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Title: Freedom for All Author: Zabalaza Date: 2008 Language: en Topics: Freedom, introduction, introductory Source: https://zabalazabooks.net/2019/03/08/freedom-for-all-an-introduction-to-anarchism/ Notes: Over the last few years, the resurgence of revolutionary anarchism has caught the attention of the world. The role of the anarchists in the antiâglobalisation movement, at Seattle, Prague, Gothenburg, Genoa, La Paz, and Porto Allegre â where we have been in the forefront of militant resistance â has been widely reported in the media. The New York Times recently proclaimed âAnarchism: the idea that refuses to die,â whilst SAPA, not to be outdone, blamed the anarchist âblack blocâ for the disruption of the G8 summit in Genoa, Italy. But what is the anarchist movement? What does it want? Where is it going? And how can you get involved?
Freedom for all, and a natural respect for that freedom. Such are the
essential conditions of international solidarity.
â Bakunin
Over the last few years, the resurgence of revolutionary anarchism has
caught the attention of the world.
The role of the anarchists in the antiâglobalisation movement, at
Seattle, Prague, Gothenburg, Genoa, La Paz, and Porto Allegre â where we
have been in the forefront of militant resistance â has been widely
reported in the media.
The New York Times recently proclaimed âAnarchism: the idea that refuses
to die,â whilst SAPA, not to be outdone, blamed the anarchist âblack
blocâ for the disruption of the G8 summit in Genoa, Italy.
But what is the anarchist movement? What does it want? Where is it
going? And how can you get involved?
This South African pamphlet, based on the excellent work of Black
PantherâturnedâAnarchist Lorenzo Komâboa Ervin, answers these questions.
Anarchism is not about violence or chaos.
Anarchists are libertarian socialists: we want the abolition of the
capitalist system that systematically impoverishes billions, that
crushes individual freedom, that twists and destroys human lives in the
interests of profit for the few, that threatens the future of life
itself through an everâincreasing ecological crisis.
But this is not enough. The problem of capitalism is not simply a
problem of poverty. It is a problem of social freedom.
Capitalism does not just impoverish economically. It also destroys
communities, solidarity, freedom, equality and human dignity.
It produces and reproduces horrific forms of social and economic
oppression, such as racism and discrimination against women.
Capitalism and the state control us through undemocratic workplaces,
schools, and local governments, through structures that serve to
systematically disempower ordinary people, enslaving us to a profit
system that concentrates power and wealth in the hands of a ruling class
of big capitalists and politicians. They cannot benefit the majority
because all governments and all corporations serve the ruling class
first and foremost, and act as organs of repression against ordinary
people.
For this reason, we believe in the need to replace capitalist
governments with confederations of workplace and community councils
based on direct democracy, participation, immediate recallability and
strict mandates. These structures will allow selfâmanagement throughout
our lives as opposed to the fraud of parliamentary democracy that does
nothing but provide jobs for ambitious politicians and sellâouts.
It is only the working class and peasantry â organised within and across
countries, across race, national and gender lines on an antiâcapitalist,
antiâstatist, antiâracist, antiâimperialist and antiâsexist programme â
that can crush capitalism and their governments.
Through the use of direct action â not elections or lobbying, not
praying to leaders â rooted in mass organisations based on internal
democracy â we can begin to challenge the capitalist âorderâ and build
organs of mass counter power that can supplant capitalism, burying it so
that we and our children can begin to live a decent life, as human
beings. We must organise on an antiâauthoritarian basis, as opposed to
the capitalist model of organisation: sitting passively and taking
orders from leaders, bosses and central committees.
Only the working class can free the working class. By âworking classâ we
do not just mean blue-collar workers: all people who work for others for
wages and lack power are workers, no matter their jobs, and includes
workersâ families, the unemployed and, more generally, the poor.
Dictatorship and authoritarianism are never progressive, and have, time
and again, destroyed working class movements. Authoritarian politics
âincluding mainstream Marxismâ has consistently throttled the
selfâinitiative and selfâorganisation of the masses in favour of a small
vanguard of incompetent leaders. And these leaders have, at best, only
succeeded in establishing new dictatorships and new forms of capitalism,
as happened in the Soviet Union and as continues to happen today in Cuba
and China.
We need an alternative to capitalism. Sweatshops, casual labour, racism,
imperialist war, poverty, massive unemployment, privatisation, child
prostitution on the streets, growing police brutality, neoâliberalism.
These are the face of capitalism in the twentieth- and twenty-first
centuries.
This pamphlet, and the ideas it expresses so clearly, point to this
alternative.
Read it, study it, and get involved!
Lucien van der Walt
Note: A dictionary has been provided on the last pages. See numbers for
direct reference.
âAnarchy is society organised without authority, meaning by authority
the power to impose oneâs own will⊠authority not only is not necessary
for social organisation but, far from benefiting it, lives on it
parasitically, hampers its development, and uses its advantages for the
special benefit of a particular class which exploits and oppresses the
othersâ.
Errico Malatesta
lâAgitazione, June 4, 1897
Anarchists and Anarchism have historically been misrepresented to the
world. The popular idea of an Anarchist as an uncontrollably emotional,
violent person who is only interested in destruction for its own sake,
and who is opposed to all forms of organisation, still exists to this
day. Further, the mistaken belief that Anarchy is chaos and confusion, a
reign of rape, murder and mindlessness â total disorder and insanity â
is widely believed by the general public.
This impression is still widely believed because people from all
political groups have consciously been promoting this lie for years. All
who strive to oppress and exploit the working class, and gain power for
themselves, whether they come from the Right or the Left, will always be
threatened by Anarchism. This is because Anarchists hold that all
authority and coercion [1] must be struggled against. In fact, we want
to get rid of the greatest cause of violence throughout history â
governments. To Anarchists, a Capitalist democratic government is no
better than a fascist or Communist regime, because the ruling class only
differs in the amount of violence they authorise their police and army
to use and the degree of rights they will allow, if any. Through war,
police repression, social neglect, and political repression, millions of
people have been killed by governments, whether trying to defend or
overthrow a government. Anarchists want to end this slaughter, and build
a society based on peace and freedom.
