hospital suite in Sharm

el-Sheikh, while Suzanne Mubarak has been released on bail. Their

billionaire children are locked up pending trial. Yet this deposed

family has access to the best lawyers, they have the right to

due-process, and can appeal and re-appeal their cases before the courts.

Furthermore, the SCAF has moved to crackdown against popular dissent —

both on the streets and in factories. The armed forces have repeatedly

assaulted, and even killed activists occupying Tahrir Square. The armed

forces even have a makeshift torture center by the Egyptian Museum were

Tahrir’s activists have been brutality assaulted, and female activists

have been forced to undergo virginity tests.

As for workers and labor strikes, SCAF ordered a violent attack on

striking textile workers in Shebin el-Kom (in the Nile Delta). Several

were injured and detained in Shebin el-Kom, as was the case with

striking employees of petroleum companies, and a leading unionist in the

public transport union movement is on trial for ‘instigating strike

action.’ On May 10, in the City of Mahalla, the army forced striking

physicians to break their strike — by threatening them with arrest and

trials before a military court.

Furthermore, in April SCAF secretly passed a law criminalizing labor

strikes — with penalties of imprisonment and/or fines of up to LE

500,000 (more than $US 83,000)! The fines stipulated are absurd because

they are far beyond the means of any Egyptian worker or employee. The

SCAF has, over and over again, proven that it is a fascist-leaning group

of Mubarak’s military men.

4) What role have women played in the protests? Women played a very

important role during the 2007 strike wave (Mansoura-España occupation,

Mahalla textile strikes etc), has the same been true in 2011? Has a

specific working class women’s politics emerged?

Women have been on the front-lines of the protests and marches from the

very beginning of this revolution and in protests leading up to it. This

has been the case ever since the Revolution of 1919.

Throughout the course of this revolution, women have proven to be

capable and militant speakers at Tahrir, nurses and doctors in the field

hospitals around the Square; they served as cooks and street-cleaners.

Women occupied the square, distributed leaflets, protested, slept-in,

and even fought off police and thugs in the same capacity as men.

On the neighborhood level, women served in the ‘popular committees’.

They prepared food and beverages for the street patrols, and on many

occasions they prepared Molotov cocktails. Some women and girls could

even be seen manning street patrols and roadblocks.

In terms of industry and services, women have proven to been militant

strike-leaders and protesters. The example of Mansoura España is just

one of many where women have been at the forefront of the

class-struggle. Women are increasingly involved in the independent union

movement, and many are now leading figures within this movement.

A liberal female activist, Bothaina Kamel, is nominating herself for

Egypt’s presidential elections. This is an unprecedented development,

although she is unlikely to succeed this time around. I respect her

effort and determination, yet I believe that women must liberate

themselves on the grassroots level — and cannot be liberated from above.

This revolution has empowered countless thousands of women, and —

through their actions and bravery — women have served to shatter many

sexist stereotypes. In any case, however, Egyptian women are still a

very long way from equality with men, and there are many — social,

economic, political, educational, familial and religious — shackles left

to be destroyed.

5) What is the current make up of the left in Egypt? Are there any

anarchist groups? Marxists/Trotskyists/Maoists? What is their influence

within the movement and Egyptian society? What are the relationships

between these groups like?

The left in Egypt very broadly includes (the center left): ‘Tagammu’

National Progressive Unionist Party, Nasserists and the their Party, and

the ‘Karama’ (Dignity) Party, along with an assortment of social

democratic groupings. The radical left includes the Egyptian Communist

Party, two Trotskyist groupings — the Revolutionary Socialists, and the

Socialist Renewal Current — amongst others. I hear that there are some

Maoists still in existence.

Despite my disliking of state-socialism, party politics and vanguardism

— and despite my distaste for the authoritarian ideologies of Lenin and

Trotsky — I believe that the Trotskyists are our comrades in the class

struggle. They have done some excellent work in terms of encouraging

workers to unionize and strike for their rights.

A radical leftist front, comprising five Marxist groupings, was

established on May 10. I don’t know to what extent we anarchists should

coordinate with this front but in any case I express my solidarity with

them, and hope that this front will serve to radicalise the revolution,

to confront capitalist exploitation, sectarianism, and religious

reaction.

