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Title: Ossetia-Russia-Georgia
Author: Noam Chomsky
Date: September 9, 2008
Language: en
Topics: Russia, Georgia, war
Source: Retrieved on 19th February 2022 from https://chomsky.info/200809__2/

Noam Chomsky

Ossetia-Russia-Georgia

Aghast at the atrocities committed by US forces invading the

Philippines, and the rhetorical flights about liberation and noble

intent that routinely accompany crimes of state, Mark Twain threw up his

hands at his inability to wield his formidable weapon of satire. The

immediate object of his frustration was the renowned General Funston.

“No satire of Funston could reach perfection,” Twain lamented, “because

Funston occupies that summit himself… [he is] satire incarnated.”

It is a thought that often comes to mind, again in August 2008 during

the Russia-Georgia-Ossetia war. George Bush, Condoleezza Rica and other

dignitaries solemnly invoked the sanctity of the United Nations, warning

that Russia could be excluded from international institutions “by taking

actions in Georgia that are inconsistent with” their principles. The

sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations must be rigorously

honored, they intoned – “all nations,” that is, apart from those that

the US chooses to attack: Iraq, Serbia, perhaps Iran, and a list of

others too long and familiar to mention.

The junior partner joined in as well. British foreign secretary David

Miliband accused Russia of engaging in “19^(th) century forms of

diplomacy” by invading a sovereign state, something Britain would never

contemplate today. That “is simply not the way that international

relations can be run in the 21^(st) century,” he added, echoing the

decider-in-chief, who said that invasion of “a sovereign neighboring

state…is unacceptable in the 21^(st) century.” Mexico and Canada

therefore need not fear further invasions and annexation of much of

their territory, because the US now only invades states that are not on

its borders, though no such constraint holds for its clients, as Lebanon

learned once again in 2006.

“The moral of this story is even more enlightening,” Serge Halimi wrote

in Le Monde diplomatique, “ when, to defend his country’s borders, the

charming pro-American Saakashvili repatriates some of the 2,000 soldiers

he had sent to invade Iraq,” one of the largest contingents apart from

the two warrior states.

Prominent analysts joined the chorus. Fareed Zakaria applauded Bush’s

observation that Russia’s behavior is unacceptable today, unlike the

19^(th) century, “when the Russian intervention would have been standard

operating procedure for a great power.” We therefore must devise a

strategy for bringing Russia “in line with the civilized world,” where

intervention is unthinkable.

There were, to be sure, some who shared Mark Twain’s despair. One

distinguished example is Chris Patten, former EU commissioner for

external relations, chairman of the British Conservative Party,

chancellor of Oxford University and a member of the House of Lords. He

wrote that the Western reaction “is enough to make even the cynical

shake their heads in disbelief” – referring to Europe’s failure to

respond vigorously to the effrontery of Russian leaders, who, “like

19^(th)-century tsars, want a sphere of influence around their borders.”

Patten rightly distinguishes Russia from the global superpower, which

long ago passed the point where it demanded a sphere of influence around

its borders, and demands a sphere of influence over the entire world. It

also acts vigorously to enforce that demand, in accord with the Clinton

doctrine that Washington has the right to use military force to defend

vital interests such as “ensuring uninhibited access to key markets,

energy supplies and strategic resources” – and in the real world, far

more.

Clinton was breaking no new ground, of course. His doctrine derives from

standard principles formulated by high-level planners during World War

II, which offered the prospect of global dominance. In the postwar

world, they determined, the US should aim “to hold unquestioned power”

while ensuring the “limitation of any exercise of sovereignty” by states

that might interfere with its global designs. To secure these ends, “the

foremost requirement [is] the rapid fulfillment of a program of complete

rearmament,” a core element of “an integrated policy to achieve military

and economic supremacy for the United States.” The plans laid during the

war were implemented in various ways in the years that followed.

