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Title: Trotskyism in the Sixties
Author: Wayne Price
Date: December 14, 2005
Language: en
Topics: Trotskyism, USA, 1960s, book review
Source: http://anarkismo.net/article/1977
Notes: Book Review of: The Party; The Socialist Workers Party 1960—1988; Vol. 1: The Sixties, A Political Memoir by Barry Sheppard. Chippendale, Australia: Resistance Books, 2005. 16.00 pb.

Wayne Price

Trotskyism in the Sixties

This is an autobiographical account by a leader of U.S. Trotskyism

during the tumultuous period of the Sixties (a period which really runs

from the mid-Fifties to the mid-Seventies). He was a leader of the main

U.S. Trotskyist group, which was then the Socialist Workers Party

(SWP—no relation to the present-day British Trotskyist group of the same

name) and of its youth organization, the Young Socialist Alliance (YSA).

Barry Sheppard was a friend of other Trotskyist leaders, especially

Peter Camejo. The Sixties were the last period of mass radicalization.

Since we are now moving into a new period of mass radicalization, it is

important to learn whatever we can from previous periods (including the

even earlier Thirties). Hopefully we can at least limit our repetition

of previous errors.

The two main forces of U.S. Sixties radicalization were the movement for

Civil Rights (also called Black Liberation and/or Freedom Now) and the

movement against the war in Vietnam. The SWP-YSA focused on the antiwar

movement, particularly on college campuses.

During this period, many young people learned about the depth of U.S.

racism and the reality of U.S. imperialism, as the U.S. state ruthlessly

carried out a war of aggression against the Vietnamese (and Laotian and

Cambodian) people. They were also educated in the weakness and cowardice

of U.S. liberalism. The Democratic Party ran the U.S. government and

carried out the war. The supposed left of the Democrats were unwilling

to oppose it. The leaders of the AFL-CIO unions were viciously

militarist. The liberal left wing of the unions was unwilling to oppose

the AFL-CIO’s national leadership. The traditional peace movement was

split by the war, after years of accommodating to Cold War

anti-communist politics. Even the leaders of the Black movement at first

did not want to speak against the war and antagonize the U.S.

government, even though M.L. King was supposedly a pacifist. Gradually

they came to speak out.

Given the failures of the liberals, the antiwar movement was built by

various radicals: Trotskyists, the Communists (pro-Moscow Stalinists

with a reformist program), Maoists (pro-Bejing Stalinists who were

subjectively revolutionary), radical pacifists, and assorted radicals

such as the Yippies. There were only a few anarchists and

anti-authoritarians, mostly among the radical pacifists—such as Paul

Goodman. (Occasionally Sheppard mentions running into an anarchist or

libertarian socialist.) This “saving remnant” of quarreling radicals was

quite extreme compared to the mainstream of conventional politics, in a

country where even “socialism” was a word on the Devil’s tongue. (In

those years, I personally went from being an anarchist-pacifist to

becoming a left-Trotskyist in a group which eventually evolved into

revolutionary anarchism.) Yet without these radical extremists there

would not have been any antiwar movement.

Trotskyists in the Antiwar Movement

At first the SWP-YSA played a relatively positive role. It mostly

participated in organizing massive twice-annual antiwar marches. These

demonstrated the extent of opposition to the war (which is why they were

called “demonstrations”). The extent of antiwar sentiment was

demonstrated to the authorities, to the Vietnamese, and to U.S.

citizens, especially to antiwar people who saw they were not alone. The

government pretended to not care, but the demonstrations affected its

war policies. For example, we now know that President Nixon refrained

from bombing the North Vietnamese dikes or even using nuclear bombs

(both of which were under consideration) out of concern for the antiwar

response.

It fought for “nonexclusionism.” This was opposed to the liberals’

policy of keeping out Communists and revolutionaries, as they had in the

Fifties. It was also opposed to the Communists’ policy of keeping out

Trotskyists and others to their left, as they had in the Thirties. This

did not prevent hard political disputes, but it meant that ideas were

argued on their merits, rather than on the basis of who had raised them.

