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Title: Francisco Ferrer Author: Voltairine de Cleyre Language: en Topics: biography Source: Retrieved on March 24th, 2009 from http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/cleyre/ferrer.html
In all unsuccessful social upheavals there are two terrors: the Red —
that is, the people, the mob; the White — that is, the reprisal.
When a year ago to-day the lightning of the White Terror shot out of
that netherest blackness of Social Depth, the Spanish Torture House, and
laid in the ditch of Montjuich a human being who but a moment before had
been the personification of manhood, in the flower of life, in the
strength and pride of a balanced intellect, full of the purpose of a
great and growing undertaking, — that of the Modern Schools, — humanity
at large received a blow in the face which it could not understand.
Stunned, bewildered, shocked, it recoiled and stood gaping with
astonishment. How to explain it? The average individual — certainly the
average individual in America — could not believe it possible that any
group of persons calling themselves a government, let it be of the worst
and most despotic, could slay a man for being a teacher, a teacher of
modern sciences, a builder of hygienic schools, a publisher of
text-books. No: they could not believe it. Their minds staggered back
and shook refusal. It was not so; it could not be so. The man was shot,
— that was sure. He was dead, and there was no raising him out of the
ditch to question him. The Spanish government had certainly proceeded in
an unjustifiable manner in court-martialing him and sentencing him
without giving him a chance at defense. But surely he had been guilty of
something; surely he must have rioted, or instigated riot, or done some
desperate act of rebellion; for never could it be that in the twentieth
century a country of Europe could kill a peaceful man whose aim in life
was to educate children in geography, arithmetic, geology, physics,
chemistry, singing, and languages.
No: it was not possible! — And, for all that, it was possible; it was
done, on the 13^(th) of October, one year ago to-day, in the face of
Europe, standing with tied hands to look on at the murder.
And from that day on, controversy between the awakened who understood,
the reactionists who likewise understood, and their followers on both
sides who have half understood, has surged up and down and left
confusion pretty badly confounded in the mind of him who did not
understand, but sought to.
The men who did him to death, and the institutions they represent have
done all in their power to create the impression that Ferrer was a
believer in violence, a teacher of the principles of violence, a doer of
acts of violence, and an instigator of widespread violence perpetrated
by a mass of people. In support of the first they have published reports
purporting to be his own writings, have pretended to reproduce seditious
pictures from the walls of his class-rooms, have declared that he was
seen mingling with the rebels during the Catalonian uprising of last
year, and that upon trial he was found guilty of having conceived and
launched the Spanish rebellion against the Moroccan war. And that his
death was a just act of reprisal.
On the other hand, we have had a storm of indignant voices clamoring in
his defense, alternately admitting and denying him to be a
revolutionist, alternately contending that his schools taught social
rebellion and that they taught nothing but pure science; we have had
workmen demonstrating and professors and litterateurs protesting on very
opposite grounds; and almost none were able to give definite information
for the faith that was in them.
And indeed it has been very difficult to obtain exact information, and
still is so. After a year’s lapse, it is yet not easy to get the facts
disentangled from the fancies, — the truths from the lies, and above all
from the half-lies.
And even when we have the truths as to the facts, it is still difficult
to valuate them, because of American’ ignorance of Spanish ignorance.
Please understand the phrase. America has not too much to boast of in
the way of its learning; but yet it has that much of common knowledge
and common education that it does not enter into our minds to conceive
of a population 68% of which are unable to read and write, and a good
share of the remaining 32% can only read, not write; neither does it at
all enter our heads to think that of this 32% of the better informed,
the most powerful contingent is composed of those whose distinct,
avowed, and deliberate purpose it is to keep the ignorant ignorant.
Whatever may be the sins of Government in this country, or of the
Churches — and there are plenty of such sins — at least they have not
(save in the case of negro slaves) constituted themselves a
conspiratical force to keep out enlightenment, — to prevent the people
from learning to read and write, or to acquire whatever scientific
knowledge their economic circumstances permitted them to. What the
unconscious conspiracy of economic circumstance has done, and what
conscious manipulations the Government school is guilty of, to render
higher education a privilege of the rich and a maintainer of injustice
is another matter. But it cannot be charged that the rulers of America
seek to render the people illiterate. People, therefore, who have grown
up in a general atmosphere of thought which regards the government as a
provider of education, even as a compeller of education, do not, unless
their attention is drawn to the facts, conceive of a state of society in
which government is a hostile force, opposed to the enlightenment of the
people, — its politicians exercising all their ingenuity to sidetrack
the demand of the people for schools. How much less do they conceive the
hostile force and power of a Church, having behind it an unbroken
descent from feudal ages, whose direct interest it is to maintain a
closed monopoly of learning, and to keep out of general circulation all
scientific information which would tend to destroy the superstitions
whereby it thrives.