Anarchism is free or Libertarian Socialism. Anarchists are opposed to
government (the people who make the laws), the State (the people who
impose the laws) and Capitalists (the people who the laws are made for).
Therefore, simply speaking, Anarchism is a noâgovernment form of
Socialism.
âIn common with all Socialists, the Anarchists hold that the private
ownership of land, capital and machinery has had its time; that it is
condemned to disappear, and that all requisites for production must and
will, become the common property of society, and be managed in common by
the producers of wealth.â
Peter Kropotkin
Anarchism is based upon the class struggle, but it does not take the
same view of the class struggle as the Marxists do. For instance, it
does not take the view that only the industrial workers can achieve
Socialism, and that the victory of these workers, led by a communist
working class party, represents the final victory over Capitalism. Nor
do we accept the idea of a Workersâ State. We believe that only the
Working Class can liberate society and that we should manage industrial
and economic production and distribution through, freely elected, worker
and community committeeâs, and farm coâoperatives, rather than with the
interference of a party or government.
Anarchists are social revolutionaries, and feel that the Social
Revolution is the process through which a free society will be achieved.
Selfâmanagement will be established in all areas of social life. By
their own initiative, individuals will put into action their own
management of social life through voluntary associations. They will
refuse to surrender their selfâdirection to the State, political
parties, or vanguard [2] sects [3] since each of these only establish or
reâestablish domination. Anarchists believe the State and capitalist
authority will be ended by the means of direct action; wildcat strikes,
slowdowns, boycotts, sabotage, and armed insurrection.[4] We recognise
our goals cannot be separated from the means we use to achieve them.
Therefore our practice and the associations we create must and will
reflect the society we seek.
IT IS CRUCIAL THAT MORE ATTENTION IS PAID TO THE AREA OF ECONOMIC [5]
ORGANISATION; SINCE IT IS HERE THAT THE INTERESTS OF EVERYONE MEET.
Under Capitalism, we all have to sell our labour to survive and to feed
ourselves and our families. But after an Anarchist social revolution,
the wage system and the institution of private and state property will
be abolished [6] and replaced with the production and distribution of
goods according to the principle of âFrom each according to their
ability, to each according to their needâ. Voluntary associations of
producers and consumers will take common possession of the means of
production and distribution and allow the free use of all resources to
any voluntary group, as long as this does not deprive others or does not
mean using wage labour. These associations could be food and housing
coâoperatives, coâoperative factories, community run schools, hospitals,
recreation facilities, and other important social services. These
associations will federate with each other to achieve their common goals
on both a regional and functional basis.
This federalism as a concept is a form of social organisation in which
selfâdetermining groups freely agree to coâordinate their activities.
The only social system that can possibly meet all the different needs of
society, while still promoting solidarity on the widest scale, is one
that allows people to freely associate on the basis of common needs and
interests. Federalism, which emphasises autonomy and deâcentralisation,
builds solidarity and encourages groupsâ efforts to be as
selfâsufficient as possible. Groups can then be expected to coâoperate
as long as they gain mutual benefit. Contrary to the Capitalist legal
system and its contracts, if such benefits are not felt to be mutual in
an anarchist society, any group will have the freedom to disâassociate.
In this manner a flexible and selfâregulating social organism [7] will
be created, always ready to meet new needs by new organisations and
adjustments. Federalism is not a type of Anarchism, but it is an
essential part of Anarchism. It is the joining of groups and people for
political and economic survival and livelihood.
We have an enormous job ahead of us, and we must be able to work
together for the benefit of the idea. The Italian Anarchist, Errico
Malatesta, said it best when he wrote:
âOur task is that of pushing the âpeopleâ to demand and to seize all the
freedom they can to make themselves responsible for their own needs
without waiting for their orders from any kind of authority. Our task is
that of demonstrating the uselessness and harmfulness of the government,
or provoking and encouraging by propaganda and action all kinds of
individual and collective initiativesâŠ. After the revolution, Anarchists
will have the special mission of being the vigilant custodians of
freedom, against the aspirants to power and possible tyranny of the
majority.â
So, this is the job of the federation, but it does not end with the
success of the revolution. There is much construction work to be done,
and the revolution must be defended. To fulfil our tasks, we must have
our own organisations. We must organise the postârevolutionary society,
and this is why we federate ourselves. In a modern independent society,
the principle of Federalism must be extended to all humanity. The
network of voluntary associations, the Commune, will know no borders. It
will be the size of the city, region or interâregion or a society much
larger than the nationâstate under Capitalism. It could be a
massâcommune, which will include the entire worldâs peoples in a number
of continental Anarchist federations, say Africa, North America, or the
Caribbean. Truly this would be a new world â not a United Nations or One
World government, but a united Humanity.
Our opposition if formidable.[8] Each of us has been taught to believe
in the need for government, in the absolute necessity of experts, in
taking orders, in authority. For some of us it is all we know. But when
we do learn to believe in ourselves and when we decide that we can
create a society based on free, caring individuals, then that tendency
[9] which is buried within us will become the conscious choice of
freedomâloving people. As Anarchists, we see our job as strengthening
that tendency, and show that there is no democracy or freedom under
government â whether in South Africa, the United States, China or
Russia. Anarchists believe in direct democracy by the people as the only
kind of freedom and selfârule.
Anarchism is an evolving ideal in which many individuals and social
movements have influence. Womenâs Liberation, Racial Equality, Gay
rights, the ecology movement, and others are all additions to the
awareness of Anarchism, and this influence has helped in the advancement
of Anarchism as a social force in modern society. These influences
ensure that the social revolution we all want will be as allâinclusive
and democratic as possible, and that all will be fully liberated â not
just rich, straight, white males.
Historically, there have been three major forms of socialism: Free or
Libertarian Socialism (Anarchism), Authoritarian Socialism (Marxist
Communism), and Democratic Socialism (electoral social democracy). The
nonâAnarchist Left has echoed the Capitalistâs portrayal of Anarchism as
an ideology [10] of chaos and lunacy. But Anarchism has nothing in
common with this image. It is false and made up by its ideological
opponents in the various schools of Marxism.
