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Title: Gramsci and syndicalism
Author: Tom Wetzel
Date: Summer 1989
Language: en
Topics: Antonio Gramsci, council communism, anarcho-syndicalism, workers councils, Italy
Source: Retrieved on 12th October 2020 from https://libcom.org/library/gramsci-syndicalism-tom-wetzel
Notes: This article originally appeared in Ideas & Action #11

Tom Wetzel

Gramsci and syndicalism

In a polemic against the syndicalists, Antonio Gramsci argued that the

syndicalists were wrong in maintaining that unions were capable of being

organs of workers’ revolution. He said this confused a marketing

organization of labor within capitalism — the trade unions — with an

organization for running production in a socialized economy — the

workers councils. Because the function of a union is to affect the terms

and conditions of the sale of labor to the employers, he argued, it is

an organization specific to a capitalist society.

However, if we look at the actual functions of the Turin shop councils,

as described in the Shop Stewards’ Program, we find that much of their

actual function is the organization of the struggle with the employers

over the “terms and conditions” of labor within capitalism. For example,

the shop stewards were called upon to “exercize surveillance” over the

enforcement of the existing labor contracts and “resolve disputes that

may arise between the workforce and management.” In other words, the

shop stewards movement was inevitably a shopfloor unionist force

precisely because it expressed the desire of the workforce for a more

effective organization in the struggles within the current capitalist

system as well as expressing their aspirations for complete control.

Since any mass workers movement of this sort arises initially within the

capitalist system, this “dual” function seems inevitable.

Moreover, Gramsci’s real argument against the possibility of

“revolutionary unionism” was based on the institutionalized,

bureaucratic character of the official CGL trade unions. And, by the

same token, his argument for the revolutionary potential of the shop

councils, was not their complete non-involvement in present-day unionist

struggles, but, rather, their independent, non-hierarchical character.

Gramsci sees that unions develop a top-down regime once they become

institutionalized in bargaining with the employers because this enables

the emergent leadership to ensure that the workforce does not violate

its part of the bargain with management:

“[As it develops,] the union concentrates and generalizes its scope so

that the power and discipline of the movement are focused in a central

office. This office detaches itself from the masses it regiments,

removing itself from the fickle eddy of moods and currents that are

typical of the great tumultuous masses. The union thus acquires the

ability to sign agreements and take on responsibilities, obliging the

entrepreneur to accept a certain legality in his relations with the

workers. This legality is conditional on the trust the entrepreneur has

in the solvency of the union and its ability to ensure that the working

masses respect their contractual obligations.”

But it is precisely this bureaucratic structure of institutionalized

trade unionism that makes it impossible for it to be an instrument of

revolution, since these structures exist to “perpetuate and

universalize” the “industrial legality” developed in the accumulated

compromises with the employers. The union “represents legality, and must

aim to make it respected by its members.”

On the other hand, the shop councils are seen as potentially

revolutionary, according to Gramsci, precisely because they are not

subject to a bureaucracy external to the workforce:

“The factory council is the negation of industrial legality. It tends at

every moment to destroy it....By its revolutionary spontaneity, the

factory council tends to unleash the class war at any moment; by its

bureaucratic form, the trade union tends to prevent the class war ever

being unleashed.”

But once we understand what Gramsci means by “union” — that is,

institutionalized, bureaucratized trade unions — then we can see that

anarcho-syndicalists would agree with Gramsci’s views on the limits of

trade unions since they agree that the bureaucratized trade unions tend

to constrain workers action within the limits of what is acceptable to

the employing class. Such top-down structures are, thus, not capable of

being organs of revolution.

However, anarcho-syndicalists would point out that when they advocate

“revolutionary unionism,” they are using the term “union” in a different

sense. There is another sense of the term “union,” referring to

association of the workers themselves in opposition to the employers:

the workers “in union” with each other. And, in this sense, the shop

council movement was also a form of unionism. Moreover, Gramsci

sometimes uses the word “union” in this other sense, as when he says

that the Turin shop council movement is a form of “industrial unionism,”

uniting the workforce across divisions of craft and ideology.

Moreover, if it is the non-bureaucratic, mass autonomous character of

the Turin shop councils that gives them a revolutionary potential, as

Gramsci had argued, then USI activists could argue that Gramsci must

concede that the “unions” advocated by the anarcho-syndicalists have a

revolutionary potential also since they have the same character and

structure as the Turin shop councils.

One lesson of the Italian revolution of 1919–20 is that the supposed

opposition between “councilism” and “syndicalism” is more myth than

reality. The main body of Italian syndicalism — the USI — adopted the

methods and organizational forms of the Turin shop council movement. At

the same time, the anarcho-syndicalists in Turin were slow to build an

USI organization there because the independent, democratic organization

of the Turin councils and their orientation to direct action and workers

control made them a living approximation of anarcho-syndicalist ideals.