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Title: Getting to know Durruti
Author: Sofia Comuniello
Date: August 1992
Language: en
Topics: Buenaventura Durruti, biography
Source: Retrieved on 2012-03-121 from https://web.archive.org/web/20120312153435/http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/spain/durruti_correoa.html
Notes: (CORREO@ #20, pp.16–17; August 1992)

Sofia Comuniello

Getting to know Durruti

To condense in a few lines the life story of he who was the true

expression of rebelliousness and anarchist utopia is a complicated but

necessary task, because the testimony of liberty in struggle that was

the life of Buenaventura Durruti must be broadcast yesterday, today and

always.

He was born the second of eight brothers on July 14 1896 in Leon, city

of the Spanish province by the same name. As an adolescent he is

initiated on the same path as his father, a workingman affiliated with

the socialist union UGT. As a member of his railroad section, he takes

active part in the revolutionary general strike of August 1917, promoted

in conjunction with the anarchosyndicalist Confederacio’n Nacional del

Trabajo (CNT); which caused his being expelled from the UGT for being

too radical, his persecution by the police and his escape to France,

where he comes in contact with exiled anarchists, joining CNT of

Asturias upon his return in January 1919.

He joins the open fight against the aggressive employers in the Asturian

mines and is arrested for the first time in March 1919; he escapes and

by December he is in San Sebastian, an industrial city in the Basque

country, with a job as a metal worker. The bourgeoisie was then

promoting a wave of assassination’s of syndicalists and Durruti joins a

self-defence group — Los Justicieros, they plan a sensational hit in

reprisal: an attempt on the life of King Alfonso XIII who would be

visiting the City in August 1920, but their plan is discovered and they

must escape. Durruti continues doing dangerous clandestine work

throughout the nation, meeting Francisco Ascaso who would be his

fraternal friend and comrade. They travel to Barcelona in August 1922

and form the group Crisol, that would later adopt a name that would be

famous in libertarian history: Los Solidarios. This group brought

together the most valuable elements of the Catalan proletariat, hitting

hard against reaction where it hurt the most, until the Spanish

political crisis brought the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera,

installed September 1923 with the King’s wholehearted support. Proper

praise for what Los Solidarios did in courageous defence of the CNT

during that hopeless hour has never been given. Hundreds of militants

fell and CNT could barely survive and recover thanks to its deep roots

among the working class, but the price was high: most of the Solidarios

were killed or served long sentences, while Ascaso and Durruti had to

seek refuge in Paris.

The failure of the insurrection plans cooked up during exile forces them

to travel to Latin America in December 1924, accompanied by Gregorio

Jover, in search for funds for the outlawed and persecuted Iberian

anarchosyndicalism. Following 15 months of unbelievable adventures

including urban guerrilla actions to obtain supplies, unknown in those

parts until then, chases and chilling escapes through several countries.

The solidarity assistance from an endless number of comrades that

supported them wherever they went was their infallible resource in

outsmarting police persecution.

During quiet times they earn their frugal living as labourers, without

ceasing to take part in union work from the grassroots, as the legend

grows about these men. In April 1926 they return to Europe and are

seduced by an spectacular idea: to kidnap the Spanish King and the

dictator when they visit Paris on July 14, but are captured by the

police and, after a stormy trial, are expelled from France in July 1927.

They keep on living as semiclandestine militants abroad until the fall

of Alfonso XIII in April 1931.

Back in Barcelona Durruti is in the midst of a great deal of activity,

accompanied by his French companion Emilienne, pregnant with their

daughter Colette, who would be born on December 1931. He joins the

Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI), a specifically anarchist

organization secretly created in July 1927 — and together with other

militants they form the affinity group Nosotros, spokesmen within the

CNT of a radical tendency that harboured no illusions with respect to

the recently proclaimed Republic, maintaining that the moment was ripe

for continued progress. This inner confrontation within the CNT became

more bitter until a split occurred, while repression became harsher as

well as the government’s provocation’s against these humble workers —

whenever they weren’t prisoners Durruti and Ascaso worked as mechanics

in a mid-sized company in Barcelona — who were seen by the do-gooders as

the terrifying fist of the Social Revolution. The repressive hysteria

fell upon Durruti and other anarchists in January 1932, being deported

to the Canary Islands and the “Spanish” Sahara. Popular pressure

resulted in their release in September, but Durruti was immediately

arrested for two more months.

