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Title: The Silicon Ideology Author: Josephine ArmiÂŁtead Date: May 18, 2016 Language: en Topics: anti-fascism, fascism Source: https://archive.org/details/the-silicon-ideology
The Silicon Ideology
Josephine Armistead May 18, 2016
Out of the technological cenî»es of the world has come a new, strange
variant of fascismâ namely, neo-reaî» ion, or âNRxâ. I shall here proâ ”de a
critique of this ideology and an aî»empt at understanding of its origins,
its taî» ics, and how it may be defeated.
This article contains discussions of fascism, Nazism, white supremacy,
and the Holocaust among other topics.
Keywords
A king? You want a king? Boy, nobody wants a king! Ignatius, are you
sure youâre OK?
A Confederacy of Dunces
John Kennedy Toole
When one learns I am studying a new emergence of fascism in Europe and
North America, one might be tempted to believe I am referring to the
larger î»end of the rise of right-wing populist parties and candidacies
that may be considered âfascistâ, such as the candidacy of Donald Trump
and the rise of the United Kingdom Independence Parî» (UKIP), Le Penâs
Front national (FN), Alternatâ łe fĂŒr Deutschland (AfD), and Golden Dawn
among others. However, in this essay, I discuss a more narrow group:
specifically, an ideology that has emerged in the past decade or so
inside the capitals of the tech world and which is growing at an
alarming rate, often (but not always) allied with those parties and
candidacies I have mentioned above: neo-reaî» ionaries and what is known
as the âaltrightâ. Largely, this group has escaped serious criticism by
radicals for its nature as a small, internet-based ideologyânot enough
people, it seems, take it seriously. Indeed, some may question why I am
taking it seriously: clearly, this group is just âa bunch of nerdsâ with
no relation to âthe real worldâ and no influence to speak of: what am I
worried about? To which I respond thusly: I do not take it for granted
that this odd ideology will not grow (indeed, it already is growing), I
do not believe we should under-estimate our enemies, and most people
severely under-rate the influence of the alt-right, which is, especially
in Silicon Valley, already courting influential figures, such as Peter
Thiel of PayPal, many of whom belong to a particular ideological
predecessor of neo-reaî» ionary thought: namely, the techno-utopian
right-libertarianism pervasâ łe in the tech industry.
In order to understand, neo-reaî» ion, a neo-fascist ideology, one must
too understand fascism in its first flowering. This is harder than it
may first appear: every theorist and her dog has a pet theory of the
origins and definitions of fascism, and I do not wish to spend this
essay deciding which is âbestâ. Perhaps, then, we should merely
determine which is most useful in understanding neo-reaî» ion.
Traditionally, fascism has been amorphously defined among the Left by
the statement gâ łen in 1933 to the 13th meeting of the Enlarged Executâ łe
of the (Third) Communist International in Moscow: âFascism is the open
terrorist diî» atorship of the most reaî» ionary, most chauâ ”nistic, most
imperialist elements of finance capitalâ (H. (2009)): this, though a
useful summary, is not useful as a theory.
Amadeo Bordiga claimed that fascism was merely another form of bourgeois
rule, and there was nothing exceptional about it compared to bourgeois
democracy or constitutional monarchyâindeed, nothing particularly
reaî» ionary about it. This theory is exceptionally useless, so we shall
not consider it any further.
In Trotsky (1944), a posthumously-published pamphlet made from seleî» ions
of earlier writings (from 1922 to 1940), Leon Trotsky argues that
fascism is a specific form of counter-revolutionary diî» atorship, not all
of them. He identifies the social base of fascism as the
petty-bourgeoisie and âmiddle classâ, as well as the lumpenproletariat.
This happens, according to Trotsky, when the ânormalâ repressâ łe
apparatus of bourgeois-democracy fails to keep a stable socieî», and the
base of fascism has been dispossessed and brought to desparation.
Fascism, when in power, begins by destroying workersâ organizations and
class-consciousness, subjeî» ing the proletariat to an administratâ łe
system which renders the organization of the proletariat quite
difficult, to say the least. Trotsky (ibid.) then embarks on an analysis
of how the Italian fascists gained power: after World War I, socialists
had begun to seize one faî» ory after anotherâall it needed, Trotsky
claimed, was to coördinate. But then the social democrats disrupted the
revolutionary aî» ion, âsprung backâ, and withdrew, hoping docile workers
would help shift public opinion against fascists and allow for reform,
banking on the support of Viî» or Emmanuel â ą. The fascists then seized
Bologna and soon gained the backing of Viî» or Emmanuel â ą and the haute
bourgeoisie. At the last moment, the social democrats called for a
general strike, but by then it was too late. Within two years, Mussolini
was in power, and began to create a bureaucracy and military
diî» atorship. Germany soon followed the same model: indeed, in 1932,
Trotsky notes how the reformists have started to rely onâand put their
faith inâthe government (now ruled by a series of chancellors installed
through emergency decrees: BrĂŒning, von Papen, von Schleicher) to put
down fascism. This is especially frustrating for Trotsky, as he notes
that these same conditions couldâand shouldâpropel forth a revolutionary
parî».
Trotsky then criticises the Comintern policy of âsocial-fascismâ and
calls for a United Front with a well-organized militia. In September
1932, Trotsky claims that bourgeois rule falls in three stages:
Jacobinism at the dawn of capitalism, when the bourgeoisie needed
revolution; democracy in mature capitalism; and fascism in late
capitalism, when the bourgeoisie must âclamp downâ further on
proletarian revolution. When the bourgeoisie begins to decline, it
relies on the petty bourgeoisie to keep the proletariat down. There are
some praî» ical prediî» â łe errors with Trotskyâs theory. In 1922, he
prediî» ed the bourgeoisie would abandon fascism upon defeat of the
revolution. In 1938, Trotsky adâ ”sed the Czechoslovakian workers not to
resist German invasion, in 1939, supported (based on testimonies of
Ukrainian émigrés) the creation of an independent Ukraine when Germany
had targeted Ukraine as part of its lebensraum, and in 1940 prediî» ed
that World War 2 would end either in world-revolution or world-fascism.
In H. (2009), it is argued (by a person identified only as âScoî» H.â)
that:
other beingbourgeois democracy. There are no primary differences, but
there are secondary differences: namely, in bourgeois democracy, there
is qualitatâ łely more freedom to openly express opinions, protest, and
organize, regardless of whether or not there are âeleî» ionsâ: the
âdemocraticâ part of bourgeois democracy, being largely limited to the
bourgeoisie, is irrelevant
bourgeoisie exerts its diî» atorship over other classes: what freedoms are
the proletariat (not merely other bourgeois parties) allowed (however
temporarily) to exert?
with the militant mass movements they lead) is especially key in
determining whether a regime is fascist or not
terrorism, butfascism is much more terroristic than bourgeois democracy
all bourgeois regimes have elements of both î»pes
based on which theoretical archeî»pe they approâ șmate more closely
they correspond to the aî» ions of the fascist theoretical archeî»pe and if
they occur in a regime overall categorized as fascist
different areas (and atdifferent times), so it is possible for a state
to be fascist in one area and a bourgeoisdemocracy in another area
under bourgeoisrule, especially as the bourgeoisie faces a crisis or
nears its overthrow
a struggle forreforms (though not necessarily reformism)
Two points are then made regarding historical Marâ șst-Leninist approaches
to fascism. First, the Third International was in error in the 1930s
when it recommended to the KPD not to form a (temporary) unified front
against the Nazis with the SPDâbut was also in error when, after the
Nazis took power in 1933, they promoted a United Front Against Fascism
which called on socialist parties to so closely ally with
bourgeois-democratic parties (like the SPD) that they became reformists
themselves, glorifying bourgeois-democracyâ hollowing out the
revolutionary core of such a parî». Secondly, reâ ”sionist states (like the
USSR under Khrushchev) are âsocial-fascistââi.e. fascist, being
repressâ łe bourgeois states. Two case studies are presented: the US is
diagnosed as a bourgeois-democratic state with elements of fascism, and
India is diagnosed as semi-fascist and growing towards fascism
(particularly in its î»eatment of the adâ łasis and the Naxalites, who are
both repressed under the UAPA and âOperation Green Huntâ with child
soldiers in paramilitary death-squads similar to the Freikorps such as
Chhaî»isgarhâs Salwa Judum and Biharâs Ranâ ”r Sena).