It is very difficult for the Marxists to make an objective criticism of
Anarchism as such, because by its nature it undermines all the ideas
that the Marxists believe. If Marxism and Leninism, its variant which
emerged during the Russian revolution, is held out to be the working
class philosophy and the workers cannot owe their liberation to anyone
but the Communist Party, it is very hard to go back on it and say that
the working class is not yet ready to get rid of authority over it.
Lenin came up with the idea of a transitional State, which would âwither
awayâ over time, to go along with Marxâs âdictatorship or the
proletariat.â We expose this line as counterârevolutionary and sheer
powerâgrabbing, and over 75 years of Marxist practice has proven us
right. These soâcalled Socialist States produced by Marxist doctrine
have only produced new police states, where workers have no rights, and
a new ruling class of technocrats [11] and party politicians have
emerged, and the class differences between those the State favoured over
those it didnât created widespread poverty among the masses and another
class struggle. But instead of meeting such criticisms head on, they
have concentrated their attacks not on the doctrine of Anarchism, but on
particular Anarchist historical figures, especially Bakunin, an
ideological opponent of Marx in the First International of Socialist
movements in the last century.
Anarchists are social revolutionaries who seek a stateless, classless,
voluntary, coâoperative federation of decentralised communes based upon
social ownership, individual liberty and autonomous selfâmanagement of
social and economic life.
Anarchists differ with the Marxists in many areas, but especially in
organisation building and structure.
We differ from the authoritarian socialists in three basic ways: we
reject the Marxist notions of the vanguard party, democratic centralism,
and the dictatorship of the proletariat, and we have alternatives for
each of them. The problem is that almost the entire Left, including some
Anarchists, is completely unaware of Anarchismâs easily understood, and
formed, structural alternatives of the catalyst group, Anarchist
consensus, and the mass commune.
The Anarchist alternative to the vanguard party is the catalyst group.
The catalyst group is merely an Anarchist federation of affinity
(friendship) groups (cells) in action. This catalyst or revolutionary
anarchist federation could meet on a regular basis or only when
necessary, depending on the wishes of the membership and the urgency of
social conditions. It would be made up of immediately recallable
delegates from each affinity group, with full voting rights, privileges,
and responsibilities. It would set both policies and future actions to
be performed. It would produce both anarchist theory and social
practice. It believes in the class struggle and the necessity to
overthrow Capitalist rule. It organises in the communities and
workplaces. It is democratic and has no authority figures like a party
boss or central committee.
In order to make a revolution, largeâscale coâordinated movements are
necessary, and their formation is in no way counter to Anarchism. What
Anarchists are opposed to is hierarchical, powerâtripping leadership
that suppresses the creative urge of the bulk of those involved, and
forces an agenda down their throat. Members of such groups are only
servants and worshippers of the party leadership. But although
Anarchists reject this type of domineering leadership, we do recognise
that some people are more experienced, articulate, or skilled than
others, and these people will play leadership action roles. These people
are not authority figures, and can be removed at the will of the body.
There is also a conscious attempt to routinely rotate this
responsibility and to pass on these skills to each other, especially to
women, who would ordinarily not get the chance. The experience of these
people, who are usually experienced activists or better qualified than
most at the moment, can help form and drive forward movements, and even
help people develop the potential for revolutionary change in the
popular movement. What they cannot do is take over the initiative of the
movement itself. The members of these groups reject hierarchical [12]
positions (anybody having more official authority than others), and
unlike the Marxist vanguard parties, the Anarchist groups wonât be
allowed to continue their leadership through a dictatorship after the
revolution. Instead the catalyst group itself will be dissolved and its
members, when they are ready, will be absorbed into the new societyâs
collective decisionâmaking process. Therefore, Anarchists are not
leaders, but only advisors and organisers for a mass movement.
What we donât want or need is a group of authoritarians leading the
working class, then establishing themselves as a centralised
decisionâmaking command. Instead of âwithering awayâ, Marxist states
have continuously built authoritarian institutions (the secret police,
labour bosses, and the Communist Party) to maintain their power. The
apparent effectiveness of such organisations masks the way that
revolutionaries who pattern themselves after Capitalist, hierarchical
institutions become absorbed by ruling class values, and completely
isolated from the real needs and desires of ordinary people.
The reluctance of Marxists to accept revolutionary social change is,
however, above all seen in Marxâs idea of the party. It is a
prescription to nakedly seize power and put it in the hands of the
Communist Party. The party that Marxists create today, they believe,
should become the [only] Party of the Working Class in which that class
can organise and seize power. In practice, however, this means personal
and party dictatorship, which they have, historically, felt gives them
the right and duty to wipe out all other parties and political
ideologies. Both Lenin and Stalin (both basing their Party on Marxâs
ideas) killed millions of workers and peasants, their Leftâwing
opponents, and even members of the Bolshevik (Communist Party in Russia)
Party. This bloody, treacherous history is why there is so much rivalry
and hostility between Leninist and Trotskyist (Trotsky was kicked out of
the Bolshevik Party) parties today, and it is why the workersâ states,
whether in Cuba, China, Vietnam, or Korea are such oppressive
bureaucracies over their people. It is also why most of the Eastern
European âCommunistâ countries had their governments overthrown by the
small capitalists and ordinary citizens in the 1980âs. Maybe we are
witnessing the eclipse [13] of State Socialism (Marxism) entirely; since
they have nothing new to say and will never get those governments back
again.
While Anarchist groups reach decisions through anarchist consensus,[14]
the Marxists organise through soâcalled democratic centralism.
Democratic centralism poses as a form of inner party democracy, but is
really just a hierarchy by which each member of a party â ultimately of
a society â is subordinate [15] to a higher member until one reaches the
allâpowerful party Central Committee and its Chairman. This is a totally
undemocratic procedure, which puts the leadership above criticism. It is
a bankrupt; corrupt method of internal operations for a political
organisation. You have no voice in such a party, and must be afraid to
say any unflattering comments to, or about, the leaders.