I say that the American people in general are not informed as to these
conditions, and therefore the phenomenon of a teacher killed for
instituting and maintaining schools staggers their belief. And when they
read the assertions of those who defend the murder, that it was because
his schools were instigating the overthrow of social order in Spain,
they naturally exclaim: “Ah, that explains it! The man taught sedition,
rebellion, riot, in his schools! That is the reason.”
Now the truth is, that what Ferrer was teaching in his schools was
really instigating the overthrow of the social order of Spain;
furthermore it was not only instigating it, but it was making it as
certain as the still coming of the daylight out of the night of the
east. But not by the teaching of riot; of the use of dagger, bomb, or
knife; but by the teaching of the same sciences which are taught in our
public schools, through a generally diffused knowledge of which the
power of Spain’s despotic Church must crumble away. Likewise it was
laying the primary foundation for the overthrow of such portions of the
State organization as exist by reason of the general ignorance of the
people.
The Social Order of Spain ought to be overthrown; must be overthrown,
will be overthrown; and Ferrer was doing a mighty work in that
direction. The men who killed him knew and understood it well. And they
consciously killed him for what he really did; but they have let the
outside world suppose they did it, for what he did not do. Knowing there
are no words so hated by all governments as “sedition and rebellion,”
knowing that such words will make the most radical of governments align
itself with the most despotic at once, knowing there is nothing which so
offends the majority of conservative and peace-loving people everywhere
as the idea of violence unordered by authority, they have wilfully
created the impression that Ferrer’s schools were places where children
and youths were taught to handle weapons, and to make ready for armed
attacks on the government.
They have, as I said before, created this impression in various ways;
they have pointed to the fact that the man who in 1906 made the attack
on Alfonso’s life, had acted as a translator of books used by Ferrer in
his schools; they have scattered over Europe and America pictures
purporting to be reproductions of drawings in prominent wall-spaces in
his schools, recommending the violent overthrow of the government.
As to the first of these accusations, I shall consider it later in the
lecture; but as to the last, it should be enough to remind any person
with an ordinary amount of reflection, that the schools were public
places open to any one, as our schools are; and that if any such
pictures had existed, they would have been sufficient cause for shutting
up the schools and incarcerating the founder within a day after their
appearance on the walls. The Spanish Government has that much sense of
how to preserve its own existence, that it would not allow such pictures
to hang in a public place for one day. Nor would books preaching
sedition have been permitted to be published or circulated. — All this
is foolish dust sought to be thrown in foolish eyes.
No; the real offense was the real thing that he did. And in order to
appreciate its enormity, from the Spanish ruling force’s standpoint, let
us now consider what that ruling force is, what are the economic and
educational conditions of the Spanish people, why and how Ferrer founded
the Modern Schools, and what were the subjects taught therein.
Up to the year 1857 there existed no legal provision for general
elementary education in Spain. In that year, owing to the liberals
having gotten into power in Madrid, after a bitter contest aroused
partially by the general political events of Europe, a law making
elementary education compulsory was passed. This was two years before
Ferrer’s birth.
Now it is one thing for a political party, temporarily in possession of
power, to pass a law. It is quite another thing to make that law
effective, even when wealth and general sentiment are behind it. But
when joined to the fact that there is a strong opposition is added the
fact that this opposition is in possession of the greatest wealth of the
country, that the people to be benefited are often quite as bitterly
opposed to their own enlightenment as those who profit by their
ignorance, and that those who do ardently desire their own uplift are
extremely poor, the difficulty of practicalizing this educational law is
partially appreciated.