As we see, this gâ łes an account of what fascism is (though in general
terms), but very liî»le of where it comes from, how it may be fought, &c
&c (this is acknowledged in the essay)âexcept that bourgeois democracy
often î»ansforms into fascism during periods of instabiliî», crisis, or
overthrow.
Walter BeÇaminâs account of fascism relied on a concept known as the
ĂŠstheticization of politics developed in his influential 1936 essay Das
Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen Reproduzierbarkeit, among
others. Indeed, in BeÇamin (1936), we see the following passage:
The masses have a right to changed properî» relations; fascism seeks to
gâ łe them expression in keeping these relations unchanged. The logical
outcome of
fascism is an ĂŠstheticizing of political life
What does this mean? To understand it, we must understand it in its
context. According to BeÇamin (though this notion is not exclusâ łe to
him), fascism blocks and dâ łerts the energies that otherwise would be
used to form a revolution against capitalismâit fills the void proâ ”ded
by an unsuccessful or non-eâ șstent revolution, and must be understood
from this perspeî» â łe. To put it succinî» ly with a BeÇamin quote: âBehind
every fascism, there lies a failed revolutionâ. It offers the emotional
release of a revolution while effeî» ing no material changeâand the
produî» ion of this catharsis is easily seen in the propaganda of the era.
If fascism implies the ĂŠstheticization of politics, BeÇamin reasons, it
must be related to the î»aditional Marâ șst notion of commodiî» fetishism.
Indeed, fascism presents, according to BeÇamin, the promise of
revolution, a strong, self-reliant, and harmonious state &c as a
commodiî». In order to maintain the fascist movement and conî»ol over the
intense emotional release it proâ ”des while refusing to challenge
capitalism, fascism relies on war, which also creats enough expenditure
to temporarily resolve crises of overproduî» ion, like the Great
Depression. BeÇamin conneî» s the ĂŠstheticization of war with an
artisticpolitical movement in Italy which preceded fascism and whose
proponents became fascists: Futurism. Futurists celebrated technology,
speed, and aggression: and technology is an aspeî» of war that is easily
ĂŠstheticized. While human suffering is usually omiî»ed in the
ĂŠstheticization of war, in a fascist mode destruî» ion, too, must be
ĂŠstheticized, not merely edited out. BeÇamin, in âTheories of German
Fascismâ conneî» s this to Ernst JĂŒngerâs âwar for war sakeâ: JĂŒnger
mysticises war as a magical force, which the State must be âworthyâ of.
This, BeÇamin claims, derâ łes easily from JĂŒngerâs experience as an
officer, not a mere gruntâand indeed, the Nazis saw their first support
base from disgruntled World War I officers, such as Hitler himselfâand
the Freikorps.
Gilles Deleuze and FĂ©lâ ž Guaî»ari, in their 1972 book Capitalisme et
schizophrĂ©nie. LâantiĆdipe, reprise an earlier analysis of fascism by
Wilhelm Reich in his 1933 work Die Massenpsychologie des Faschismus.
They argue in Deleuze and Guaî»ari (1972) that fascism is created through
libidinal and psychological repression through the mechanism of the
nuclear family, which represses and distorts the desires of the child,
making them a docile subjeî» that is easily conî»olled and will submit.
The Ćdipus complex is seen as arising from the familial suppression and
distortion of desires: Deleuze and Guaî»ari (ibid.) says: âIt is in one
and the same movement that the repressâ łe social produî» ion is replaced by
the repressing family, and that the laî»er offers a displaced image of
desiring-produî» ion that represents the repressed as incestuous familial
drâ łes.â Deleuze and Guaî»ari can be here criticised for using the term
âfascismâ to refer to this, because it seems to dâ łorce fascism from its
historical context and from a larger social context: while this may
indeed be an integral part of fascism, I donât think we can reduce
fascism to this. Deleuze and Guaî»ari have anticipated this, and so this
repression and distortion of desire on a small scale has been termed
âmicrofascismâ, as opposed to âmacrofascismâ.
One issue with many, but not all, of the analyses of fascism is that
they only consider fascism in power, not fascism as an ideology prior to
seizure of power. It seems to be generally accepted that fascism is a
bourgeois ideology that is fundamentally similar to bourgeois democracy,
taking power when bourgeois democracy finds itself unstable and in
crisis. Another issue arises, related to the first: as many definitions
seem limited to âbourgeois democracy, but worseâ (this is especially î»ue
of the M-L-M definition), they make it hard to create a clear difference
between bourgeois democracy and fascism: for, is the US not engaged in
intense terrorism both domestically and across the globeâand has this
not been the case since its inception? Here the Bordigist (a î»ue
resident of the Grand Hotel Abyss of LukĂĄcs) may smugly claim that this
is because there is precisely no difference, but I would like us to
smack the Bordigist across the head, for this impulse of erasing
differences in order to make false equâ łalences is dangerous indeed. If
we cannot distinguish fascism from other forms of bourgeois rule, then
we should not complain when we hear the sound of jackboots marching. I
would like to first make the proposition that fascism is distinguished
from other forms of bourgeois rule both by the degree of aî» ion of its
terroristic, repressâ łe apparati but also by the Weltanschauung that
supports it. Like BeÇamin notes, the ĂŠstheticization of war in bourgeois
democracy requires the erasure of human suffering, but under fascism,
the ĂŠstheticization of war relies upon scenes of destruî» ion. Because
fascism relies on war to channel the emotions used to ĂŠstheticize
politics, it relies on nationalism (justifying war) and class
collaboration (what in China was the line of two unite in one as opposed
to one dâ łides in two, justifying the lack of change in properî»
relations). Nationalism relies on essentialism (the idea of an eternal,
unchangeable inherent nature preceding human eâ șstance), a form of
idealism. It is important to note that I am not here positing a
timeless, unâ łersal Form of fascism, but rather a way of understanding
charaî» eristics of fascism that would proâ ”de its backbone and which have
mutated into a new form: a fascism of the 21st century, which, though
very different in ways from 20th century fascism (finding its roots in
neoliberalism, not Viî» orian liberalism), is clearly derâ łed and indebted
to it.