(Today some anarchists try to keep leftists whose politics they dislike

out of otherwise open meetings, which is an unfortunate revival of

exclusionism.)

In alliance with the radical pacifists, the SWP fought for the antiwar

program of immediate and unconditional withdrawal of U.S. forces from

Vietnam, often expressed as “Bring the Troops Home Now!” or just “Out

Now!” The Communist Party, moderate pacifists, and social democrats

called instead for “negotiations.” The Trotskyists and radical pacifists

pointed out that President Lyndon Johnson also claimed to be for

“negotiations,” even as he escalated the war (he blamed the Vietnamese

nationalists for not negotiating). And that the slogan of negotiations

accepted the assumption that the U.S. had legitimate interests in

Vietnam.

The real issue was that the Communists, moderate pacifists, and reform

socialists wanted a program which would permit them to continue to work

with Democratic politicians. They did not want to break with the

bourgeois politicians. In fact, such forces were pretty open in

advocating participation in the Democratic Party.

But the SWP and YSA also did not advocate a clear-cut opposition to the

Democrats and the liberals. They adopted a strategy of a “single-issue

program” for the antiwar movement. That is, they fought for the

demonstrations, rallies, and conferences to have one political point and

one only, namely opposition to the war. They fought against even calling

for opposition to racism as part of the program. Their argument was that

only this way could the movement avoid conflicts over which multi-issue

program to endorse.

What instead happened was that the debate in the movement became

distorted. Instead of arguing “reform or revolution,” the debate became

“single issue or multi-issue.” Revolutionaries and reformists were on

both sides of the dispute; more precisely, the multi-issue stance was

raised by Communists, Maoists, and left-Trotskyists. The radical

pacifists split from the SWP and joined the other side. A great many

subjective revolutionaries came to hate the SWP and Trotskyism, leading

many toward Maoism.

In truth the SWP, similar to the CP, noted the absence of the liberals,

and decided to take their place, in its own way. Instead of standing for

its supposedly revolutionary politics, it chose to stand in for the

liberals, to act for them. This may have made the movement broader, but

it was less militant, less threatening to the war-waging state. The SWP

invited moderate Democratic politicians onto the demonstration platforms

—and then, when its own speakers spoke, failed to denounce the Democrats

as supporters of imperialism. Sheppard reports his study of the Russian

Revolution of 1917, and comments how the political tendencies which he

read about there appeared in modern day guise. He does not see how his

own party carried out the politics of the Mensheviks—taking the place of

the bourgeois liberals, trying to push the capitalist politicians

forward and trying not to drive them away by being too oppositional.

A part of this reformism was the lack of any working class activity on

the part of the SWP. It is true, as Sheppard points out, that the level

of working class activity was fairly low during this period, which was

the ending days of the post-World War II economic boom. Yet, as polls

showed, opposition to the war was actually higher in the working class

than it was among college students and the rest of the middle class. But

the antiwar movement made little effort to reach out to workers. While

labor struggles were fairly low, they did exist (there are always labor

struggles). The grape pickers union, led by Cesar Chavez, was

organizing. The National Guard which shot down students at Kent State

had just previously been used against striking Teamsters. Especially by

the Seventies, there was a massive upsurge of wildcat strikes (such as

in the Post Office) and oppositional caucuses in established unions

(such as DRUM). There was important union organizing in health care and

public employment. These struggles were often led by African-American

workers. For example, Martin Luther King was killed when he was in

Memphis to support a union drive by mostly-Black sanitation workers. The

Maoists, in particular, were able to sink roots in working class jobs

and communities and to recruit workers. They could do this because,

unlike the SWP, they made an effort to do it.