In Anarchist groups, proposals are talked out by members (none of whom
has authority over another), dissenting minorities are respected, and
each individualâs participation is voluntary. Everyone has the right to
agree or disagree over policy and actions, and everyoneâs ideas are
given equal weight and consideration. No decision may be made until each
individual member or affiliated group that will be affected by that
decision has had a chance to express their opinion on the issue.
Individual members and affiliated groups have the right to refuse
support to specific federation activities, but may not actively obstruct
such activities. In true democratic fashion, decisions for the
federation as a whole must be made by a majority of its members.
In most cases, there is no real need for a formal meeting for the making
of decisions, what is needed is coâordination of the actions of the
group. Of course, there are times when a decision has to be made, and
sometimes very quickly. This will be rare, but sometimes it is
unavoidable. The consensus, in that case, would then have to be among a
much smaller circle than the general membership of hundreds or
thousands. But ordinarily all that is needed is an exchange of
information and trust among parties, and a decision reâaffirming the
original will be reached, if an emergency decision had to be made. Of
course, during the discussion, there will be an attempt to clarify any
major differences and explore alternative courses of action. And there
will be an attempt to arrive at a mutually agreed upon consensus between
conflicting views. As always, if a decision canât be reached or there is
dissatisfaction with the consensus, a vote would be taken, and with a
twoâthirds majority, the matter would be accepted or rejected.
This is completely different to the Marxist parties, where the Central
Committee sets policy for the entire organisation, without consultation,
and authority reigns. Anarchists reject centralisation of authority and
the concept of a Central Committee. All groups are free associations
formed out of common need, not revolutionaries disciplined by fear of
authority. When the size of the workâgroups (which could be formed
around labour, fundâraising, antiâracism, womenâs rights, food and
housing, propaganda, etc.) becomes awkward, the organisations can be
deâcentralised into two or more autonomous organisations, still united
in one big federation. This enables the group to expand limitlessly
while maintaining its anarchic form of deâcentralised selfâmanagement.
It is similar to the scientific theory of a biological cell, dividing
and reâdividing, but in a political sense.
However, Anarchist groups arenât even necessarily organised loosely;
Anarchism is flexible and structure can be practically nonâexistent or
very tight, depending upon the type of organisation demanded by the
social conditions being faced. For instance, organisation would tighten
during military operations or heightened political repression.
Anarchists reject the Marxist idea of the dictatorship of the
proletariat and a soâcalled workersâ state, in favour of a mass commune.
Unlike leading members of Marxist parties, whose daily lives are
generally similar to presentâday middle class lifestyles, Anarchist
organisational structures and lifestyles, through communal living
arrangements, affinity groups, squatting, etc., attempt to reflect the
liberated society of the future. Anarchists built all kinds of communes
and collectives during the Spanish Revolution of the 1930âs, but they
were crushed by the Fascists and the Communists. Since the Marxists
donât build coâoperative structures (the nucleus of the new society)
they can only see the world in authoritarian political terms. They want
to seize State power and institute their own dictatorship over the
people and the workers, instead of crushing State power and replacing it
with a free, coâoperative society. They insist that the party represents
and is the working class, and that there is no need for them to organise
themselves outside of the party. Yet, even in the former Soviet Union,
the Communist Party membership only represented five percent of the
population. This is elitism [16] of the worst sort, and even makes the
Capitalist parties look democratic by comparison.
What the Communist Party was intended to represent in terms of workersâ
power is never made clear, but in true 1984 doublethink fashion, the
results are 80 years of political repression and State slavery, instead
of an era of glorious Communist rule. They must be held accountable
politically for these crimes against the people, and we must reject
their revolutionary political theory and practice. They have slandered
[17] the names of Socialism and Communism.
We reject the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is unbridled
oppression, and the various Marxist parties must be made to answer for
it. Millions were murdered by Stalin in the name of fighting an internal
class war, and millions more were murdered in China, Poland,
Afghanistan, Cambodia, Bulgaria, and other countries by communist
movements which followed Stalinâs prescription for revolutionary terror.
We reject State communism as the worst hypocrisy [18] and tyranny.[19]
We can do better with the mass commune.
The Anarchist mass commune is an interâregional, continental, or
interâcontinental federation of economic and political coâoperatives and
regional communal formations. We look forward to a world and a society
in which real decisionâmaking involves everyone who lives in it â a mass
commune â not a few discipline freaks pulling the strings on a soâcalled
proletarian or workersâ dictatorship. Any and all dictatorship is bad,
it has no good social features, yet that is what the Marxists tell us
will protect us from counterârevolution. While Marxists claim that this
dictatorship is necessary in order to crush any bourgeois
counterârevolutions led by the Capitalist class or Rightâwing
reactionaries, Anarchists feel that this is itself part of the Marxist
school of falsification.[20] A centralised apparatus, such as a state,
is a much easier target for opponents of the revolution than is a
federation of deâcentralised communes. And these communes would remain
armed and prepared to defend the revolution against anyone who
militarily moves against it. The key is to mobilise the people into
selfâdefence units and militias.
This position by the Marxists of the necessity for a dictatorship to
protect the revolution was not proven in the Civil War that followed the
Russian Revolution; in fact, without support of the Anarchists and other
Leftâwing forces, along with the Russian people, the Bolshevik
government would have been defeated. And then true to any dictatorship,
it turned around and wiped out the Russian and Ukrainian Anarchist
movements, along with their Leftâwing opponents like the Mensheviks and
Social Revolutionaries, and even ideological opponents in the Bolshevik
party were imprisoned and put to death. Millions of people in Russia
were killed by Lenin and Trotsky right after the Civil War, when they
were building State power, which led to Stalinâs bloody rule. The lesson
is that we should not be tricked into surrendering the grassroots
peopleâs power to dictators who pose as our friends or leaders.