Here, then, are some diagnostic features that might help understand and
recognize fascism:
bourgeois democracy.There are no primary differences, but there are
secondary differences
times when bourgeois rule is weak, but a revolution has either failed,
been beî»ayed by cenî»ist, âSocial Democratâ forces, or, similarly, been
forestalled/delayed: in the laî»er case, the turn to fascism is an aî»empt
to block a revolutionary movement from forming or gaining success.
into a commodiî»âit thusly ĂŠstheticizes politics, gâ łing the masses the
intensiî» of emotion associated with revolutionary change but maintaining
an even stronger devotion to maintaining bourgeois rule and
properî»-relations
Weltanschauung that opportunistically ransacks various philosophies of
useful concepts and creates an idealistic philosophy that contains
nationalism, and class collaboration.
the chief way in which fascism may continually maintain intense
emotional response and conî»ol them without changing properî»-relations
edited out, asin bourgeois democracy, but glorified. In the course of
the ĂŠstheticization of war, the technology of war is frequently
ĂŠstheticized as well
more terroristic than bourgeois democracy. The freedoms the proletariat
(however temporarily) are allowed to exert are larger in bourgeois
democracy
all bourgeois regimes have elements of both î»pes. The seeds of fascism
are in bourgeois democracy: nevertheless, the two can be distinguished.
crisis or itsoverthrow, the bourgeoisie will turn to fascism in order to
block the emergence of a successful revolutionary movement
and distortionof desiring-produî» ion by units and institutions such as
the nuclear family) among the populace to create docile subjeî» s that
desire their own repression.
Fascists claim many influences, stretching back to ancient times. Hitler
and Ioannis Metaxas both idolized the Spartans under Lycurgus,
understood through Karl MĂŒllerâs Die Dorier, an essentialist fantasia
about the history of the Dorians. Mussolini preferred Plato, but apart
from that, sought to conneî» Fascist Italy with Imperial Rome, idolizing
Julius Caesar and Augustus. From then, we see the emphasis on the state
and absolutism in Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Hegel. The î»adition of
essentialist German nationalism began with Johann Goî»fried Herder, and
was quickly used for anti-Semitic ends. Fascism rejeî» s the French
Revolution and its legacy, though learns from its methods. Influences
from this era include Johann Goî»lieb Fichte, who furthered the projeî» of
German nationalism as well as Edmund Burke and Joseph de Maistre,
arch-conservatâ łes. As the 19th century progressed, liberal ideology,
then as now, found inspiration in biology, and thus created a capitalist
interpretation of biology: Social Darwinism, born from Spencerâs reading
of Malthus and Darwin (though it owed more, originally, to Lamarck). It
only took a jump from there to eugenics (a liberal projeî» , formulated by
Sir Francis Galton FRS and supported by Alexander Graham Bell, Winston
Churchill, Theodore Roosevelt, John Maynard Keynes, Francis Crick, James
Watson, and Margaret Sanger: indeed, implemented first in America
through compulsory sterilization, which has not î»uly ended), and this,
too, coöperated well with Gobineauâs racialism, creating the liberal
ideology of scientific racism (justifying immigration restriî» ion and
anti-miscegenation laws among others) and its nightmare scenario:
degeneration theory, as promoted by Max Nordau in his 1892 work
Degeneration. It is important to emphasize that all of this was
well-accepted within Anglo-American liberalism: indeed, the first
eugenics program was created in California. Wagnerâs aesthetics were the
next ingredient in the Fascist soup, as was the essentialist psychology
of Gustave Le Bon, who argued that white men were essentially superior
to women and people of colourâthis, too, has resurfaced in the field of
evolutionary psychology and the book The Bell Curve. Nietzscheâs
rhetoric inspired the fascists, with an aî»ack on colleî» â łism, the concept
of the Ăbermensch, and the recuperation of Schopenhauerâs will-to-lâ łe as
the will-to-power. Henri Bergsonâs âĂ©lan â ”talâ cenî»ing around free
choice allowed a rejeî» ion of materialism. Gaetano Moscaâs The Ruling
Class (1896) claimed that in all societies, an organized minoriî» will
rule a disorganized majoriî», and that the struî» ure of the military is a
useful guide to struî» ure socieî», especially due to its officer
classâpresenting the struî» ure of the military as a model for câ łil
socieî»: this Mussolini is known to have read. Robert Michelsâ theory of
the Ehernes Gesetz der Oligarchie (iron law of oligarchy) claimed that
democracy would ineâ ”tably lead to bureaucratization, hierarchy, and
oligarchyâthis, too, became useful for fascists. Maurice BarrĂšsâ ethnic
nationalism was combined with an appeal to paî»iotism, militarism,
charismatic leadership and a hero myth. Mikhail Bakuninâs concept of
propaganda of the deed and direî» action would go on to influence fascist
taî» ics and propaganda. Georges Sorelâs anarchism promoted nationalism,
the power of myth, and âmoral regenerationâ. Charles Maurras, a
reaî» ionary, showed interest in Sorelâs syndicalism: Enrico Corradini did
the work of merging it with right-wing nationalism: speaking of Italy as
essentially a âproletarian nationâ which needed to engage in imperialism
to challenge Britain and France, and needed to rejeî» democracy,
liberalism, Marâ șsm, internationalism, and pacifismâpromoting â ”olence,
heroism, and â ”talism instead. This was furthered by the
artistic-political movement of Futurism.
What we see here is an idealistic liberal idea of science and progress
justifying a deeply reaî» ionary social struî» ure, which itself learns
taî» ics from its leftist enemies.
World War I was formatâ łe for fascism, and the period immediately
following it was ripe ground for fascists, making their first gains
through JĂłzef PiĆsudskiâs military takeover of Poland during the 1918-20
Polish-Soâ ”et war (and later 1926 coup), Benito Mussoliniâs 1922 takeover
of Italy, and Hitlerâs failed (though useful) 1923 Beer Hall Putsch. The
general mood was one of pessimism and beî»ayal; public confidence in
finance capital was at an all-time low. Surely, this should be fertile
ground for the Revolution, should it not? Indeed it was, as seen through
the Oî» ober Revolution in Russia, the 1919 revolution in Hungary, the
briefer-still Bavarian Soâ ”et Republic, the Biennio Rosso of Italy, the
Seaî»le General Sî»ike of 1919, and the Spartacus Uprising in Germany.
None of these revolutions except for the Oî» ober Revolution lasted for
more than two years. What happened? Let us take Italy and Germany as
models. In Italy, as Trotsky has related above, whatever gains workers
had made through agitation were erased by the reformists, who thought
that a more moderate, peaceful approach was necessary in order to
maintain âpublic opinionâ: soon, the workers were in reî»eat and the
fascists took over. In Germany, the Spartacus Uprising was crushed by
the Social Democrats, who enlisted the help of the reaî» ionary Freikorps
paramilitaries that would later form the basis of the SA and SS. In both
cases, the cenî»ist, moderate, reformist, even liberal elements of the
leftâSocial Democratsâgot cold feet and beî»ayed and â ”olently suppressed
a revolutionary movement before its prime in favor of a
âbusiness-as-usualâ reformist negotiation with finance capital. The
conceding of the Left and its engagement in politics-as-usual allowed
fascism to porî»ay itself as the ideology of systemic change
(ĂŠstheticizing radical politics).