Ferrer’s own boyhood life is an illustration of how much benefit the
children of the peasantry reaped from the educational law. His parents
were vine dressers; they were eminently orthodox and believed what their
priest (who was probably the only man in the little village of Alella
able to read) told them: that the Liberals were the emissaries of Satan
and that whatever they did was utterly evil. They wanted no such evil
thing as popular education about, and would not that their children
should have it. Accordingly, even at 13 years of age, the boy was
without education, — a circumstance which in after years made him more
anxious that others should not suffer as he had.
It is self-understood that if it was difficult to found schools in the
cities where there existed a degree of popular clamor for them, it was
next to impossible in the rural districts where people like Ferrer’s
parents were the typical inhabitants. The best result obtained by this
law in the 20 years from 1857 to 1877 was that, out of 16,000,000
people, 4,000,000 were then able to read and write, — 75% remaining
illiterate. At the end of 1907 the proportion was altered to 6,000,000
literate out of 18,500,000 population, which may be considered as a
fairly correct approximate of the present condition.
One of the very great accounting causes for this situation is the
extreme poverty of the mass of the populace. In many districts of Spain
a laborer’s wages are less than $1.00 a week, and nowhere do they equal
the poorest workman’s wages in America. Of course, it is understood that
the cost of living is likewise low; but imagine it as low as you please,
it is still evident that the income of the workers is too small to
permit them to save anything, even from the most frugal living. The dire
struggle to secure food, clothing and shelter is such that little energy
is left wherewith to aspire to anything, to demand anything, either for
themselves or their children. Unless, therefore, the government provided
the buildings, the books, and appliances, and paid the teachers’
salaries, it is easy to see that the people most in need of education
are least able, and least likely, to provide it for themselves.
Furthermore the government itself, unless it can tax the wealthier
classes for it, cannot out of such an impoverished source wring
sufficient means to provide adequate schools and school equipments.
Now, the wealthiest classes are just the religious orders. According to
the statement of Monsignor Jose Valeda de Gunjado, these orders own
,two-thirds of the money of the country and one-third of the wealth in
property. These orders are utterly opposed to all education except such
as they themselves furnish — a lamentable travesty on learning.
As a writer who has investigated these conditions personally, observes,
in reply to the question, “Does not the Church provide numbers of
schools, day and night, at its own expense?” — It does, — unhappily for
Spain. It provides schools whose principal aim is to strengthen
superstition, follow a mediaeval curriculum, keep out scientific light,
— and prevent other and better schools from being established.
A Spanish educational journal (La Escuela Espanola) , not Ferrer’s
journal, declared in 1907 that these schools were largely “without light
or ventilation, dens of death, ignorance, and bad training.” It was
estimated that 50,000 children died every year in consequence of the
mischievous character of the school rooms. And even to schools like
these, there were half a million children in Spain who could gain no
admittance.
As to the teachers, they are allowed a salary ranging from $50.00 to
$100.00 a year; but this is provided, not by the State, but through
voluntary donations from the parents. So that a teacher, in addition to
his legitimate functions, must perform those of collector of his own
salary.
Now conceive that he is endeavoring to collect it from parents whose
wages amount to two or three dollars a week; and you will not be
surprised at the case reported by a Madrid paper in 1903 of a master’s
having canvassed a district to find how many parents would contribute if
he opened a school. Out of one hundred families, three promised their
support!
Is it any wonder that the law of compulsory education is a mockery? How
could it be anything else?
Now let us look at the products of this popular ignorance, and we shall
presently understand why the Church fosters it, why it fights education;
and also why the Catalonian insurrection of 1909, which began as a
strike of workers in protest against the Moroccan war, ended in mob
attacks upon convents, monasteries, and churches.
I have already quoted the statement of a high Spanish prelate that the
religious orders of Spain own two-thirds of the money of Spain, and
one-third of the wealth in property. Whether this estimate is precisely
correct or not, it is sufficiently near correctness to make us aware
that at least a great portion of the wealth of the country has passed
into their hands, — a state not widely differing from that existing in
France prior to the great Revolution. Before the insurrection of last
year, the city of Barcelona alone had 165 convents, many of which were
exceedingly rich. The province of Catalonia maintained 2.300 of these
institutions. Aside from these religious orders with their accumulations
of wealth, the Church itself, the united body of priests not in orders,
is immensely wealthy. Conceive that in the Cathedral at Toledo there is
an image of the Virgin whose wardrobe alone would be sufficient to build
hundreds of schools. Imagine that this doll, which is supposed to
symbolize the forlorn young woman who in her pain and sorrow and need
was driven to seek shelter in a stable, whose life was ever lowly, and
who is called the Mother of Sorrows, — imagine that this image of her
has become a vulgar coquette sporting a robe where into are sown 85,000
pearls, besides as many more sapphires, amethysts, and diamonds!