We donât need the various Marxist solutions, they are dangerous and
deceptive. There is another way, but to much of the Left and to many
ordinary people, the choice has appeared to be Anarchic chaos or the
MarxistâCommunist parties, however dogmatic and dictatorial. This is the
result of misunderstanding and lies. Anarchism as an ideology provides
practical organisational structures, as well as valid alternative
revolutionary theory, which, if used, could be the basis for
organisation just as solid as the Marxists (or even more so) only these
organisations will be egalitarian [21] and really for the benefit of
people, rather than for the Communist leaders.
Therefore, we build organisations in order to build a new world, to end
all domination over the masses of people. We must build an organised,
coâordinated, international movement aimed at transforming the globe
into a mass commune. This would really be a great development in human
evolution and a gigantic revolutionary stride. It would change the world
as we know it and end the problems long plaguing Humankind. It would be
a new era of freedom and fulfilment.
Anarchism is based on a vision of society that harmoniously unites
individual selfâinterest and social wellâbeing. Although Anarchists
agree with Marx that Capitalism must be abolished because of its
crisisâridden nature and its exploitation of the Working Class, we do
not believe that Capitalism is a necessary, progressive preâcondition
for the change to a socially, economically and politically equal
society. Nor do we believe that the centralised economic planning of
State Socialism can provide for the wide variety of needs and desires.
We reject the very idea of a need for a State or that it will just
whither away by itself, or a party to boss over the workers or
stageâmanage the revolution. In short, while accepting parts of his
economic critique of Capitalism, we do not worship Karl Marx as the
perfect leader (whose ideas can never be criticised or revised) as the
Marxists do, and Anarchism is not based on Marxist theory.
Anarchists believe that âthe personal is political, and the political is
personalâ, meaning that we cannot separate our political life from our
personal life. We do not play bureaucratic political roles, and then
have a separate life as another social being entirely. We recognise that
people know their own needs and can make the necessary arrangements to
satisfy those needs, provided that they have free access to social
resources. We believe that these resources should be freely provided to
all, so we therefore believe in the credo of âfrom each according to
their abilities, to each according to their needsâ. This guarantees that
everyone will be fed, clothed, and housed as normal social practice, not
as degrading welfare or that certain classes will be better provided for
than others.
When not deformed by corrupt (authoritarian) social institutions and
practices, the interâdependence and solidarity of human beings results
in individuals who are responsible both for themselves and to the
society which makes their wellâbeing and cultural development possible.
Therefore, we seek to replace the State, Capitalism and Authority with a
network of voluntary alliances embracing all of social life â
production, consumption, health, culture, recreation, and other areas.
In this way, all groups and associations reap the benefits of unity
while expanding the range of their freedom. We believe in free
association and federating groups of affinity groups, workplace
committeeâs, food and housing coâoperatives, with others of all types.
As a practical matter, we believe that we should start to build the new
society now, as well as fight to crush the old Capitalist one. We wish
to create nonâauthoritarian mutual aid organisations for food, clothing,
housing, funding for community projects and others, neighbourhood
assemblies, and coâoperatives, not belonging to either government or
business corporations, and not run for profit but for social need. Such
organisations, if built now, will provide their members with a practical
experience in selfâmanagement and selfâsufficiency, and will decrease
the dependency of people on welfare agencies and employers. In short, we
can begin now to build the infrastructure for the communal society, so
that people can see what they are fighting for, not just the ideas in
someoneâs head. That is the way to real freedom.
The existence of the State and Capitalism are excused by their
supporters as being a necessary evil due to the soâcalled inability of
the greater part of the population to run their own affairs and those of
society, as well as being their protection against crime and violence.
Anarchists realise that the opposite is true, the main barriers to a
free society are the State and the institution of private property. It
is the State that causes war, police repression, and other forms of
violence, and it is private property â the lack of equal distribution of
major social wealth â that creates crime and deprivation.
But what is the State? The State is a hierarchical institution by which
a privileged elite tries to dominate the vast majority of people. The
Stateâs mechanisms include a group of institutions containing
legislative [22] assemblies,[23] the civil service bureaucracy, the
military and police forces, the judiciary and prisons, and the
subâcentral State apparatus. The government is the administrative
vehicle to run the State. The purpose of this specific set of
institutions, which are the expressions of authority in Capitalist
societies (and soâcalled Socialist states), is to keep and extend
domination over the common people by a privileged class, the rich in
Capitalist societies, the soâcalled Communist Party in State Socialist
or Communist societies like the old Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
However, the State itself is always an elitist structure positioned
between the rulers and the ruled, orderâgivers and orderâtakers,
economic haves and haveânots. The Stateâs elite is not just the rich and
the superârich, but those people who have State positions of authority â
politicians and juridical officials. Thus, the State bureaucracy itself,
in terms of its relation to ideological property, can become an elite
class in its own right. This administrative elite class of the State is
developed not just through being given privileges by the economic elite,
but also by the separation of private and public life â the family unit
and civil society respectively â and by the opposition between an
individual family and the larger society. It is sheer opportunism,[24]
brought on by Capitalist competition and alienation. It is a breeding
ground for agents of the State.
The existence of the State and a ruling class based on the exploitation
and oppression of the Working Class are inseparable. Domination and
exploitation go handâinâhand and, in fact, this oppression is not
possible without force and violent authority. This is why Anarchists
argue that any attempt to use State power as a means of establishing a
free, equal society can only be selfâdefeating because the habits of
commanding and exploiting become ends in themselves. This was proven
with the Bolsheviks in the Russian Revolution (1917 â 1921). The fact is
that officials of the Communist State accumulate political power much as
the Capitalist class accumulates economic wealth. Those who govern form
a distinct group whose only interest is keeping political control by any
means they can. But the institution of Capitalist property also allows a
minority of the population to control and to regulate access to, and the
use of, all socially produced wealth and natural resources. You have to
pay for the land, water, and the fresh air â to some giant utility
company or real estate firm.
This controlling group may be a separate economic class or the State
itself, but in either case the institution of property leads to a set of
social and economic relations, Capitalism, in which a small sector of
society reaps enormous benefits and privileges at the expense of the
labouring majority. The Capitalist economy is based, not upon fulfilling
the needs of everyone, but on amassing profit for a few. Both Capitalism
and the State must be attacked and overthrown, not one or the other, or
one then the other, because the fall of either will not ensure the fall
of both.