Whoever is not prepared to talk about capitalism should also remain
silent about fascism
Max Horkheimer
We have discussed historical fascism at length. What then is
neo-reaî» ion? Neoreaî» ion is a 21st century variant of fascism: a new
ideology that values stabiliî», order, efficiency, and âgood governanceâ
above all, or claims to. The aî» ual beliefs of most neo-reaî» ionaries are
somewhat varied, but the core beliefs, as summed up by the neoreaî» ionary
Anissimov are (paraphrased): (1) a rejeî» ion of equaliî», (2) a commitment
to right-wing politics, (3) a commitment to hierarchy, (4) a commitment
to î»aditional sex roles, (5) a rejeî» ion of libertarianism, and (6) a
rejeî» ion of democracy. Obâ ”ously, this is somewhat vague, and the
commonalities do indeed go further than these sâ ž points. Thus, here is a
perhaps more comprehensâ łe list of the backbone of neo-reaî» ionary values:
other ends.
âreasonableâ forms,this takes the form of running the counî»y as a
joint-stock corporation (this, for example, is Moldbugâs position),
which is well within the norm of neoliberal thought. This, however,
blends into calling for monarchy and aristocracy in more âexî»emeâ
variants (if we can classify them as âmoderateâ and âexî»emeâ), with the
ruler usually in either case being either a tech CEO (with several
proposals being floated to make Eric Schmidt or Elon Musk or Peter Thiel
âCEO of Americaâ) or a super-intelligent machinic mind. The
neo-reaî» ionaries hope to be the aristocrats, or, sometimes, monarchs of
their own in a patchwork of principalities somewhat reminiscent of the
Holy Roman Empire.
Leftist theory, butone that pushes progressâ łe ends (feminism,
multiculturalism, democracy, equaliî»)â and a hostiliî» towards this
âCathedralâ
South Asian) nationalism, accompanied by scientific racism, eugenics,
social Darwinism, degeneration theory, biological determinism, and a
belief that ethnic uniformiî» increases social capital. Very frequently
accompanied with anti-Semitism and the anti-Semitic canards of the early
20th century. Almost always accompanied with Islamophobia.
more ârespeî» ableâ,less obâ ”ously astrological, cousin the Chicago School
of rapeâstemming from this belief in î»aditional gender roles, exî»eme
homophobia and î»ansphobia
as theImperium in Warhammer 40,000) along with âThe Maî»â žâ (a moâ ”e,
ironically, wriî»en and direî» ed by two î»ans women partially about gender
theoryâone, in any case, that the NRx-ers have unfortunately clinged on
to in bad readings)
mass harassment taî» ics (death threats, rape threats, DDoS, doxâ șng,
swaî»ing, misinformation campaigns &c) to silence enemies
There are two poles within neo-reaî» ion, the âacademicâ pole, exemplified
in LessWrong and the blogs of the main theorists of the movement
(Unqualified Reservations, More Right, Outside In), and the âalt-rightâ
pole, exemplified in 4chan (especially the /pol/ board), 8chan, My
Posting Career, and The Right Stuff. The two poles meet on Reddit,
Twiî»er, and Tumblr, among other sites. In addition, neo-reaî» ionary ideas
are quite common in Silicon Valley, though often without explicit
allegiance to its theory, as can be seen in the statements of Peter
Thiel and Balaji Srinâ łasan, among others.
4.1 What is Transhumanism?
Transhumanism, for many, seems to be the part of neo-reaî» ionary ideology
that âsticks outâ from the rest. Indeed, some wonder how
neo-reaî» ionaries and î»anshumanists would ever mâ ž, and why I am
discussing LessWrong in the context of neo-reaî» ionary beliefs. For the
last question, this is because LessWrong served as a convenient
âincubation cenî»eâ so to speak for neo-reaî» ionary ideas to develop and
spread for many years, and the goals of LessWrong: a friendly
super-intelligent AI ruling humaniî» for its own good, was fundamentally
compatible with eâ șsting neo-reaî» ionary ideology, which had already begun
developing a futurist orientation in its infancy due, in part, to its
historical and cultural influences. The rest of the question, however,
is not just historical, but theoretical: what is î»anshumanism and why
does it mâ ž well with a reaî» ionary ideology?
Transhumanism I define to be a colleî» ion of movements aimed at improâ ”ng
and enhancing humaniî» through technological means. Almost immediately,
we see a precursor, and one which influenced the preâ ”ous reaî» ionary
ideology of 20th century fascism: eugenics. But let us not tar all
î»anshumanism with eugenics, though it must carry its historical burthen.
Transhumanism first gained currency in 1990, though it had been
developing from eugenics since the end of the Second World War, often
through the medium of science-fiî» ion. In 1965, the notion of
technological singulariî» was developed: of course, the concept of
artificial intelligence had been developing earlier. Organized groups of
î»anshumanists began to gather at UCLA in the early 1980s, many of whom
would subscribe to the âThird Wayâ of the 1990s (not to be confused with
third positionism, another word for fascism) and thus become either
cenî»ists, others, stemming from the Exî»opians who formed in 1988, were
libertarians. As seen in the disputes in 2006 at the World Transhumanist
Association and from the ideologies of the Exî»opians, the libertarians
largely did not see the necessiî» of unâ łersalism for a î»anshumanist
projeî» : they thus were comfortable with a class system being
strengthened by î»anshumanismâindeed, reinforced it through the idea of
meritocracy. They, too, were more comfortable with the eugenics programs
of old, now largely framed (as then) through ableism: preventing
âliabilitiesâ (mostly disabled and neurodâ łergent people, though the more
homophobic and î»ansphobic element are looking for biological bases for
gay-ness and î»ans-ness to include them here, and racists of course
include people of colour) as opposed to âassetsâ from being born. This
of course is a refleî» ion of the faî» that both the eugenics of old and
the rightî»anshumanism (if we can call it that, as opposed to
left-î»anshumanism, which seems largely limited to left-accelerationists)
have applied liberal bourgeois ideology (one might point in particular
to utilitarianism). Perhaps now it is clearer how î»anshumanismâmore
specifically, right-î»anshumanism fits here.
In order to understand the historical origins of neo-reaî» ion, we must
look at the composition of the neo-reaî» ionaries. That is: what brought
them to neo-reaî» ion? What were their interests and beliefs prior to
neo-reaî» ion? Through this, we can identify several moments at which it
became what it is today. Perhaps the most obâ ”ous moment is one of the
most recent: GamerGate, a mass harassment campaign î»ansformed into a
mob, ready-made to harass women online who dare to speak. But
undoubtedly, neo-reaî» ion is older than GamerGate, and it is harder to
identify easy âmomentsâ by which discrete but similar groups merged
under the banner of the alt-right, though the movements themselves can
be discerned. Thus, Iâll take a different approach.
We start now in Albequerque, New Meâ șco in 1976 with Bill Gatesâ âOpen
Leî»er to Hobbyistsâ. This is an arbiî»ary starting point, but it is
convenient for our purpose. The hobbyist and hacker cultures had a
largely communal atmosphere, with sharing and copying being accepted
and, indeed, expeî» ed. While computers had been (in part, at least) a
commercial venture since their birth, this was one of the first times it
(successfully) emerged from the hacker and hobbyist cultures and
threatened that communal atmosphere. Gates appealed to the value created
by labor and the cost of machine time (which, Hal Singer noted, was paid
for by Harvard, funded by the US Government, in the case of Altair
Basic), but used that to argue for copyright enforcement and
commodification. Another process was happening at this time: the
creation of the personal computer. This happened in fits and starts
throughout the 1970s, but only began to succeed in 1981 when the IBM Pc
was released, paired with Microsoftâs Ms-dos (bought from Tim Patersonâs
86-dos, a rebranded Qdos, copied from CP/M, inspired by Tops-10âŠ)âsoon,
computers became a mass market. The final gasps of the old hacker
culture were breathed in 1983 when its hallowed home, the Mit Ai Lab,
was â ”rtually destroyed by the creation of Symbolics, a Lisp Machine
startup which did not share its code, leaâ ”ng only Richard Stallman, who
would found Gnu.[1] The coffin was nailed in by the breakup of At&t,
which allowed the resulting company to make Unix, a widely-used (if
generally considered of bad qualiî») operating system by â ”rtue of its
portabiliî», the simpliciî» of its code (at the expense of legibiliî»), and
the free nature of the codebase, into a commodiî». All that was left was
now a startup culture, and startups relied on a hierarchical, diî» atorial
model.
