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Title: Anarchist Cuba
Author: SK
Date: 2020, Winter
Language: en
Topics: Cuba, anarchist movement, book review
Source: Fifth Estate #405, Winter, 2020, copied January 3, 2022 from https://www.fifthestate.org/archive/405-winter-2020/anarchist-cuba/
Notes: a review of Anarchist Cuba: Countercultural Politics in the Early Twentieth Century by Kirwin Shaffer. PM Press 2019

SK

Anarchist Cuba

a review of

Anarchist Cuba: Countercultural Politics in the Early Twentieth Century

by Kirwin Shaffer. PM Press 2019

“…these anarchist rebels took part in a long tradition of imagining Cuba

as an ‘island of dreams’ where humanity could create a free, healthy,

educated, and egalitarian beacon for global liberation.”

—Kirwin Shaffer

Kirwin Shaffer’s new book helps readers understand what being an

anarchist has meant in Cuba during the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries.

Previous histories by other authors about anarchists on the island have

concentrated on their participation in the urban and rural labor

movement. However, in this book, Shaffer, a professor of Latin American

studies at Pennsylvania State University, Berks College, explores

several additional areas of involvement outside the workplace during the

past 150 years.

He describes the development of various projects during this period,

including writing and publishing of anarchist inspired fiction and

nonfiction, producing radical theater, visual art, music, alternative

health clinics, as well as schools for both children and adults free of

state and religious control and specifically dedicated to encouraging

independent thinking. Participants pooled their knowledge from a variety

of backgrounds—women and men, old and young, black and white, Cuban and

foreign-born, skilled and unskilled workers, poets, shopkeepers,

playwrights, and librarians.

Shaffer does not shrink from discussing the ambiguities and

contradictions within the various projects, or their internal squabbles

and differing points of view on several important issues. His care not

to idealize or exaggerate accomplishments enables readers to more easily

understand the dynamics involved.

The various undertakings are described in the context of how they were

intended to counter the authoritarian character and brutalities of the

Catholic and Protestant churches, the military and the Spanish colonial

administration that held sway until the end of the 19th century, and

then the nominally independent Cuban state—all of which contributed to

the highly exploitative and repressive conditions on the island.

Shaffer discusses how anarchist projects responded to, and helped shape

the popular understanding of concepts such as freedom, equality,

identity, and progress. Part of this involved fighting against racism,

for women’s equality, and uniting the working-class across racial,

national, and gender lines. By the 1890s, Shaffer tells us, anarchists

in the Cuban labor movement were able to play a major role in fostering

class ties among people of diverse origins and race, as well as in

excluding party affiliation from union activities.

He also delineates the major differences between anarchist and Marxist

groups, which were active in Cuba from the 19th century on, especially

the strategies for dissent each chose. Marxists concentrated on building

organizations to train and guide/supervise the proletariat at the work

place, in daily life, and at the ballot box. The anarchists were

strongly committed to means that coincided with desired future ends,

such as encouraging the independence and self-activity of students and

workers while fighting against unjust working and living conditions.

They recognized the struggle against domination as connected to the

immediate construction of the means of resistance. Anarchists designed

their projects specifically to improve the lives of women, men and

children in the present as well as to prepare them for a social

transformation sometime in the future.

Shaffer devotes three chapters to exploring the anarcho-naturist

influence among Cuban anarchists. The naturist movement, which developed

in Europe and North America during the late 19th and early 20th

centuries, focused on alternative personal health and lifestyle

practices, such as adopting a simple, inexpensive and nutritious

vegetarian diet, getting lots of outdoor exercise, practicing nudism,

living in small villages where everyone can know each other, and doing

whatever possible to combat the effects of industrial mass society.

In Cuba, several anarchist writers and artists shifted the naturist

movement’s focus away from primarily individual health concerns to an

emphasis on social emancipatory themes by writing news stories, essays,

novels, plays and advice columns that were widely available beyond

anarchist circles. This cultural influence persisted into the 1950s even

as the anarcho-syndicalist movement was significantly weakened by

government repression and the consolidation of the Cuban Communist

Party.

