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Title: Black Comeback
Author: L.A. Kauffman
Date: October 2000
Language: en
Topics: black liberation, interview, Free Radical
Source: https://web.archive.org/web/20021017034302/http://www.free-radical.org/issue11.shtml
Notes: Issue #11 of FREE RADICAL: chronicle of the new unrest

L.A. Kauffman

Black Comeback

What if there was a revolution and nobody noticed?

OK, "revolution" is too grand a term, but the event in question is

undeniably historic: the creation, in the United States, of a

direct-action-based alliance across racial lines, between the

predominantly white movement against corporate globalization and the

predominantly people of color movement against criminal injustice.

You won't read about it in the mainstream media, but then, they didn't

see Seattle coming either. More troubling is how little discussion there

seems to be in radical and progressive circles about this nascent

alliance: its necessity, potential, and pitfalls.

Kai Lumumba Barrow has been a major figure behind the recent resurgence

of direct action within movements of color. She works fulltime as an

organizer for SLAM!, the Student Liberation Action Movement, based in

the City University of New York, especially Manhattan's Hunter College.

Since the mid-Nineties, SLAM! has been a pioneering activist force on

the East Coast, mobilizing working-class students of color in a series

of savvy and daring campaigns for educational access, economic justice,

and other issues.

This past summer, SLAM! brought the largely white New York City Direct

Action Network (NYC-DAN) and other groups together to plan a joint

action against the Republican Party Convention in Philadelphia, focused

on questions of criminal injustice. The process was a bumpy one -- in

particular, there was resistance within NYC-DAN to what some felt was a

turn away from the group's focus on corporate globalization, resistance

that many activists of color viewed as racist -- but the coalition held,

and holds to this day.

In this frank and wide-ranging interview, Kai Lumumba Barrow places this

development within a broad historical context, focusing particularly on

the troubled state of the black liberation movement over the last 25

years and its current revitalization. She sheds light both on why

African-American radicals moved away from direct-action protest

beginning in the mid 1960s, and why she and other activists of color are

experimenting with it anew today.

Kai Lumumba Barrow: I was raised by a black nationalist family, so I

came to activist struggles early. It's difficult for me to say when I

was politicized, because it seems like it's always been there. But I

guess probably '68, the Democratic Convention, stands out for me.

I was born and raised in Chicago. My parents were involved in various

organizations and we lived in a co-op building where a lot of Panthers

and Yippies and so forth came and stayed during the Convention. I was

about 10, and I remember feeling close to some of the folks who were

staying in our house before the Convention began. You know, you're a

kid, and you're the homeowner's kid, so you get a special kind of

attention. People were nice to me, and I felt they were my friends.

So when Daley turned his pigs on the people, and the people came back to

the house, bleeding and beat up, I felt personally hurt. I felt like,

they did this to my friends.

After that I read Malcolm X, and I wanted a revolution. That's it, I

thought, we're going to do this. In high school, I was a knucklehead:

conscious, but not active. But I went to college thinking, this is where

the revolution is going to happen. I went to a historically black

university in Atlanta, and I was really taken aback: It was the Carter

years, and Reagan was beginning to show his ugly head, and there was no

movement.

COINTELPRO had done a serious job on the Panther Party and then also the

Black Liberation Army. There was underground stuff happening but it was

way, way submerged. There wasn't any real movement specifically in black

communities any more. And I was on this campus with the bourgeoisie, the

black bourgeoisie, and I was really freaked out. Like, what is going on?

(laughter)

But then I got active around anti-apartheid work, building student

organizations on campus, and doing a lot of work at that time around

Assata Shakur and Joanne Little and other political prisoners.

I also became a member of the Republic of New Africa, whose full name

was the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa. It focused

on establishing a nation for black people in five states in the South.

Doing a lot of institution-building, in that sense. We started a school,

a Saturday school, did a lot of political prisoner work, and a lot of

political education work. Training and that sort of thing.

I stayed with that in different capacities for several years. I went

back to Chicago and started doing a lot of police brutality work there,

still doing prisoner support work, and ended up here in New York in the

early 90s, still staying with the same issues, around police brutality

and prison work.

LAK: In the U.S., the tactics and techniques of direct action were

really pioneered by the black freedom movement of the Fifties and

Sixties, but by the early Seventies, those tactics are rarely seen in

movements of color, especially in black movements. How did that come to

be?

KLB: There was a major shift in the political expression of the black

liberation movement in the mid-Sixties. I have recollections of looking

at the civil rights movement, Dr. King, and the dogs and that sort of

thing, and I have recollections of my family saying, Why are they

allowing themselves to be beaten and attacked by these pigs, by these

racist pigs? Why are they not fighting back?

So there were two predominant tendencies regarding which way forward for

our people. It's reductionist to say it, but it was primarily Malcolm X

versus Dr. King, and you choose your camp. And I tended to be in the

Malcolm X camp - still do, frankly.