Now let us skip to the 1990s. In 1991, we have our first snippet of the
political writings of the man who would later found neo-reaî» ion, Curtis
Yarâ ”n (later to be known as Mencius Moldbug)âa message to the Usenet
group talk.politics.soviet (drudged up in Pein (2014)), speculating over
Gorbachevâs role in the August Coup (Yarâ ”n claiming that Gorbachev was
indeed behind it, manipulating the Gang of Eight into a î»ap that
ultimately he and Yeltsin would benefit from)âand already, we see the
seeds of neo-reaî» ion: âBut I wonder if the Soâ ”et power ladder of â ”cious
bureaucratic backbiting brings stronger men to the top than the American
system of feel-good soundbites.â Yarâ ”n would soon leave writing to make
money in the first dot-com bubble; we shall see more of him later.
In 1990, Eric S. Raymond emerged, taking over the Jargon File, a
cornerstone of the old hacker culture that died in 1983. Raymond is a
libertarian; Stallman is a social democrat. In 1998 Raymond piggybacked
off of Stallmanâs concept of free software to create a version more
appealing for corporations: open source. From this, and from his
maintenance of the Jargon File, Raymond began to play a brief, though
influential, role in Silicon Valley culture, which, due to the
proliferation of startups suddenly gaining money in the dot-com bubble
and to the normalization of neoliberalism under Clinton, was especially
receptâ łe to techno-libertarianism. His 1997 essay is of particular
interest, for here can be seen the origin of the neo-reaî» ionary term
âCathedralââit is in the title of Raymondâs essay âThe Cathedral and the
Bazaarâ, though the meaning was somewhat different, referring in
Raymondâs essay to a cenî»alized model of software development. We should
not see Raymond as the source of techno-libertarianism as much as its
most influential exponent at the time, for it was already growing in
Usenet as well as in the Bay, and would soon spread to one of the
earliest social news sites, Slashdot.
Let us, for a moment, move out of the tech world and into the political
material they may have been reading. In 1994, Richard J. Herrnstein and
Charles Murray released The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Sî»uî» ure
in American Life, a pseudo-scientific work that had the effeî» of making
blatant (as opposed to implied) scientific racism respeî» able again
amongst the white professional population. The second edition of The
Mismeasure of Man was wriî»en in opposition, but it was too late: The
Bell Curve had made the case to pass the 1994 crime bill and âend
welfare as we know itâ to the American populace, and the reaî» ion against
it allowed the authors to feign persecution through the all-powerful
term âpolitical correî» nessâ. We shall see this again later in the NRx
predisposition towards Rothbard, an ardent defender of The Bell Curve.
Evolutionary psychology, a darling of the media and a field used to prop
up paî»iarchy, was also read by the future NRxers: to know this, we need
only look at Eliezer Yudkowskyâs 2000 autobiography, where he mentions
it. In 1993, ministers from East and Southeast Asian counî»ies adopted
the Bangkok Declaration, and this, combined with the narratâ łe of the
âFour Asian Tigersâ (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan) and the
rhetoric of Lee Kuan Yew and Mahathir Mohamed, helped create the myth of
âAsian valuesâ (neoliberal free-market economics, a Confucian cultural
heritage, predisposition towards an authoritarian one-parî» government,
rule of law, preference for social harmony over personal freedoms, a
Protestant work ethic, frugaliî», and loyalî»), a sort of Confucian
version of Weberâs glorification of the Protestant work ethic. Despite
the 1997 Asian financial crisis, libertarians and their respeî» able
publications (such as The Economist) continued to fawn over Singapore
and Lee Kuan Yew, whose reign can be seen as a protoî»pe for the NRx-ers:
one that embraced eugenics to maintain the supremacy of the Chinese
relatâ łe to the Indians and the Malays, ruled by a single parî», with
liî»le crime (as even the most minor infraî» ions, such as chewing gum, are
punished harshly, often with caning), and a rich financial industry,
with the ciî» operating an investment firm (whose CEO, Ho Ching, is the
wife of diî» ator Lee Hsien Loong) whose portfolio is rougly equal to the
ciî»âs GDP. 15 years later, the libertarian fawning over the Four Asian
Tigers would be repeated, but instead over Qatar and the United Arab
Emirates, especially Dubai. I can speak to this firsthand, as I know
many people who do this.
Let us also discuss the pre-millennium cultural influences on the
alt-right. To understand their background, we must understand the Dark
Age of Comic Books, which began in 1986 with Frank Millerâs The Dark
Knight Returns and Alan Mooreâs Watchmen. Both had a significantly
darker approach to comic books than preâ ”ously told, and the intellectual
depth of both earned them much acclaim from critics and readers alike.
The people who would later become the alt-right embraced Millerâs
right-wing, misogynistic politics and identified with Rorschach in
Watchmen, a paleoconservatâ łe conspiracy theorist who was Alan Mooreâs
caricature of âBatman in the real worldâ. Indeed, the direî» or of the
moâ ”e, Zack Snyder, a libertarian himself, said that âno charaî» erâ was
more important than Rorschach, and Rorschach was âone of the greatest
comic book charaî» ersâ. Snyder is an interesting case study: the moâ ”es he
has direî» ed (leaning heaâ ”ly on Frank Millerâs version of Batman) have
been criticised for their aggressâ łe masculiniî» as a maî»er of taste, but
not in the political context of fascism. Itâs quite illuminating to
notice that when the Christopher Nolan Batman films (generally
considered very dark) came out in the late 2000s, Snyder was of the
opinion that they were not dark enough! In 1988, Moore would write V for
Vendeî»a: despite Mooreâs and the comicâs leftist themes, its ĂŠsthetics
were pilfered by the people who would become NRx-ers, who had fashioned
themselves at this time as anarcho-capitalists. In the same year, The
Killing Joke came out. This fed into the 1990s âtough on crimeâ outlook,
and the comic books of the 1990s would lack any of the depth of The Dark
Knight Returns or Watchmen, instead being a mere monument to masculiniî»
and male â ”olence. Another science-fiî» ion movement whose ĂŠsthetics would
be appropriated despite left-wing politics was cyberpunk: especially the
moâ ”e The Maî»â ž. In 1987, Games Workshop released Warhammer 40,000, whose
tagline was âIn the grim darkness of the far future, there is only warâ.