Oh, what a decoration for the mother of the Carpenter of Nazareth! What
a vision for the dying eyes on the Cross to look forward to! What an
outcome of the gospel of salvation free to the poor and lowly, taught by
the poorest and the lowliest, — that the humble keeper of the humble
household of the despised little village of Judea should be imaged forth
as a Queen of Gauds, bedizened with a crown worth $25,000 and bracelets
valued at $10,000 more. The Virgin Mary, the Daughter of the Stable,
transformed into a diamond merchant’s showcase!
And this in the midst of men and women working for just enough to keep
the skin upon the bone; in the midst of children who are denied the
primary necessities of childhood.
Now I ask you, when the fury of these people burst, as under the
provocation they received it was inevitable that it should burst, was it
any wonder that it manifested itself in mob violence against the
institutions which mock their suffering by this useless, senseless,
criminal waste of wealth in the face of utter need?
Will some one now whisper in our ears that there are women in America
who decorate themselves with more jewels than the Virgin of Toledo, and
throw away the price of a school on a useless decoration in a single
night; while within a radius of five miles from them there are also
uneducated children, for whom our School Boards can provide no place?
Yes, it is so; let them remember the mobs of Barcelona!
And let me remember I am talking about Spain!
The question naturally intrudes, How does the Church, how do the
religious orders manage to accumulate such wealth? Remember first that
they are old, and of unbroken continuance for hundreds of years. That
various forms of acquisition, in operation for centuries, would produce
immense accumulations, even supposing nothing but legitimate purchases
and gifts. But when we consider the actual means whereby money is daily
absorbed from the people by these institutions we receive a shock which
sets all our notions of the triumph of Modern Science topsy-turvy.
It is almost impossible to realize, and yet it is true, that the Spanish
Church still deals in that infamous “graft” against which Martin Luther
hurled the splendid force of his wrath four hundred years ago. The
Church of Spain still sells indulgences. Every Catholic bookstore, and
every priest, has them for sale. They are called “bulas.” Their prices
range from about 15 to 25 cents, and they constitute an elastic excuse
for doing pretty much what the possessor pleases to do, providing it is
not a capital crime, for a definitely named period.
Probably there is no one in America so little able to believe this
condition to exist, as the ordinary well-informed Roman Catholic. I have
myself listened to priests of the Roman faith giving the conditions on
which pardon for venal offenses might be obtained; and they had nothing
to do with money. They consisted in saying a certain number of prayers
at stated periods, with specified intent. While that may be a very
illogical way of putting things together that have no connection, there
is nothing in it to offend one’s ideas of honesty. The enlightened
conscience of an entire mass of people has demanded that a spiritual
offense be dealt with by spiritual means. It would revolt at the idea
that such grace could be written out on paper and sold either to the
highest bidder or for a fixed price.
But now conceive what happens where a people are illiterate, regarding
written documents with that superstitious awe which those who cannot
read always have for the mysterious language of learning; regarding them
besides with the combination of fear and reverence which the ignorant
believer entertains for the visible sign of Supernatural Power, the
Power which holds over him the threat of eternal punishment, — and you
will have what goes on in Spain. Add to this that such a condition of
fear and gullibility on the side of the people, is the great opportunity
of the religious “grafter.” Whatever number of honest, self-sacrificing,
devoted people may be attracted to the service of the Church, there will
certainly be found also, the cheat, the impostor, the searcher for ease
and power.
These indulgences, which for 15 or 25 cents pardon the buyer for his
past sins, but are good only till he sins again, constitute a species of
permission to do what otherwise is forbidden; the most expensive one,
the 25c-one, is practically a license to hold stolen property up to a
certain amount.
Both rich and poor buy these things, the rich of course paying a good
deal more than the. stipulated sum. But it hardly requires the statement
that an immense number of the very poor buy them also. And from this
horrible traffic the Church of Spain annually draws millions.