The Black Panther Party, as the heirs of Malcolm X, said we're not going

to just stand by idly, we're going to utilize self-defense in order to

get our movement forward. And at that time the Party did engage in a lot

of direct action, from taking over the state capitol in California -

that was a direct action - to various activities that were going on in

communities around the country.

Now, though, the black liberation movement is at a really crucial stage

in its development. We've seen a lot of our leadership and a lot of our

comrades killed and imprisoned and driven crazy, exiled, because we

stood up against oppression. And at this point there seems to be a

reassessing of which way we should we go. We've engaged in a critique

around the standard leadership model, the hierarchical leadership model;

we've done a critique around the party model; we've done a critique

around every possible model that we know exists, and at this point we're

in the process of re-building.

So as a people, within different movements, we've been stunned to some

degree for a really long time. Since the early to mid Seventies. I think

the experiment with armed struggle models, underground models, hit us

really hard. The Party as a large movement kind of stopped at that

point. There have been smatterings of different things that have

occurred since then, but I don't think we've really been able to capture

the imagination of our communities in any broad way since that period.

So we've been kind of in this stalemate, and I think what's happening is

that we're starting to look back to, well, the Fifties. (laughter) This

dawned on me maybe about a year or so ago, and I was really pissed. I

was like, damn it, we're going backwards. (laughter)

So we're starting to reassess the utilization of direct action and civil

disobedience, but we're coming at it, I think, more militantly than in

the Fifties. We've seen it as a way to engage more of our community.

Primarily what we've been doing since the Seventies is rallies and

permitted protests and those sort of things, that have been more or less

non-confrontational. I think we're starting to say, wait a minute. We've

been using a multitude of non-confrontational tactics, and I think at

this point some of us are starting to escalate some of the tactics that

we're utilizing, understanding that we're also the most victimized by

the state for participating in those tactics.

We took the position in the past that nonviolent civil disobedience

placed us in a very passive position, so we started engaging in armed

struggle or at least self-defense. We didn't have enough experience with

that perhaps, or we didn't have enough support for that, and we were

beat. We were beat pretty badly.

We're trying to come back from that, get it together and figure out how

we're going to move forward. Taking the best of both self-defense and

militancy while still being accountable to our communities.

LAK: What were your feelings about Seattle when it happened?

KLB: Why the hell am I in New York at a SLAM! meeting? I had planned to

go - I was so mad!

For all the obvious reasons, I thought it was great. I was really

disappointed by the coverage - I don't know if there were more people of

color in Seattle than the none I saw in the media.

The morning after, my partner and I were on the train, reading the

paper. And we were smiling and high fiving each other. I lived at the

time in Bed Stuy, so the train was filled with black folks - and

everybody was smiling.(laughter) I had some good conversations with a

couple of folks on the train, about how this is necessary, and it's

about time, and this reminds me of the old days. People were

overwhelmingly supportive. Nobody said, "Oh, they shouldn't have thrown

the rock at the Starbucks." (laughter)

But, in terms of their weaknesses, Seattle, D.C. - even Philly and

L.A. - these mass convergences require a week's worth of time in order

to participate, dollars in order to travel, support. If a whole group of

people go somewhere for a week, there's a whole lot of work that's not

getting done, and who's going to do it? Whether that's taking care of

the children, or working 9 to 5. It's very difficult for people of

color, even young people of color, young working-class people of color,

to participate in mass convergences.

I thought Seattle was a great experiment, and it was great that labor

came out. But there was clearly a class distinction between the people

who organized and participated in Seattle versus where I come from.

Access to cell phones? Please, we're just getting walkie-talkies. The

utilization of technology, organizing on the Internet: What's that

phrase, the digital divide? It's there. Make no mistake about it, it's

there.

So the organizing and the building for that action clearly indicated

that an intelligentsia, a bourgeois class, had organized it. They had

the equipment, they had the contacts. That's not necessarily a bad

thing, but it's really important to acknowledge that.

So to some degree, I thought it was great to see it, and I felt really

heartened that people were in the streets. I also felt disconnected, and

I felt envious - player hate. (laughter) I felt like, you know, why

don't we have the resources to do this kind of work?

If we look at the Vietnam War protests, we see how those protests -

because of a capacity to utilize the system, and money, and resources -

tended to overtake and co-opt the black liberation movement, the

American Indian Movement, the Chicano movement and the Puerto Rican

movement. I'm worried that this network of people doing direct action

around corporate globalism is going to do the same thing to emerging

movements around criminal injustice. These are issues where people of

color are saying no, this is genocide, and we're building a movement. I

worry about globalization issues knocking that out of the box.

That's why I think the predominantly white anti-globalization movement

has got to engage in a domestic anaylsis of corporate globalization and

what effect it has on disenfranchised communities of color. The movement

against corporate globalization has to engage in an ongoing analysis

about race and imperialism, and how they play out in the United States,

or else it will completely undermine our work and continue to propel a

racist and classist system.

That's why I wanted to really look at how we could unite with the Direct

Action Network, or build a parallel alliance or network of people of

color that were focused on issues that affect people of color, and unite

the two major issues - corporate globalization and criminal injustice -

as a place that we can spring from.