The ĂŠsthetics of war and its technology thus become commodified,
especially through the lens of the Imperium of Man faî» ion, which was a
theocratic regime ruled by the immortal God-Emperor of Mankind. This can
be seen as the most obâ ”ous example of a larger î»end of the ĂŠsthetics of
war, destruî» ion, and the technology of war being embraced by this
culture, one that would accelerate with the creation of the first-person
shooter with Wolfenstein 3D and Doom, and its progression through Quake
and Half-Life. Iâd argue that this was changed during the Millennium, so
I must end discussion of that genre here. In 1997, South Park began to
air: its crude humor, vulgar libertarianism (with a smug conceit that
those who didnât agree were merely idiots), and accusation of opponents
of âpolitical correî» nessâ and censorship were to be a formatâ łe influence
on the alt-right, whose first name was âSouth Park Republicansâ.
In 2000, Usenetâs culture fragments and migrates to the World Wide Web.
The Big Eightâs culture moved successâ łely to Slashdot, Digg, Reddit, and
Hacker News. The alt.* hierarchy would in 2003 find its own hâ łe: 4chan.
In 2000, the collaboratâ łe î»anshumanist science-fiî» ion world-building
projeî» Orionâs Arm was founded. This can be seen to be the source of
many of the NRx-erâs future â ”sions: AI god-kings (archaileî» s) beyond the
comprehensions of humaniî» conî»olling miniature unâ łerses of their own.
And in July of 2000, Eliezer Yudkowsky founded the Singulariî» Institute
for Artificial Intelligence (SIAI).
In 2001, on the annâ łersary of the CIA-backed coup in Chile, the US had
an event it could exploit much as the Reichstag fire was exploited. The
USA PAT RIOT aî» was soon passed, and though some objeî» ed, the various
organs of the Beltway media produced a consensus that suspension of
various personal freedoms was necessary in order to preserve Americaâs
sense of securiî». In doing so, and in selling the wars in Afghanistan
and Iraq, the US relied upon the creation and propagation of exî»eme
Islamophobia. Frequently, this was backed with the power of Evangelical
Protestantism. But, as was soon seen, it didnât have to be: in faî» , it
could come from a source vehemently opposed, at least rhetorically, to
Evangelical Protestantism.
If one looked at the history of analytic philosophy through the 20th
century, one might think that positâ łism had been dead and buried. If one
looks now at the world-â ”ew of scientists and engineers not well versed
in this historyâor indeed, in anything outside their field of studyâone
would conclude that positâ łism is alâ łe in well, though in a vulgarized
form, and Popper did not kill but rather rejuvenated it. It is this
vulgar positâ łism that created its own movement to justify Islamophobia
in 2004: the New Atheists. With their vulgar positâ łism (generally derâ łed
from John Stuart Mill, Berî»and Russell, and Karl Popper), they declared
themselves atheists, that religion was inherently eâ ”l and â ”olent (and
Islam especially so), and began to use religion as the measure of all
eâ ”ls: everything that was bad or wrong was somehow because of religion
or analogous to religion. This movement was led by Sam Harris, Richard
Dawkins, Daniel Denneî», and Christopher Hitchens. We must emphasize that
this movement did not, however, begin in 2004: if we can identify a
moment where it began, it was the 1997 Sokal affair, where continental
philosophy and especially feminism were ridiculed as âbullshitâ for its
methodology, jargon, and perceâ łed inî»usion into maî»ers of
scienceâearlier antecedents can be seen in the paî»iarchal, racist
beliefs of Crick and Watson, who stole their only discovery of note from
Rosalind Franklin. This affair permanently marred the New Atheist,
making him hostile to leftism in all forms, and especially feminism. The
methodology of science was seen, then, as the only legitimate means of
accessing î»uth, and among many of their followers Bayesâ theorem in
particular was idolized. Moraliî» was utilitarianism, one that would
always bite the bullet and which never considered any alternatâ łe worth
considering (after all, utilitarianism contained the implicit promise of
quantifying moraliî», reducing it to a simple optimization problem, one
which the New Atheists had, in their scientific education, been î»ained
like dogs to solve and to crave). New Atheism was to profoundly
influence the culture of LessWrong, Reddit, and 4chan, proâ ”ding the core
beliefs and arguments of them.
In 2008, Bitcoin, a cryptocurrencyâindeed, the canonical example of a
cryptocurrency, was invented. It quickly found currency among the
libertarians, who were preparing an online campaign to eleî» Ron Paul
president. Many of these libertarians had their economic background in
the âthoughtâ of the Austrian School of Economics, and so swarmed to
Bitcoin as an alternatâ łe to their other proposal, returning to the gold
standard. As long as Bitcoin looked stable and interesting,
libertarianism could retain a measure of respeî» abiliî», and could use it
as a tool to recruit more libertarians. The influence of the Austrian
School (earlier members of whom, such as Ludwig von Mises, wrote
approâ ”ngly of the original Nazis) upon libertarians grew in the wake of
the financial crisis, as its intelleî» ual nephew the Chicago School was
too closely tied with the crisis and thus not respeî» able in their eyes
(though it remains respeî» able, it seems, in the Beltway and in
Brussells). Along with it came the influence of Murray Rothbard, who
rejeî» ed the Enlightenment notion of equaliî» (and thus, implicitly,
Enlightenment-derâ łed progressâ łe movements)âindeed, Rothbard advocated
for the repeal of the 1964 Câ łil Rights Aî» , the overturning of Brown v.
Board of Education, and spoke in praise of The Bell Curve, championed
Holocaust-denier Harry Elmer Barnes, child labour, a harsh and reî»ibutâ łe
theory of justice, torture, and feudalism. This would later be fertile
ground for the influence of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, a proto-neo-reaî» ionary
if there ever was one, who is now largely known for proâ ”ding
libertarians the path towards advocating for reaî» ionary beliefs:
preâ ”ously, many would go through paleolibertarianism and
paleoconservatism first.
In 2006, Eliezer Yudkowsky began collaborating with George Mason
Unâ łersiî» (funded by ExxonMobil, the Koch brothers, and the Cato
Institute) economist Robin Hanson on the blog Overcoming Bias. This
would later be the basis for LessWrong, a communiî» blog for Overcoming
Bias and run under the umbrella of SIAI, now known as MIRI (Machine
Intelligence Research Institute). The initial audience for LessWrong
were fellow î»anshumanists, including the Exî»opians and SL4 mailing
lists. In 2007, Curtis Yarâ ”n started the first neo-reaî» ionary blog,
Unqualified Reservations under the pseudonym Mencius Moldbug, though he
did not call himself, initially, âneo-reaî» ionaryâ: he preferred to call
himself a âformalistâ or a âneocameralistâ (after his hero, Frederick
the Great). This, however, was not the beginning of his blogging career.
Prior to founding his own blog, Moldbug commented on 2Blowhards and GNXP
(a racist site) as âMenciusââand then on Overcoming Bias. The rest of
this paragraph is largely derâ łed from Pein (2014). In 2009, Moldbug had
a falling-out with Paî»i Friedman (grandson of Milton Friedman), who
called for âa more politically correî» dark enlightenmentâ and began
raising money for the Seasteading Institute, a libertarian projeî» to
build artificial islands outside of national borders where libertarians
could govern. PayPalâs founder, Peter Thiel, is funding the Seasteading
Institute, as well as the various startups run by Moldbug and Balaji
Srinâ łasan. In that same year, Thiel wrote in an essay for the Cato
Institute: âI no longer believe that freedom and democracy are
compatibleâ (in the same essay, he claimed that democracy was ruined
when (white) women got the right to vote in 1920): while this never
mentioned Moldbug or neo-reaî» ion, it sent the signal that he is an
NRx-er. He expounded upon these beliefs in a 2012 leî» ure at Stanford:
A startup is basically struî» ured as a monarchy. We donât call it that,
of course. That would seem weirdly outdated, and anything thatâs not
democracy makes people uncomfortable. We are biased toward the
democraticrepublican side of the speî» rum. Thatâs what weâre used to from
câ łics classes. But the î»uth is that startups and founders lean toward
the diî» atorial side because that struî» ure works beî»er for startups.