There are other sources of income such as the sale of scapulars,
agnus-deis, charms, and other pieces of trumpery, which goes on all over
the Catholic world also, but naturally to no such extent as in Spain,
Portugal, and Italy, where popular ignorance may be again measured by
the materialism of its religion.
Now, is it reasonable to suppose that the individuals who are thriving
upon these sales, want a condition of popular enlightenment? Do they not
know how all this traffic would crumble like the ash of a burnt-out
fire, once the blaze of science were to flame through Spain? They
EDUCATE! Yes; they educate the people to believe in these barbaric
relics of a dead time, — for their own material interest. Spain and
Portugal are the last resort of the mediaeval church; the monasticism
and the Jesuitry which have been expelled from other European countries,
and compelled to withdraw from Cuba and the Philippines, have
concentrated there; and there they are making their last fight. There
they will go down into their eternal grave; but not till Science has
invaded the dark corners of the popular intellect.
The political condition is parallel with the religious condition of the
people, with the exception that the State is poor while the Church is
rich.
There are some elements in the government which are opposed to the
Church religiously, which nevertheless do not wish to see its power as
an institution upset, because they foresee that the same people who
would overthrow the Church, would later overthrow them. These, too, wish
to see the people kept ignorant.
Nevertheless, there have been numerous political rebellions in Spain,
having for their object the establishment of a republic.
In 1868 there occurred such a rebellion, under the leadership of Ruiz
Zorilla. At that time, Ferrer was not quite 20 years old. He had
acquired an education by his own efforts. He was a declared Republican,
as it seems that every young, ardent, bright-minded youth, seeing what
the condition of his country was, and wishing for its betterment, would
be. Zorilla was for a short time Minister of Public Instruction, under
the new government, and very zealous for popular education.
Naturally he became an object of admiration and imitation to Ferrer.
In the early eighties, after various fluctuations of political power,
Zorilla, who had been absent from Spain, returned to it, and began the
labor of converting the soldiers to republicanism. Ferrer was then a
director of railways, and of much service to Zorilla in the practical
work of organization. In 1885 this movement culminated in an abortive
revolution, wherein both Ferrer and Zorilla took active part, and were
accordingly compelled to take refuge in France upon the failure of the
insurrection.
It is therefore certain that from his entrance into public agitation
till the year 1885, Ferrer was an active revolutionary republican,
believing in the overthrow of Spanish tyranny by violence.
There is no question that at that time he said and wrote things which,
whether we shall consider them justifiable or not, were openly in favor
of forcible rebellion. Such utterances charged against him at the
alleged trial in 1909, which were really his, were quotations from this
period. Remember he was then 26 years old. When the trial occurred, he
was 50 years old. What had been his mental evolution during those 24
years?
In Paris, where, with the exception of a short intermission in 1889 when
he visited Spain, he remained for about fifteen years, he naturally
drifted into a method of making a living quite common to educated exiles
in a foreign land; viz., giving private lessons in his native language.
But while this is with most a mere temporary makeshift, which they
change for something else as soon as they are able, to Ferrer it
revealed what his real business in life should be; he found teaching to
be his genuine vocation; so much so that he took part in several
movements for popular education in Paris, giving much free service.
This participation in the labor of training the mind, which is always a
slow and patient matter, began to have its effect on his conceptions of
political change. Slowly the idea of a Spain regenerated through the
storm blasts of revolution, mightily and suddenly, faded out of his
belief, being replaced, probably almost insensibly, by the idea that a
thorough educational enlightenment must precede political
transformation, if that transformation were to be permanent. This
conviction he voiced with strange power and beauty of expression, when
he said to his old revolutionary Republican friend, Alfred Naquet: “Time
respects those works alone which Time itself has helped to build.”
Naquet himself, old and sinking man as he is, is at this day and hour
heart and soul for forcible revolution; admitting all the evils which it
engenders and all the dangers of miscarriage which accompany it, he
still believes, to quote his own words, that “Revolutions are not only
the marvelous accoucheurs of societies; they are also fecundating
forces. They fructify men’s intelligences; and if they determine the
final realization of matured evolutions, they also become, through their
action on human minds, points of departure for newer evolutions.” Yet
he, who thus sings the paean of the uprisen people, with a fire of youth
and an ardor of love that sound like the singing of some strong young
blacksmith marching at the head of an insurgent column, rather than the
quavering voice of an old spent man; he, who was the warm personal
friend of Ferrer for many years, and who would surely have wished that
his ideal love should also have been his friend’s love, he expressly
declares that Ferrer was of those who feel themselves drawn to the field
of preparative labor, making sure the ground over which the Revolution
may march to enduring results.