Sheppard details the history of his participation in the antiwar

movement and in other SWP-YSA activities. Due to his prominent position,

this generally covers most of what the party did in those years. However

he does not discuss his political methodology. The closest he comes to

this is when speaking in criticism of the people in the YSA who

eventually formed the obnoxiously sectarian Spartacist League. He

denounces “...the sectarian notion that the duty of revolutionists is

always to oppose, from the left, whoever is leading a mass struggle at

the moment...to focus on the differences one may have with these groups

rather than on the good work that they do. The only alternatives that

sectarians see are sideline criticisms or adaptation.” (pp. 77-78)

But these are also the only alternatives he presents. From his

perspective, either a radical group sees itself as uncritical

cheerleaders for the movement or as hypercritical sectarians. Either the

radical group tries to be the best builders of the movement, saying

little or nothing to offend anyone to its right (“adaptation”)...or it

makes a program out of being obnoxious and irrelevant (“sideline

criticisms”). The Trotskyist movement—like most of the radical left—has

tended to vacillate between these two poles. Oddly enough, what once

attracted my friends and myself to Trotskyism was especially Trotsky’s

effort to combine participation in mass struggles with being openly and

honestly revolutionary—”saying what is,” in Trotsky’s phrase. To this

end, he wrote extensively on the concepts of the “united front,”

“critical support,” and “transitional demands.” These were all attempts

to integrate being openly revolutionary with being part of popular

movements, ways of working together with people of varying views while

raising the revolutionary banner and telling the truth to working

people. (In my opinion, this methodology is compatible with

revolutionary anarchism, if critically examined.) Sheppard mentions such

concepts as transitional demands, but only as a way to justify a

reformist practice, not as methods of being revolutionary within reform

struggles such as an antiwar movement. (Political groupings which

claimed to be revolutionary but which acted reformist were called

“centrist” by Trotsky.)

The Cuban Revolution

The grossest example of the SWP’s cheerleading was its reaction to the

Castro’s revolution. The SWP built on Trotsky’s worst error, his belief

that the Soviet Union under Stalin was a “workers’ state,” a

“degenerated workers’ state.” He recognized that the Russian workers had

absolutely no power but were oppressed and superexploited by a

bureaucratic police state which was carrying out a counterrevolution.

Nevertheless, Trotsky still claimed that this was a “dictatorship of the

proletariat,” that is, that the working class ruled. What made this so

was the continued presence of government ownership of industry and

supposed economic planning. (I leave aside my anarchist belief that the

very concept of a “workers’ state” is impossible nonsense.) To his dying

day, Trotsky believed that the bureaucracy could not be a

state-capitalist ruling class because it had not broken up the

collectivized property into stocks-and-bonds capitalism. Therefore the

Soviet Union should be defended against Western imperialism. There

should be a workers’ “political revolution” to overthrow the

bureaucracy, but not a “social revolution” to change the economic

system, since it was supposedly already of a socialist-type.

For Trotsky the essential thing which made for a “workers’ state” was

not workers’ rule but the centralized, nationalized, collectivized,

property. This comes from a tendency within Marxism, which goes back

through Lenin, through the earlier Second (Social Democratic)

International, and to an aspect of Marx’s Marxism. This defines

socialism as centralized, planned, nationalized industry. It can be

found in the Communist Manifesto. It was, and still is, a central

difference between Marxism, even at its best, and anarchism. This is

what defines Marxism, for all its insights, as authoritarian. The

question here is not really about the nature of the deceased Soviet

Union, but about THE MEANING OF SOCIALISM. What is our vision of a new

society? Is it a centralized economy run by a centralized state led by a

centralized party? Or is it a self-managed federation of collectivized

communities and industries?