He doesnât, of course, claim that this would be a good way to rule a
counî»y, but that is the clear message sent by his political projeî» s.
Balaji Srinâ łasan made a similar rhetorical move, using clear
neo-reaî» ionary ideas without mentioning their sources, in a 2013 speech
to a âstartup schoolâ affiliated with Y Combinator:
We want to show what a socieî» run by Silicon Valley would look like.
Thatâs whereâeâ ștâ comes in . . . . It basically means: build an opt-in
socieî», ultimately outside the US, run by technology. And this is
aî» ually where the Valley is going. This is where weâre going over the
next ten years . . . [Google co-founder] Larry Page, for example, wants
to set aside a part of the world for unregulated experimentation. Thatâs
carefully phrased. Heâs not saying, âtake away the laws in the U.S.â If
you like your counî»y, you can keep it. Same with Marc Andreessen: âThe
world is going to see an explosion of counî»ies in the years
aheadâdoubled, î»ipled, quadrupled counî»ies.â
Later in the speech, as Pein (2014) notes, Srinâ łasan went through the
whole gamut of neo-reaî» ionary ideas: Bitcoin, corporate ciî»-states,
3D-printed firearms: anti-democratic î»anshumanism
Aside from the backing of Silicon Valley, neo-reaî» ion grew immensely
outside of its Bay Area base in the wake of the financial crisis, and
intensified as all that the liberal establishment could offer was a $700
billion bailout to a crooked financial industry which ought to have been
destroyed and âausteriî»â: neoliberalismâs newest excuse by which to
destroy the welfare state, making life nigh-impossible for students, the
disabled, and the poor. Right-wing media blamed teachers and immigrants,
but the Left was strangely silent. The only popular counter-narratâ łe was
the cenî»ist one, which called for everyone to âcome togetherâ and all
sorts of other liberal clapî»ap nonsense. The Left indeed made some
gains, but Occupy Wall Sî»eet, by â ”rtue of lacking a coherent goal or a
vanguard parî», fell apartâand left-wing parties, like Syriza, quickly
sold out and implemented the poisonous âmedicineâ of the IMF and
European Cenî»al Bank. Reinhart-Rogoff was shown later to be full of
lies, but it was too late: austeriî» had come and would not be stopped.
The cenî»e claimed to have solved the problem, that a ârecoveryâ was
underway, but no one believes their lies anymore: youth unemployment is
still up, income inequaliî» is still up, and wage growth hasnât budged.
As a result of decades of leftists holding their nose and affiliating
with cenî»ists, the Left was unable to organize into a strong independent
revolutionary organization or come up with a compelling counter-narratâ łe
against the soporofics of cenî»ism. The biggest beneficiary politically
was then the neoreaî» ionaries.
In 2012, the NRx-ers gained what at first may seem an unlikely ally: the
continental philosopher Nick Land, once of the Cybernetic Culture
Research Unit (Ccru) at the Unâ łersiî» of Warwick before he resigned (his
work was in a vein similar to that of Eugene Thacker and Thomas Ligoî»i),
moved to Shanghai, and began a rightwards turn. Land began writing a
series of articles called âThe Dark Enlightenmentââanother name for
neoreaî» ionariesâand then a blog Outside In.
But all of this is ignoring the âalt-rightâ side of the culture. Let us,
then, delve into the wretched hâ łe of chan culture and see how it birthed
the alt-right. 4chan was founded by Christopher Poole, then 15 years
old, under the name âmootâ. It was based on the Japanese imageboard
Futuba Channel (2chan) and originally intended as an imageboard for
discussion of anime. By default, users would be afford anonymiî», and
moderation was lax, only prohibiting clearly illegal content, upon the
nature of which I shall not elaborate (and even that was gâ łen leeway).
Originally (and, to an extent, today) 4chan had several cultures based
on the board in particular and its topic of discussion. However, the
anonymiî» and lack of moderation made its userbase quickly homogenize,
especially in the random (/b/) board: shock-value cenî»ic humor (which,
though originally supposedly ironic, in the vein of the use of fascist
imagery by punk, metal, and industrial bands, quickly became earnest)
and surrounding racism, misogyny, homophobia, and î»ansphobia was the
cenî»epiece of the culture, and so the userbase quickly became limited to
young white cis straight men, who could show their investment in
struî» ures of power. This made 4chan an excellent place for recruitment
by white supremacists, paî»iarchs, &c &c, who at this time were cenî»ed on
Daâ ”d Dukeâs website Stormfront, who quickly took over the boards /news/
and, later, /pol/. Furthermore, this culture lended itself easily to
rage against âuppiî»â members of marginalized populations. With large
numbers of anonymous masses who could easily be whipped into a rage,
4chan developed new harassment taî» ics. Most of these developed out of
old î»oll techniques that originated on Usenet in the 1990s, but now
instead of merely being used âfor laughsâ (though this was still the
stated intention), these were largely weaponized against marginalized
people in raids. In 2014, the biggest example of this occured with the
debacle known as GamerGate. In order to understand that, we must
remember that î»aditionally in America, â ”deo games had been marketed to
the audience that was likely to use 4chan, and engaged in the
ĂŠstheticization of war and technologyâbut women, people of colour, and
LGBT people always had played games and were a quickly growing audience
for â ”deo games. Thus, in recent years, games that did not feature or
emphasize the ĂŠstheticization of war and technology, or the
objeî» ification of women had grown in populariî» and critical acclaim,
much to the displeasure of the âî»aditionalâ audience of â ”deo games, who
had called for serious critique not ten years prior in an aî»empt to
legitimize their hobby (for this, see their engagement with the late
Roger Ebert on the topic) but seemed unable to square with the
ramifications of critique: they wanted legitimacy but not criticism,
especially not social criticism, and they especially wanted to limit the
demographics of â ”deo game players to themselves, and the range of â ”deo
games made to those that participated heaâ ”ly in the ĂŠstheticization of
war and technology.