No doubt, some workers will mistake what we are saying as a threat to
their personally accumulated property. No, we recognise the distinction
between personal possessions and major capitalistic property.
Capitalistic property is that which has as its basic characteristic and
purpose the command of other peopleâs labour power because of its
exchange value. The institution of property conditions the development
of a set of social and economic relations that has established
Capitalism, and this situation allows a small minority within society to
reap enormous benefits and privileges at the expense of the labouring
majority. This is the classic scenario of Capital exploiting labour.
Where there is a high social division of labour and complex industrial
organisation, money is needed to buy and/or sell. It is not simply that
this money is legal, and that it is used in place of direct barter of
goods, that is not what we are limited to here: Capital is money, but
money as a process which reproduces and increases its value. Capital
arises only when the owner of the means of production finds workers on
the market as sellers of their own labour power. Capitalism developed as
the form of private property that shifted from the rural, agricultural
style to the urban, factory style of labour. Capitalism centralises the
instruments of production and brings individuals closely alongside
others in a disciplined work force.
Capitalism is industrialised commodity [25] production, which makes
goods for profit, not for social needs. This is a special distinction of
Capital, and Capital alone.
We may understand Capitalists, from what we have seen, as Capital given
will and consciousness. That is, as those people who acquire Capital,
and function as an elite class with enough financial and political power
to rule society. Also, that accumulated Capital is money, and with money
they control the means of production that is defined as the mills,
mines, factories, land, water, energy, and other natural resources. The
rich know that this is their property. They donât need ideological
pretensions, and are under no illusions about public property.
An economy, like the one we have briefly sketched, is not based on
fulfilling the needs of everyone in society, but instead is based on the
accumulation of profits for the few, who live in extreme luxury as a
leisure class, while we, the workers and poor, live in either poverty or
one or two payâcheques away. You see, therefore, that doing away with
government also means the abolition of monopoly [26] and personal
ownership of the means of production and distribution.
One of the biggest lies about Anarchists is that we are mindless
bombâthrowers, cutthroats, and assassins.
People spread these lies for their own reasons: governments, because
they are afraid of being overthrown by social revolution; Marxists,
because it is a competing ideology with a totally different method of
social organisation and revolutionary struggle; and the Church, because
Anarchism does not believe in deities and its rationalism might sway
workers away from superstition. It is true that these lies and
propaganda are able to sway many people, mostly because they never hear
the other side. Anarchism receives bad press and suffers as the
scapegoat of every politician â Right or Left wing. Because a Social
revolution is an Anarchist revolution, which not only abolishes one
exploiting class for another, but all exploiters and the instrument of
exploitation, âthe Stateâ; because it is a revolution for peopleâs
power, instead of political power, because it abolishes both money and
wage slavery; because we are for total direct democracy and freedom,
instead of politicians to represent the masses in Parliament, or the
Communist Party; because we are for workersâ selfâmanagement of
industry, instead of government regulation; because Anarchists are for
full sexual, racial, cultural and intellectual freedom, instead of
sexual and cultural repression, censorship, and racial oppression â
because of this, lies have had to be told that we are killers, rapists,
robbers, mad bombers, the worst of the worst.
But letâs look at the real world and see who is causing all this
violence and repression. The wholesale murder by standing armies in
World Wars 1 and 2, the pillage and rape of the colonies, military
invasions and dictatorships â all of these have been done by
governments. It is government and State/Class rule, which is the source
of all violence. This includes all governments. The soâcalled Communist
world is not communist and the Free world is not free. East and West,
Capitalism â private and State â remains an inhuman type of society
where the vast majority are bossed at work, at home, and in the
community. Propaganda (news and education), policemen and soldiers,
prisons and schools, traditional values and morality [27] all serve to
reinforce the power of the few and to convince or force the many into
passive [28] acceptance of a brutal, degrading, and irrational [29]
system. This is what we mean by authority being oppression, and it is
just such authoritarian rule that is at work in South Africa, Nigeria,
the USA, as well as the Communist governments of China and Cuba.
âWhat is this thing we call government? Is it anything but organised
violence? The law orders you to obey, and if you donât obey, it will
compel you by force â all governments, all law and authority finally
rest on force and violence, on punishment or fear of punishment.â
Alexander Berkman,
ABC of Anarchism
Most Anarchists advocate armed overthrow of the Capitalist State. We do
not advocate or practice mass murder, like the governments of the modern
world with their stockpiles of nuclear bombs, poison gas and chemical
weapons, huge air forces, navies, and armies. It was not the Anarchists
who provoked [30] two World Wars where over 100 million people were
slaughtered; nor was it the Anarchists who invaded and butchered the
people of Korea, Panama, Somalia, Iraq, Indonesia, and other countries
who have suffered imperialist military attack. It was not the Anarchists
who sent armies of spies all over the world to murder, disrupt, subvert,
overthrow, and meddle into the internal affairs of other countries like
the NIA, CIA, KGB, MI6, or other national spy agencies, nor use them as
secret police to uphold the home governments in various countries, no
matter how repressive and unpopular the regime. Further, if your
government makes you a policeman of soldier, you kill and repress people
in the name of freedom or law and order, even if you donât want to.
âYou donât question the right of the government to kill, to confiscate
and imprison. If a private person should be guilty of the things that
the government is doing all the time, youâd brand him a murderer, thief
and scoundrel. But as long as the violence committed is âlawfulâ, you
approve of it and submit to it. So it is not really violence that you
object to, but people using violence unlawfully.â
Alexander Berkman,
ABC of Anarchism
If we speak honestly, we must admit that everyone in this society
believes in violence and practices it, however much they may condemn it
in others. Either they do it themselves to their children or to others,
or they have the police and army to do it on their behalf as agents of
the State. In fact, all of the governmental institutions we presently
support and the entire life of present society are based on violence.