Trotsky was sure that the collectivized bureaucracy would collapse by

the end of World War II . Instead it came through the war newly

stabilized (it took the bureaucracy about 60 years before it decided to

change the form of its capitalism). Then it expanded into Eastern

Europe, while similar states were created in China and other parts of

Asia. None of these European or Asian countries had had workers’

revolutions—their (political) revolutions were either carried out by the

Russian army or by peasant-based armies led by Stalinist-nationalist

incipient bureaucrats. Their transformations were not led by a

revolutionary working class party (which was important to Trotskyists).

And the workers (and peasants) had the same lack of power, the same

superexploitation, as in the Soviet Union. All of which the Trotskyists

recognized. Yet the mainstream of the Trotskyist movement (the “Fourth

International”) decided that these too were “workers’ states:” now

“deformed workers’ states.” However, this raised a dilemma for the

Trotskyists: if Stalinist and/or nationalist parties could create

workers’ states(in a third of Europe and China) then what was the need

for the Trotskyist movement?

For a time, Sheppard was under the influence of an unorthodox Trotskyist

tendency which rejected Trotsky’s theory of the Soviet Union. This

tendency was led by Max Shachtman and others, such as Hal Draper. They

(correctly) regarded the bureaucracy as a new ruling class and

(incorrectly I think) the Soviet Union as a new type of class society,

“bureaucratic collectivism” (instead of state capitalism). It is not

clear from the book just why Sheppard came to reject this theory, except

that Shachtman was rapidly moving to the right at the time, into the

Democratic Party and supporting U.S. imperialism in Vietnam and Cuba.

The issue came to a head with the Cuban revolution. Despite strike

actions, the working class had not led the revolution nor did it control

it. The leaders were a group of radical nationalists. First they set up

a state which ruled a capitalist economy, presumably a bourgeois state.

Then, under U.S. pressure, they nationalized virtually all of the

economy, without changing the state. What had happened?

Sheppard writes, “In October [1959]...Castro...said that the revolution

would proceed to nationalize the Cuban and foreign capitalists...When

this speech was reported on the nightly TV news, I was so excited that I

immediately telephoned Peter Camejo, and told him that I thought that by

this action Cuba had become a workers’ state....This was a revolutionary

workers’ state based on the mobilization of the workers and peasants,

not a degenerated one like the Soviet Union....” (p. 52) So by a speech,

Castro had changed the class character of his state! Of course the

speech was followed by actions, the nationalization of the economy. This

was carried out by the same state which had ruled a capitalist economy

and which the workers did not control. As Sheppard coyly notes, “...the

revolution lacked as yet instruments of popular rule, such as the

Soviets [councils] of the early Russian revolution.” (p. 60) Such

instruments never did appear. Instead, as Sheppard writes, the workers

and peasants were “mobilized” by the ruling party.

Sheppard describes how the SWP invented a new theory of the state. “The

SWP used the term ‘workers’ and farmers’ government’ ...[which was] a

transitory stage: a stage in between a capitalist state and a workers’

state....” (p. 140) This transitional and quasi-nonclass state was

created to explain how an apparently bourgeois state could turn into a

workers’ state in China and Cuba without a revolution in between, and

conversely how an apparent “workers’ state” in Algeria could turn back

into a bourgeois state without much basic change. That it completely

junked the Marxist theory of the state (the state is the instrument of a

ruling class) was not a problem for these Trotskyists. (These days it is

often anarchists who preserve the best insights of Marx's Marxism.)

While continuing to regard the Soviet Union as a “workers’ state,”

Trotsky, in his last years, came to advocate a revolution to replace the

bureaucracy by radically-democratic councils of workers and peasants.

They should, he wrote, be multiparty, multi-tendency. Faced with the

Cuban revolution, the mainstream (“orthodox”) Trotskyists could not just

accept it as creating a radical-nationalist and anti-imperialist

bourgeois state (which it did), similar in structure to the Soviet

Union. Instead they declared it to be a “healthy” and revolutionary

“workers’ state,” even if it was a one-party party-state ruled by a

one-man dictatorship! Thus they abandoned all that was liberatory in

Trotskyism and accepted all that was reactionary.