This then was the ripened condition of his mind, especially after the
death of Zorilla, and all his subsequent life and labor is explicable
only with this understanding of his mental attitude.
In the confusion of deafening voices, it has been declared that not only
did he not take part in last year’s manifestations, nor instigate them;
but that he in fact had become a Tolstoyan, a non-resistant.
This is not true: he undoubtedly understood that the introduction of
popular education into Spain means revolt, sooner or later. And he would
certainly have been glad to see a successful revolt overthrow the
monarchy at Madrid. He did not wish the people to be submissive; it is
one of the fundamental teachings of the schools he founded that the
assertive spirit of the child is to be encouraged; that its will is not
to be broken; that the sin of other schools is the forcing of obedience.
He hoped to help to form a young Spain which would not submit; which
would resist, resist consciously, intelligently, steadily. He did not
wish to enlighten people merely to render them more sensitive to their
pains and deprivations, but that they might so use their enlightenment
as to rid themselves of the system of exploitation by Church and State
which is responsible for their miseries. By what means they would choose
to free themselves, he did not make his affair.
How and when were these schools founded? It was during his long sojourn
in Paris, that he had as a private pupil in Spanish, a middle-aged,
wealthy, unmarried, Catholic lady. After much conflict over religion
between teacher and pupil, the latter modified her orthodoxy greatly;
and especially after her journeys to Spain, where she herself saw the
condition of public instruction.
Eventually she became interested in Ferrer’s conceptions of education,
and his desire to establish schools in his own country. And when she
died in 1900 (she was then somewhat over 50 years old) she devised a
certain part of her property to Ferrer, to be used as he saw fit,
feeling assured no doubt that he would see fit to use it not for his
personal advantage, but for the purpose so dear to his heart. Which he
did.
The bequest amounted to about $150,000; and the first expenditure was
for the establishment of the Modern School of Barcelona, in the year
1901.
It should be said that this was not the first of the Modern School
movement in Spain; for previous to that, and for several years, there
had sprung up, in various parts of the country, a spontaneous movement
towards self-education; a very heroic effort, in a way, considering that
the teachers were generally workingmen who had spent their day in the
shops, and were using the remainder of their exhausted strength to
enlighten their fellow-workers and the children. These were largely
night-schools. As there were no means behind these efforts, the
buildings in which they were held were of course unsuitable; there was
no proper plan of work; no sufficient equipment, and little
co-ordination of labor. A considerable percentage of these schools were
already on the decline, when Ferrer, equipped with his splendid
organizing ability, his teacher’s experience, and Mlle. Meunier’s
endowment, opened the Barcelona School, having as pupils eighteen boys
and twelve girls.
So proper to the demand was this effort, that at the end of four years’
earnest activity, fifty schools had been established, ten in Barcelona,
and forty in the provinces.
In 1906, that is, after five years’ work, a banquet was held on Good
Friday, at which 1,700 pupils were present.
From 30 to 1,700, — that is something. And a banquet in Catholic Spain
on Good Friday! A banquet of children who have bade good-bye to the
salvation of the soul by the punishment of the stomach! We here may
laugh; but in Spain it was a triumph and a menace, which both sides
understood.
I have said that Ferrer brought to his work splendid organizing ability.
This he speedily put to purpose by enlisting the co-operation of a
number of the greatest scientists of Europe in the preparation of
text-books embodying the discoveries of science, couched in language
comprehensible to young minds.
So far, I am sorry to say, I have not succeeded in getting copies of
these manuals; the Spanish government confiscated most of them, and has
probably destroyed them. Still there are some uncaptured sets (one is
already in the British Museum) and I make no doubt that within a year or
so we shall have translations of most of them.
There were thirty of these manuals all told, comprising the work of the
three sections, primary, intermediate, and superior, into which the
pupils were divided.
From what I have been able to find out about these books, I believe the
most interesting of them all would be the First Reading Book. It was
prepared by Dr. Odon de Buen, and is said to be at the same time “a
speller, a grammar and an illustrated manual of evolution,” “the
majestic story of the evolution of the cosmos from the atom to the
thinking being, related in a language simple, comprehensible to the
child.”