Anarchists have no monopoly on violence and when it was used in
soâcalled âpropaganda by the deedâ attacks in the nineteenth century, it
was against tyrants and dictators, rather than against the common
people. These individual attacks â bombings, assassinations, sabotage
were efforts at making those in power personally responsible for their
unjust acts and repressive authority. In fact, Anarchists, Socialists,
Communists and other revolutionaries, as well as patriots and
nationalists, and even reactionaries and racists like the AWB or Nazis
have all used violence for a variety of reasons. Who would not have
rejoiced if a dictator like Hitler had been slain by assassins, and thus
spared the world racial genocide and World War II? Further, all
revolutions are violent because the oppressing class will not give up
its power and privileges without a bloody fight. So, we have no choice
anyway.
Basically, we would all choose to be pacifists. And like Martin Luther
King counselled, we would rather resolve our differences with
understanding, love, and moral reasoning. We will attempt these
solutions first, whenever possible. In the insanity that reigns,
however, our movement acknowledges the usefulness of preparedness. It is
too dangerous a world to be ignorant of the ways to defend ourselves so
that we can continue our revolutionary work. Knowing a weapon and its
uses does not mean that you must immediately go out and use that weapon,
but that if you need to use it, you can use it well.
Understand that the more we succeed at our work, the more dangerous will
our situation become, because we will then be recognised as a threat to
the State. And make no mistake, an insurrection is coming, that will
destabilise the State. So we are talking about a spontaneous,[31]
prolonged,[32] rising of the vast majority of the people, and the
necessity to defend ourselves against the Stateâs reaction. Although we
recognise the importance of defensive paramilitary violence, and even
urban guerilla attacks, we do not depend on war to achieve our
liberation, for our struggle cannot be won by the force of arms alone.
No, the people must be armed beforehand with understanding and agreement
of our objectives, as well as trust and love of each other, and our
military weapons are only an expression of our organic spirit and
solidarity. Perfect love for all but preparedness against those who
donât want it. As the Cuban revolutionary, Che Guevara, said, âWhen one
falls, another must take their place, and the rage of each death renews
the reason for the fight.â
The governments of the world commit much of their violence in repressing
any attempt to overthrow the State. Crimes of repression against the
people have usually benefited those in power, especially if the
government is powerful. Look what happened in South Africa during the
apartheid years! Many protesting injustices were jailed, murdered,
injured, or blacklisted â all of which was setâup by the Stateâs police
agencies. So we cannot just depend on mass mobilisations alone, we must
also learn how to defend ourselves, if we want to defeat the State and
its repression. For the future, our work will include development of
collective techniques of selfâdefence, as well as underground propaganda
work, while we work towards Social revolution.
Another lie about Anarchists is that we donât believe in any
organisational structure. We are not opposed to organisation. In fact,
Anarchism is primarily concerned about analysing the way in which
society is presently organised â i.e., government.
Anarchism is all about organisation, but it is about alternative forms
of organisation to what now exists. Anarchismâs opposition to authority
leads to the view that organisation should be nonâhierarchical and that
membership should be voluntary. Anarchist revolution is a process of
organisation building and reâbuilding. This does not mean the same thing
as the Marxist concept of party building, which is just about
strengthening the rule of party leaders and driving out those members
who have an independent position. These purges [33] are methods of
domination that the Marxists use to beat all democracy out of their
movements, yet they have the cheek to call this democratic centralism.
What organisation means within Anarchism is to organise the needs of the
people into nonâauthoritarian social organisations so that they can take
care of their own business on an equal basis. It also means the coming
together of likeâminded people for the purpose of coâordinating the work
that both groups and individuals feel necessary for survival,
wellâbeing, and livelihood. Because Anarchism involves people who would
come together on the basis of mutual needs and interests, coâoperation
is a key element. A primary aim is that the individuals should speak for
themselves, and that all in the group be equally responsible for the
groupâs decisions; no bosses welcome!
Many Anarchists envisage large scale organisational needs in terms of
small local groups organised in the workplaces, and neighbourhoods, who
would send delegates to larger committees who would make decisions on
matters of wider concern. The job of delegate would not be fullâtime and
would be rotated. These delegates would be unpaid, recallable and would
only voice the groupsâ decisions. We support free, independent
organisations of the people as the only way forward.
The nucleus [34] of Anarchist organisation is the affinity (friendship)
group. The affinity group is a revolutionary circle or cell of friends
and comrades who are in tune with each other both in ideology and as
individuals. The affinity group exists to coâordinate the needs of the
group, as expressed by the individuals and by the cell as a body. The
group becomes an extended family, the wellâbeing of all becomes the
responsibility of all.
âAutonomous, communal, and directly democratic, the group combines
revolutionary theory with revolutionary lifestyle in its everyday
behaviour. It creates a free space in which revolutionaries can remake
themselves individually, and also as social beings.â
Murray Bookchin,
Post Scarcity Anarchism
We could also refer to these affinity formations as âgroups for living
revolutionâ because they live the revolution now, even though only in
seed form. Because the groups are small â from three to fifteen â they
can start from a stronger basis of solidarity than political strategy
alone. The groups would be the best means of political activity of each
member. There are four areas of involvement where affinity groups work.
as well as collective work and responsibility.
ideals, this includes study by members to advance the ideology of the
group, as well as to increase their political, economic, scientific, and
technical knowledge.
outside of the group, where all members are expected to contribute.
comrades, people who care for the wellâbeing of one another, who love
and support each other, who strive to live in the spirit of coâoperation
and freedom, without distrust, jealousy, hate, competition, and other
forms of negative social ideas and behaviour. In short, affinity groups
allow their members to live a revolutionary lifestyle.
One big advantage of affinity groups is that they are highly resistant
to police infiltration because the group members are so intimate. Even
if a group is penetrated there is no central office that would give an
agent information about the movement as a whole. Each cell has its own
agenda and objectives. Therefore, an agent would have to infiltrate
hundreds, maybe thousands, of similar groups and since the members all
know each other, an agent could not lead disruptions without the risk of
immediate exposure. Further, because there are no leaders in the
movement, there is no one to target and destroy the group.