In terms of anarchist groups there is one — very loose — grouping in

existence; and perhaps another such grouping in Cairo or Alexandria. We

are still getting in contact with other self-proclaimed anarchists,

including closet-anarchists and anarcho-curious people.

In our individual capacities, we Egyptian anarchists have been involved

in the ‘Kefaya’ Movement since December 2004.‘Kefaya’ (meaning “Enough”)

is an opposition umbrella movement which helped to prepare Egypt, and a

generation of activists, for the January 25^(th) Revolution.

Anarchism is not (yet) a movement or political current in Egypt,

however, the number of self-proclaimed anarchists has grown

exponentially, and continues to grow with the ongoing revolution.

In our limited capacity, we Egyptian anarchists have been involved in

supporting workers struggles, promoting workers’ self-management,

graffiti/street art, marches, protests, and the occupation of Tahrir

Square. An Egyptian-ized red & black anarchist banner was unfurled for

the first time at the Labor Day rally in Tahrir Square, on May 1, 2011.

6) In many of the struggles across North Africa and the Middle East,

national flags have been flown and the movements have been seen by many

as a struggle to free ‘the nation’ from tyranny. To what extent do you

see the nationalism displayed at these protests as problematic? Has

national unity been seen as a reason for the working class to keep quiet

about their needs and interests?

Yes, the nationalism and flag waving are overdone. It’s understandable

that people are happy to reclaim their countries, to feel nationally

empowered, and that they actually belong to the countries for which they

struggle. Yet nationalism is used to mask the class struggle, to give

the populace the impression that we are all struggling for the same

Egypt.

Some nationalist sentiments even border on fascism, such as the slogan

“Egypt is above all!”, reminiscent of the Nazi’s “Deutschland über

alles!”. The SCAF and interim cabinet have played on such nationalist

sentiments in order to portray labor strikes, the class struggle, and

street protests as running against ‘Egypt’s national interests.’ In

terms of their propaganda, the interim rulers have gone so far as to

refer to labor strikes as being part of the counter-revolution!

7) Where next for the movement? What opportunities or dangers do you see

the movement facing in the future?

The first recorded labor strike in history took place in Egypt over

3,000 years ago. It’s only natural, in the course of this ongoing

revolution, that Egyptian workers will continue to strike, struggle and

organize for their rights, freedoms and for social justice. Egypt’s

revolution will be a failed revolution if it only brings regime change,

without bringing social justice.

Social justice, equality and freedoms will not be handed-out by this

government or the next, these rights must be seized by the people. The

people’s revolution in Tunisia sparked the revolution in Egypt, which

sparked popular uprisings in Yemen, Bahrain, Algeria, Libya, and Syria,

amongst a host of other Arab countries.

The revolutionary tide which began with the year 2011 has spread like

wildfire throughout the Arab World, because the Arab peoples have been

oppressed by their tyrannical states — under very similar dictatorships

— since they gained independence from colonial powers. This

revolutionary tidal wave has reverberated as far as China and Swaziland.

The effects of this revolutionary wave have also been felt at the

capitol building in Wisconsin. This class struggle has since spilled

over into Ohio and Indiana, amongst other American states. Wisconsin’s

protesting workers praised Egypt’s revolution; and Egyptian unionists

delivered speeches in Tahrir Square in solidarity with America’s workers

and their struggle for their right to collective bargaining.

The revolutionary tide, or “Arab Spring,” has influenced protests and

occupations in both Spain and Greece. People are now speaking of a

“European Spring.” I can’t predict where this is going, but I hope that

the “Arab Spring” does blossom into a “European Spring.” Hopefully this

popular wave of discontent will bring about other revolutionary springs

in North and South America; in Africa, Asia, and Australia.

Whatever names are pinned on this revolutionary tide, I hope that the

people of the Arab World — and the World at large — empower themselves.

I hope that people will reclaim their rights and freedoms from states,

generals, businessmen and capitalists; from clergymen and

institutionalised religions.