20,000 copies of this book were rapidly sold.
Imagine what that meant to Catholic schools! That the babies of Spain
should learn nothing about eternal punishment for their deadly sins, and
should learn that they are one in a long line of unfolding life that
started in the lowly sea-slime!
The books on geography, physics, and minerology were written in like
manner and with like intent by the same author; on anthropology, Dr.
Enguerrand wrote, and on evolution, Dr. Letourneau of Paris.
Among the very suggestive works was one on “The Universal Substance,” a
collaborate production of Albert Bloch and Paraf Javal, in which the
mysteries of existence are resolved into their chemical equivalents, so
that the foundations for magic and miracle are unceremoniously cleared
out of the intellectual field.
This book was prepared at Ferrer’s special request, as an antidote to
ancestral leanings, inherited superstitions, the various outside
influences counteracting the influences of the school.
The methods of instruction were modeled after earlier attempts in
France, and were based on the general idea that physical and
intellectual education must continually supplement each other. That no
one is really educated, so long as his knowledge is merely the
recollection of what he has read or seen in a book Accordingly a lesson
often consisted of a visit to a factory, a workshop, a studio, or a
laboratory, where things were explained and illustrated; or in a class
journey to the hills, or the sea, or the open country, where the
geological or topographical conditions were studied, or botanical
specimens collected and individual observation encouraged.
Very often even book classes were held out of doors, and the children
insensibly put in touch with the great pervading influences of nature, a
touch too often lost, or never felt at all, in our city environments.
How different was all this from the incomprehensible theology of the
Catholic schools to be learned and believed but not understood, the
impractical rehearsing of strings of words characteristic of mediaeval
survivals! No wonder the Modern Schools grew and grew, and the hatred of
the priests waxed hotter and hotter.
Their opportunity came; indeed, they did not wait long.
In the year 1906, on the 31^(st) day of May, not so very long after that
Good Friday banquet, occurred the event which they seized upon to crush
the Modern School and its founder.
I am not here to speak either for or against Mateo Morral. He was a
wealthy young man, of much energy and considerable learning. He had
helped to enrich the library of the Modern School and being an excellent
linguist, he had offered to make translations of text-books. Ferrer had
accepted the offer. That is all Morral had to do with the Modern School.
But on the day of royal festivities, Morral had it in his head to throw
a bomb where it would do some royal hurt. He missed his calculations,
and the hurt intended did not take place; but after a short interval,
finding himself about to be captured, he killed himself.
Think of him as you please: think that he was a madman who did a
madman’s act; think that he was a generous enthusiast who in an outburst
of long chafing indignation at his country’s condition wanted to strike
a blow at a tyrannical monarchy, and was willing to give his own life in
exchange for the tyrant’s; or better than this, reserve your judgment,
and say that you know not the man nor his personal condition, nor the
special external conditions that prompted him; and that without such
knowledge he cannot be judged. But whatever you think of Morral, pray
why was Ferrer arrested and the Modern School of Barcelona closed? Why
was he thrown in prison and kept there for more than a year? Why was it
sought to railroad him before a Court Martial, and that attempt failing,
the civil trial postponed for all that time?
WHY? WHY?
Because Ferrer taught science to the children of Spain, — and for no
other thing. His enemies would have killed him then; but having been
compelled to yield an open trial, by the outcry of Europe, they were
also compelled to release him. But I imagine I hear, yea hear, the
resolute mutter behind the closed walls of the monasteries, the day
Ferrer went free. “Go, then; we shall get you again. And then — “
And then they would do what three years later they did, — damn him to
the ditch of MONTJUICH.
Yea, they shut their lips together like the thin lips of Fate and —
waited. The hatred of an order has something superb in it, — it hates so
relentlessly, so constantly, so transcendently; its personnel changes,
its hate never alters; it wears one priest’s face or another’s; itself
is identical, inexorable; it pursues to the end.
Did Ferrer know this? Undoubtedly in a general way he did. And yet he
was so far from conceiving its appalling remorselessness, that even when
he found himself in prison again, and utterly in their power, he could
not believe that he would not be freed.