Because affinity groups can grow as biological cells grow, by dividing,
they can spread rapidly. There could be hundreds in one large city or
region. They come prepared for a mass movement, they can organise large
numbers of people to coâordinate activities as their needs become clear
and according to any social conditions. Affinity groups function as a
catalyst within the mass movement, pushing it to higher and higher
levels of resistance to the authorities. But they are readyâmade for
underground work in case of open political repression or mass
insurrection.
This leads us to the next level of Anarchist organisation, the regional
federation. Federations are the network of affinity groups who come
together out of common needs, which includes mutual aid, education,
direct action, coâordination, and any other work needed for the change
from todayâs society, from the authoritarian State to Anarchism. The
following is an example of how Anarchist federations could be
structured. First, there is the regional federation that could cover a
large city or region. All likeâminded affinity groups in the region
would associate themselves in a Regional Federation. Agreements on
mutual aid and action to be done would be discussed at meetings in which
all can come and have an equal voice.
When the Regional Federation reaches a size where it is too big, the
Regional Federation can divide into District or Local Federations. Each
affinity group in each area will send one delegate to sit on their Local
Federation Committee. The purpose of the committee is to coâordinate the
needs and actions defined by all the groups in the district or local
area. As a mandated delegate, after referring back to their group, they
could vote and join in coâordination and decision making on the things
that affect the local area. Thereafter, one delegate from each Local
Federation Committee will sit on the Regional Federation Committee,
which will operate on exactly the same principles as the Local
Federation Committee except that it will only deal with things that
affect the region as a whole.
Our next federation would be an EcoâRegional Federation, for example the
entire coastal plain. This federation would take care of the whole
ecoâregion, with the same principles of consensus, mandating and
delegation. Next would come the InterâRegional Federation to cover
Southern Africa and then the Continental Federation, covering the
continent of Africa. Last would be the Global Federation, which would be
the networking of all federations worldâwide. As for the last, because
we do not recognise national borders and wish to replace the
nationâstate, we thus federate with all other likeâminded people
wherever they live on Earth.
For Anarchism to really work, the needs of the people must be fulfilled.
Our first priority is the wellâbeing of all; thus we must organise the
means to freely and equally fulfil the needs of the people. First, the
means of production, transportation, and distribution must be organised
into revolutionary organisations that the workers and the community run
and control themselves. Our second priority is to deal with community
needs organisations, in addition to industrial organising. Whatever the
community needs are, they must be dealt with. This means organisation.
It includes coâoperative groups to fulfil such needs as health, energy,
jobs, childcare, housing, alternative schools, food, entertainment, and
other social areas. These community groups would form a coâoperative
community, which would be a network of community needs organisations and
serve as an Anarchistic socioâpolitical infrastructure. These groups
should network with those in other areas for mutual aid, education, and
action, and become a federation on a regional scale.
Third, we would have to deal with social illness. Not only should we
organise for the physical needs of the people, but we must also work and
propagandise to cure the ills sprouted by the State that has warped the
human personality under Capitalism. For instance, the oppression of
women. No one can be free if 51 percent of society is oppressed,
dominated, and abused. Not only must our organisation deal with the
harmful effects of sexism, but also work to ensure patriarchy is dead by
educating society about its harmful effects. Women need to empower
themselves for selfâdetermination to lead free lives. We need to form
groups to expose and combat sexual prejudice and Capitalist
exploitation, and extend full support and solidarity to the Working
Class Womenâs liberation movement.
Finally, Anarchism would deal with a number of areas too numerous to
mention here â science, technology, ecology, disarmament, and so on. We
must harness the social sciences and make them serve the people, while
we coâexist with nature. Authoritarians foolishly believe that it is
possible to conquer nature, but that is not the issue. We are just one
of a number of species which inhabit this planet, even if we are the
most intelligent. But then other species have not created nuclear
weapons, started wars where millions have been killed, or engaged in
discrimination against the âracesâ of their subâspecies, all of which
humankind has done. So who is to say which is the most âintelligentâ?
Right thenâŠ
Lets get on with it, weâve got a world to win!
[1] coercion: to force or to hold by force
[2] vanguard: the leading position in a movement or the people in that
position
[3] sects: a group of people with a common interest or philosophy
[4] insurrection: the act of rebelling against an established authority
[5] economic: the way goods are distributed and exchanged (money in
modern capitalist society).
[6] abolished: to do away with (laws, regulations, or customs)
[7] organism: something that is living
[8] formidable: extremely difficult to defeat or overcome
[9] tendency: the general course or direction
[10] ideology: the doctrines, opinions, or way of thinking of a person
or group
[11] technocrats: a government of scientists and other experts
(intellectuals)
[12] hierarchical: 1. a system of people or things arranged one above
the other 2. the hierarchy: the people in power in any authoritarian
organisation
[13] eclipse: loss of importance, power or fame
[14] consensus: general or wideâspread agreement
[15] subordinate: 1. of lesser rank or importance 2. to think of
something or someone as less important than something or someone else
[16] elite: the most powerful or rich of a group, community or society
elitism: the belief that society should be governed by a small group of
people who think they are superior to everyone else
[17] slander: saying something that is false and damaging about a person
or thing
[18] hypocrisy: claiming to believe in something and then acting
differently
[19] tyranny: oppressive and unjust government (i.e. all government)
[20] falsify: to make (a report of evidence) false by changing it in
order to mislead
[21] egalitarian: to uphold equality between humans
[22] legislative: having the power to make or process laws
[23] assemblies: a number of people gathered together
[24] opportunist: a person who changes their actions to take advantage
of opportunities and circumstances without thinking about principles
âŠism: the name given to the act
[25] commodity: something that can be bought or sold
[26] monopoly: exclusive control of something (e.g. supply of a product
or service)
[27] morality: to do with the belief of what is right or wrong
[28] passive: not active
[29] irrational: senseless or unreasonable / absurd / no facts behind it
[30] provoke: to anger someone / to make something happen
[31] spontaneous: starting from a natural feeling, voluntary, an action
that has not been thought out first
[32] prolonged: lengthened or extended
[33] to purge: to get rid of or kick out of an organisation
[34] nucleus: a central thing around which others are grouped