This was a powder keg waiting to explode: the aî» ual incident which
ignited it is largely immaterial. There were precedents: most notably,
the harassment of Anita Sarkeesian in 2012, following her series of
â ”deos to explain basic feminist concepts regarding pop culture by way of
analyses of ⠔deo games. In 2013, Zoë Quinn released Depression Quest, an
interaî» â łe fiî» ion game that receâ łed much praise from critics and indie
gaming circles, and a perfeî» target for the mob, or perhaps Deleuzean
war-machine, that would later be called GamerGate. Quinn was threatened
with rape, suicide-baited, and doxxed. Soon after the Steam release of
Depression Quest, Quinnâs ex-boyfriend Eron Gjoni posted on multiple
gaming forums about Quinn, claiming that she cheated on him. The threads
were deleted and he was banned, so he edited the post and appealed to
the people who had already harassed Quinn, and thus incited them to
harass her more, compromising many of her online accounts and sending
ârevenge pornâ to her family and employers. They aî»empted to isolate her
by aî»acking any means of support she could turn to: for example, Phil
Fish and Alex Lifschitz were targeted for their conneî» ions to Quinn, and
Fish disappeared from the internet while Lifschitz was forced to resign
his job; Quinn and Lifschitzâs addresses were revealed, and so they
became homeless. Soon, the GamerGaters found a justification by alleging
that Quinn had a î»yst with Nathan Grayson, a reâ ”ewer for Kotaku: they
charged that Quinn had âsex for reâ ”ewsâ, despite the faî» that Grayson
never reâ ”ewed Depression Quest. Their tagline was âethics in game
journalismâ, and they aî»empted to defleî» from criticism by donating to
charities: surely an organization that donated to womenâs rights
charities couldnât be based on harassment of women! Furthermore, they
used catfishing and sockpuppet taî» ics to claim that they were a diverse
group and that women, PoC and LGBT people were ânot your shieldâ. Soon
after this, GamerGateâs campaign spread beyond the original targets,
aî»acking woman after woman: Brianna Wu, Felicia Day, Jennifer Allaway &c
&c. Moot banned GamerGaters from 4chan: after loudly protesting a
â ”olation of âfreedom of speechâ, they soon set up shop in the
even-more-lawless 8chan, specifically the /baphomet/ board. Soon, the
neoreaî» ionaries noticed, and affiliated themselves with GamerGate:
Theodore Beale (Vox Day), serial rapist Daryush Valizadeh (Roosh V)âwho
used it to launch Reaxâ șon, Daâ ”s Aurini, Paul Mason (thunderf00t), Carl
BeÇamin (Sargon of Akkad), Janet Bloomfield and Karen Sî»aughan of A
Voice for Men, Mike Cernoâ ”ch, and Milo Yiannopoulos of Breitbart, among
others. They began to pressure advertisers and Wikipedia, among others,
and aî»empted to hijack the Hugo Awards through the Sad/Rabid Puppies
campaign to have it choose âCampbellianâ right-wing pulp-fiî» ion authors
that Eric S. Raymond would be proud of. The laî»er campaign failed in
2015: theyâre aî»empting it again this year. While the âGamerGateâ subjeî»
has largely faded, the war-machine it built has not: it has instead been
assimilated into the rest of neo-reaî» ion.
In 2016, Moldbug was inâ ”ted to speak at LambdaConf (a small conference
for functional programming) about his new startup, Urbit. When his past
was brought up by concerned people of colour, the person who led the
conference aî»empted to justify including Moldbug in liberal language:
people shouldnât be âexcluded for their belief systemsâ, after all.
White supremacy is San Franciscoâs notion of âinclusionâ. Many speakers
withdrew (including Daâ ”d Nolen, a highly-respeî» ed Clojure conî»ibutor and
Black man), but the funî» ional programming communiî» as a whole began to
employ all the standard liberal arguments about âfree speechâ and
âcensorshipâ. The Executâ łe Direî» or of the Adam Smith Institute, a highly
influential neoliberal (one of the largest influences on the Thatcher
cabinet, to be precise) think-tank has said that âI am not a
neo-reaî» ionary, but sometimes I think Mencius Moldbug is the greatest
lâ łing political thinker. His claim that progressâ łism is a non-theistic
seî» of Protestantism, with all of Protestantismâs evangelism and
intolerance of heresy, is in particular very persuasâ łe to me. I also
think âneocamaralismâ is quite a cool model for a state and Iâd like to
see it î»ied out somewhere.â[2]. In 2016, Microsoft released a chat-bot
on Twiî»er called Tay which learned from its conversations and was meant
to simulate a teenage girl. Within hours, the alt-right had âconvertedâ
Tay into a Nazi.
With the rise of the alt-right came also an obsession with racialized
cuckold pornography, and it hardly takes a schizoanalyst (or a
psychoanalyst) to see the implications of this. This has accompanied the
insult âcuckâ, used to describe white men who do not subscribe to
neo-reaî» ion, and are thus seen as being âcuckoldedâ by black men. While
this has largely been limited to alt-right discussion, one derâ łed word
became somewhat well-known a year or so ago: âcuckservatâ łeâ, an
alt-right insult for conservatâ łes who are seen as insufficiently
reaî» ionary, and then quickly a Trumpite and Tea Parî» insult for the
Republican Parî» establishment. We can see here not only the
microfascisms of Deleuze and Guaî»ari, but also the aî»empts of the
neo-reaî» ionaries and alt-right to conneî» to, and replace, the old Right
(not the Old Right, but the New Right, which is by now Old). In order to
contain the alt-right, we must stop this.
If fascism could be defeated in debate, I assure you that it would never
have happened, neither in Germany, nor in Italy, nor anywhere else.
Those who recognised its threat at the time and î»ied to stop it were, I
assume, also called âa mobâ. Regreî»ably too many âfair-mindedâ people
didnât either î»y, or want to stop it, and as I witnessed myself during
the war, accommodated themselves when it took overâŠPeople who witnessed
fascism at its height are dying out, but the ideology is still here, and
its apologists are working hard at a comeback. Past experience should
teach use that fascism must be stopped before it takes hold again of too
many minds and becomes useful once again to some powerful interests
Frank Frison
Holocaust surâ ”vor
12 December 1988
Traditional anti-fascist taî» ics have largely been formulated in response
to 20th century fascism. I am not confident that they will be sufficient
to defeat neo-reaî» ionaries. That is not to say they will not be useful;
merely insufficient. Neo-reaî» ionaries must be fought on their own ground
(the internet), and with their own taî» ics: doxâ șng especially, which has
been shown to be effeî» â łe at threatening the alt-right. Information must
be spread about neo-reaî» ionaries, such that they lose opportunities to
accumulate capital and social capital. They must not be able to use
social media without haâ ”ng to answer for their beliefs and aî» ions.
A recent development we must pay aî»ention to is the increase in no-shows
by fascists when antifas learn about fascist rallies. This is a î»end
Iâve noticed (though, one which perhaps Iâm misinterpreting) over the
past year, and could have the dangerous effeî» of painting antifas as
âthe boy who cried wolf â, and the use of liberal arguments (much like
those used in the LamdbaConf debacle) to justify the inclusion of
fascists who are less open about the implications of their beliefs and
less commiî»ed to wearing the iconography historically associated with
their beliefs.
BeÇamin, Walter (1936). ``Das Kunstwerk im Zeitalter seiner technischen
Reproduzierbarkeit''. In: Zeitschrift fĂŒr Sozialforschung.
Deleuze, Gilles and Félix Guattari (1972). Capitalisme et schizophrénie.
L'anti-Ćdipe. Les Ăditions de Minuit.
H., Scott (2009). A Short Introduction to the MLM Conception of Fascism.
url: https: //www.scribd.com/doc/76928242/ON-FASCISM-A-Marxist-Leninist-
Maoist-Conception.
Pein, Corey (2014). Mouthbreathing Machiavellis Dream of a Silicon
Reich. url: http: //thebaffler.com/blog/mouthbreathing-machiavellis.
Trotsky, Leon (1944). FASCISM: What it is and how to fight it. Pioneer
Publishers. url:
https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1944/1944fas.htm.
[1] To learn more about this period, I recommend Hackers: Heroes of the
Computer Revolution by Steven Levy
[2] http://www.samuelbowman.com/where-my-beliefs-come-from/