What was this opportunity for which the Jesuitry of Spain waited with
such. terrible security? The Catalonian uprising. How did they know it
would come? As any sane man, not over-optimistic, knows that uprising
must come in Spain. Ferrer hoped to sap away the foundations of tyranny
through peaceful enlightenment. He was right. But they are also right
who say that there are other forces hurling towards those foundations;
the greatest of these, — Starvation.
Now it was plain and simple Starvation that rose to rend its starvers
when the Catalonian women rose in mobs to cry against the command that
was taking away their fathers and sons to their death in Morocco. The
Spanish people did not want the Moroccan war; the Government, in the
interest of a number of capitalists, did; but like all governments and
all capitalists, it wanted workingmen to do the dying. And they did not
want to die, and leave their wives and children to die too. So they
rebelled. At first it was the conscious, orderly protest of organized
workingmen. But Starvation no more respects the commands of workingmen’s
unions, than the commands of governments, and other orderly bodies. It
has nothing to lose: and it gets away, in its fury, from all management;
and it riots.
Where Churches and Monasteries are offensively rich and at ease in the
face of Hunger, Hunger takes its revenge. It has long fangs, it rends,
and tears, and tramples — the innocent with the guilty — always. It is
very horrible! But remember, — remember how much more horrible is the
long, slow systematic crushing, wasting, drying of men upon their bones,
which year after year, century after century, has begotten the Monster,
Hunger. Remember the 50,000 innocent children annually slaughtered, the
blinded and the crippled children, maimed and forsaken by social power;
and behind the smoke and flame of the burning convents of July, 1909,
see the staring of those sightless eyes.
Ferrer instigate that mad frenzy! Oh, no; it was a mightier than Ferrer!
“Our Lady of Pain” — Our Lady of Hunger — Our Lady with uncut nails and
wolf-like teeth — Our Lady who bears the Man-flesh in her body that
cannon are to tear — Our Lady the Workingwoman of Spain, ahungered. She
incarnated the Red Terror.
And the enemies of Ferrer in 1906, as in 1909, knew that such things
would come; and they bided their time.
It is one of those pathetic things which destiny deals, that it was only
for love’s sake — and most for the love of a little child — who died
moreover — that the uprising found Ferrer in Spain at all. He had been
in England, investigating schools and methods there from April until the
middle of June. Word came that his sister-in-law and his niece were ill,
so the 19^(th) of June found him at the little girl’s bedside. He
intended soon after to go to Paris, but delayed to make some inquiries
for a friend concerning the proceedings of the Electrical Society of
Barcelona. So the storm caught him as it caught thousands of others.
He went about the business of his publishing house as usual, making the
observations of an interested spectator of events. To his friend Naquet
he sent a postal card on the 26^(th) of July, in which he spoke of the
heroism of the women, the lack of co-ordination in the people’s
movements, and the total absence of leaders, as a curious phenomenon.
Hearing soon after that he was to be arrested, he secluded himself for
five weeks. The “White Terror” was in full sway; 3,000 men, women, and
children had been arrested, incarcerated, inhumanly treated Then the
Chief Prosecutor issued the statement that Ferrer was “the director of
the revolutionary movement.”
Too indignant to listen to the appeals of his friends, he started to
Barcelona to give himself up and demand trial. He was arrested on the
way.
And they court-martialed him.
The proceedings were utterly infamous. No chance to confront witnesses
against him; no opportunity to bring witnesses; not even the books
accused of sedition allowed to offer their mute testimony in their own
defense; no opportunity given to his defender to prepare; letters sent
from England and France to prove what had been the doomed man’s purposes
and occupations during his stay there, “lost in transit”; the old
articles of twenty-four years before, made to appear as if recent
utterances; forgeries imposed and with all this, nothing but hearsay
evidence even from his accusers; and yet — he was sentenced to death.
Sentenced to death and shot.
And all Modern Schools closed, and his property sequestrated.
And the Virgin of Toledo may wear her gorgeous robes in peace, since the
shadow of the darkness has stolen back over the circle of light he lit.
Only, — somewhere, somewhere, down in the obscurity — hovers the
menacing figure of her rival, “Our Lady of Pain.” She is still now, —
but she is not dead. And if all things be taken from her, and the light
not allowed to come to her, nor to her children, — then — some day — she
will set her own lights in the darkness.
Ferrer Ferrer is with the immortals. His work is spreading over the
world; it will yet return, and rid Spain of its tyrants.