Even with the imprisonment of the so-called “leaders”, harder positions

grew within the CNT and the proletariat, which brought the failed

anarchist insurrection of January 1933, after which Durruti must go in

hiding until arrested at the end of March. He is out by July, with the

CNT and the FAI facing changes in the political scene, as the right wing

prepares to assume power after the fiasco of the republicans and

socialists, which happens after the November elections. In December

there is another failed attempt at a general strike; Durruti and

hundreds of anarchists go to prison, but an amnesty lets them out in May

1934, in time for Durruti to play a decisive role in the transport of

13,000 children of Aragon strikers to Barcelona, to be care for by the

solidarity of Barcelona’s working class families.

In October 1934 the Asturias uprising takes place, 14 days of heroic and

unequal combat between the united workers and the army, while the

repression and the indecisive behaviour of the UGT and other sectors

left the anarchists isolated in their effort to spread the revolutionary

flame. Once again Durruti suffers months in prison alternating with

weeks of feverish public militancy, until the electoral victory by the

Popular Front in February 1936, with the crucial vote of CNT members,

signalled another turn in the situation. In the midst of an explosive

political-social climate, the IV CNT Congress meets in Zaragoza from May

1 to 5, 1936 where an integral part of the debates and the anarchist

fervour that permeated the proceedings was due to the Nosotros group, in

those days dedicated to workers’ readiness for the enormous challenge

that was coming. Left and Right were in a collision course, initiated

rather soon by the military uprising of July 19 1936.

The CNT and the FAI confronted with courage, organization and mass

mobilisations the fascist superiority in weapons and resources; their

contribution was decisive in resisting the blow throughout the nation

and in Catalunya defeated the rebels single-handedly, Durruti being one

of the boldest fighters in this popular victory and suffering the loss

of Francisco Ascaso. On July 24, from Barcelona where libertarian

communism was starting to be a reality, Durruti left with an armed

column towards Zaragoza, occupied by the rebels. After hard combats that

equalitarian militia, without officers or other military trappings

advanced and estabilized the Aragon front against regular troops better

equipped, even though they could not retake the city.

Parallel to this the anarchist forces supported a social transformation

which meant the establishment of agricultural collectives in Aragon,

upsetting communists, socialists and other acolytes of the creed

according to which the war could not be won with the revolution going

on. Durruti embodied the feeling sand goals of the workers in arms,

being a peculiar “chief” whose main privilege was to fight in the first

line, his only rank the esteem his equals had for him.

That courageous and shining life — “The short summer of Anarchy”

according to his chronist Enzensberger — would come to an end in

November of that same year. On the 15 Durruti arrived with a force of

1800 men to reinforce the defence of Madrid, where they went immediately

to the toughest section and on the 19 he was struck by a bullet as he

walked by a supposedly secure area. He died at dawn on the 20, being

buried two days later at Montjuich’s cemetery in Barcelona, accompanied

by the largest funeral cortege seen in the city.

As with Zamora in Venezuela, el Che in Bolivia or Zapata in Mexico, his

death has a stigma of treason and the main suspect, the Stalinist PCE

(Communist Party of Spain), would unleash a few months later a brutal

persecution of anarchists and other radicals that not only ended the

threatening revolution, but was also the beginning of the end of the

Republic they claimed to safeguard.

40 years of intense life had this man that fought for his ideals without

quarter nor fanaticism’s; who never ceased to live of his labour, who

acted as much as he read or thought, who loved, dreamed and had close

and dear friends. Durruti was who he was, and also the best of what

remains in us when we share his luminous trajectory.