Although anarchists from all tendencies were interested in ways to

improve health, anarcho-syndicalists (especially in the cafe and

restaurant unions) and anarcho-naturists were particularly focused on

aspects of daily life that disproportionately affected the young and the

working poor. They emphasized learning and teaching alternative medicine

to help people deal with health problems of modern society, including

ill-health brought about by harsh factory and field work, as well as

diseases caused by cramped and poorly ventilated living quarters.

Some went even further and offered deep criticisms of modern

civilization—sometimes from an idealized perspective on pre-modern

conditions and other times from a more sophisticated point of view

involving a critique of the modern city as the direct consequence of

industrial exploitation of the natural world, approaching the breaking

point.

Other anarchists criticized what they viewed as the anarcho-naturists’

idealization of nature, and the concepts of what were supposedly

nature’s laws as tending toward mystification.

Although they were internationalists, many anarchists played a

significant part in inspiring and fighting for Cuban independence from

Spanish colonialism in the 1890s. It was their hope that the struggle

against injustice and imperialism would be the prelude to a domestic and

later international social revolution.

Some anarchists warned it was a mistake to put hope in a nationalist

struggle. Sadly, the U.S. government with the cooperation of local Cuban

elites proved them correct. After the war of independence, capitalist

exploitation on the island was intensified.

Nevertheless, anarchists in Cuba continued their various projects,

advocating decentralized self-organization, and challenging the

authoritarian practices of the foreign and domestic elites who were

blocking the way to the broad social change that so many desired. They

continued to criticize centralization and the concentration of wealth,

along with the degradation of the environment and human physical and

mental health caused by the greed of those in power.

There were major crackdowns against radical activities in Cuba from 1914

on, and the anarchist movement was severely impacted. However,

anarchists continued to be influential because they refused to

compromise with the ruling powers, persisting in militantly advocating

and disseminating perspectives that challenge their authority.

On the other hand, beginning in the 1920s operatives of the Cuban

Communist Party (Partido Socialista Popular, PSP) chose to make

compromises with the various dictatorial governments in order to be

allowed control of the labor unions and other perks. The

Communist-dominated Cuban Workers Confederation (Confederación de

Trabajadores de Cuba, CTC) purged anarchists and other militant labor

activists.

In response, anarchists formed the Libertarian Association of Cuba

(Asociación Libertaria de Cuba, ALC) in 1943. The ALC challenged the

government and the Communists, while working to resurrect independence

and autonomy within the labor movement. In the 1950s, the ALC joined

other revolutionary groups in armed resistance to the dictatorship.

By the time that Castro’s men landed in Cuba in 1956, the ALC had groups

functioning throughout Cuba—in Havana, Pinar del Rio, San Cristóbal,

Artemisa, Ciego de Avila, and Manzanillo. Anarchists challenged the

dictatorship in the cities through their participation in revolutionary

movements such as the Directorio Revolucionario and the Federation of

University Students.

In addition, the ALC meeting hall became a center for the distribution

of information related to the struggle as well as a place where some of

Castro’s July 26th Movement members trained to use firearms.

In response, the right-wing Batista dictatorship imprisoned,

disappeared, and tortured ALC members.

Immediately following Castro’s takeover in 1959, anarchists joined in

what they hoped would be the long-awaited social revolution. But they

became increasingly disturbed about the new government’s top-down,

centralized, bureaucratic solutions to Cuba’s pressing social problems.

By March of 1961, it became impossible for anarchists to voice their

concerns openly as their publications and organizations were shut down

and activists imprisoned. Many, but not all, chose exile where they

could continue to openly advocate anarchist alternatives.

Kirwin Shaffer’s contextualized history makes it clear why and how

anarchist inspired oppositional activities have never been extinguished

on the island, despite ongoing government supervision and surveillance,

along with periodic political crackdowns.

As long as anarchist rebels in Cuba are able to dream of and create

autonomous, non-authoritarian projects, the future holds multiple

possibilities for individual freedom and social solidarity.

SK is a longtime supporter of Cuban anarchists.