Trotskyism Now

As Sheppard writes, the radicalization of the Sixties had many positive

effects. The Vietnam war was ended with a U.S. defeat, which helped

oppressed people throughout the world. People became much more critical

of the U.S. government and much less willing to support foreign wars

(the “Vietnam Syndrome”). African-Americans remain on the bottom of

society, yet legal racial segregation was abolished, antidiscrimination

laws were passed and affirmative action instituted. Attitudes toward

racism have changed. There was a general expansion of democratic rights,

especially for women and also for Gays and Lesbians. A consciousness of

ecological issues began. Labor unions were widely established in

hospitals and public employment. There was a loosening of sexual rules

and other rigid moral codes.

Yet capitalism remains and therefore all these gains are vulnerable to

being reversed. Right now they are all under attack by a right-wing

backlash. Nothing can be said to have been solved. Most important was

the failure to build a lasting revolutionary organization. A large part

of the blame for this goes to the SWP of Sheppard’s day

Sheppard begins the book by claiming that the present-day SWP, which he

has quit, is “...an inconsequential ideological sect, one which cares

little about or is even hostile to the struggles that inspire [today’s

young] activists.” (p. 8) He says he will discuss how this happened to

the SWP in his next volume. But even so, there is little in his book

which suggests an insight to the decline of the SWP. He mentions some

mistakes (such as expelling members for being Gay), policies which were

eventually changed.

But he does not look to the problem of the SWP’s pro-Stalinism. In fact

the SWP came to abandon its identification with Trotskyism and to

increase its dedication to Castroism (a left variety of Stalinism). This

was a logical development, considering that Stalinism had supposedly

overthrown capitalism in a third of Europe and much of Asia, while

Trotskyism had not collectivized a candy store. Then the Soviet Union

imploded, Eastern Europe broke free, and China revived stocks-and-bonds

traditional capitalism. Even Cuba is building casinos and tourist

attractions (with an increase in prostitution) in order to survive. As a

result, Marxism has been greatly discredited, especially the Marxism

which identifies with the statist regimes. The SWP followed its theory

to its logical outcome, only to be disoriented by the results.

The collapse of much of Marxism has led to an increased interest in

anarchism, the other revolutionary tradition. However, Trotskyism

continues, mostly in the expansion of a different wing of the Trotskyist

movement. This wing has rejected Trotsky’s theory of the degenerated

workers’ state, instead regarding the bureaucracy as a new ruling class.

Either it regards the old Soviet Union as “bureaucratic collectivist” or

as some version of state capitalism. This tendency includes the

Socialist Workers’ Party of Britain and, in the U.S., the International

Socialist Organization (ISO) and also Solidarity (the organizational

disputes among these groupings is beyond our scope here).

Unfortunately these groupings continue the same basic errors of the old,

“orthodox,” Trotskyists. (At a recent New York City conference of the

ISO, they had a workshop on Sheppard’s book.) They carry out the same

centrist vacillations and capitulation to the right. For example, the

ISO has supported Ralph Nader’s presidential campaign, despite his clear

endorsement of capitalism, his willingness to support continued foreign

troops in Iraq, and his racist position on immigration. (Incidentally,

Sheppard’s friend Peter Camejo has also left the SWP and recently ran as

Nader’s vice presidential candidate!) While they reject the theory of

the degenerated workers’ state, they endorse Lenin and Trotsky’s

approach to the Russian revolution and the years afterwards, when a

one-party dictatorship was set up, laying the groundwork for Stalin’s

regime. This is rooted in these Trotskyists’ continued belief in

socialism as a centralized, planned, nationalized economy run by (what

they call) a “workers’ state.”

These Trotskyists are part of the present movement. They must be worked

with in a comradely way wherever possible. Since no one knows all the

answers, it is worth being in dialogue with them. Yet their program

continues to have certain known limitations which anarchists must be

aware of and which we must warn others about.