The goals are deeply rooted in stable institutional structures. Hence

they persist through changes in occupancy of the White House, and are

untroubled by the opportunity for “peace dividends,” the disappearance

of the major rival from the world scene, or other marginal

irrelevancies. Devising new challenges is never beyond the reach of

doctrinal managers, as when Ronald Reagan strapped on his cowboy boots

and declared a national emergency because the Nicaraguan army was only

two days from Harlingen Texas, and might lead the hordes who are about

to “sweep over the United States and take what we have,” as Lyndon

Johnson lamented when he called for holding the line in Vietnam. Most

ominously, those holding the reins may actually believe their own words.

Returning to the efforts to elevate Russia to the civilized world, the

seven charter members of the Group of Eight industrialized countries

issued a statement “condemning the action of our fellow G8 member,”

Russia, which has yet to comprehend the Anglo-American commitment to

non-intervention. The European Union held a rare emergency meeting to

condemn Russia’s crime, its first meeting since the invasion of Iraq,

which elicited no condemnation.

Russia called for an emergency session of the Security Council, but no

consensus was reached because, according to Council diplomats, the US,

Britain, and some others rejected a phrase that called on both sides “to

renounce the use of force.”

The typical reactions recall Orwell’s observations on the “indifference

to reality” of the “nationalist,” who “not only does not disapprove of

atrocities committed by his own side, but … has a remarkable capacity

for not even hearing about them.”

The basic facts are not seriously in dispute. South Ossetia, along with

the much more significant region of Abkhazia, were assigned by Stalin to

his native Georgia. Western leaders sternly admonish that Stalin’s

directives must be respected, despite the strong opposition of Ossetians

and Abkhazians. The provinces enjoyed relative autonomy until the

collapse of the USSR. In 1990, Georgia’s ultranationalist president

Zviad Gamsakhurdia abolished autonomous regions and invaded South

Ossetia. The bitter war that followed left 1000 dead and tens of

thousands of refugees, with the capital city of Tskhinvali “battered and

depopulated” (New York Times).

A small Russian force then supervised an uneasy truce, broken decisively

on 7 August 2008 when Georgian president Saakashvili’s ordered his

forces to invade. According to “an extensive set of witnesses,” the

Times reports, Georgia’s military at once “began pounding civilian

sections of the city of Tskhinvali, as well as a Russian peacekeeping

base there, with heavy barrages of rocket and artillery fire.” The

predictable Russian response drove Georgian forces out of South Ossetia,

and Russia went on to conquer parts of Georgia, then partially

withdrawing to the vicinity of South Ossetia. There were many casualties

and atrocities. As is normal, the innocent suffered severely.

Russia reported at first that ten Russian peacekeepers were killed by

Georgian shelling. The West took little notice. That too is normal.

There was, for example, no reaction when Aviation Week reported that 200

Russians were killed in an Israeli air raid in Lebanon in 1982 during a

US-backed invasion that left some 15–20,000 dead, with no credible

pretext beyond strengthening Israeli control over the occupied West

Bank.

Among Ossetians who fled north, the “prevailing view,” according to the

London Financial Times, “is that Georgia’s pro-western leader, Mikheil

Saakashvili, tried to wipe out their breakaway enclave.” Ossetian

militias, under Russian eyes, then brutally drove out Georgians, in

areas beyond Ossetia as well. “Georgia said its attack had been

necessary to stop a Russian attack that already had been under way,” the

New York Times reports, but weeks later “there has been no independent

evidence, beyond Georgia’s insistence that its version is true, that

Russian forces were attacking before the Georgian barrages.”

In Russia, the Wall Street Journal reports, “legislators, officials and

local analysts have embraced the theory that the Bush administration

encouraged Georgia, its ally, to start the war in order to precipitate

an international crisis that would play up the national-security

experience of Sen. John McCain, the Republican presidential candidate.”

In contrast, French author Bernard-Henri Levy, writing in the New

Republic, proclaims that “no one can ignore the fact that President

Saakashvili only decided to act when he no longer had a choice, and war

had already come. In spite of this accumulation of facts that should

have been blindingly obvious to all scrupulous, good-faith observers,

many in the media rushed as one man toward the thesis of the Georgians

as instigators, as irresponsible provocateurs of the war.”

The Russian propaganda system made the mistake of presenting evidence,

which was easily refuted. Its Western counterparts, more wisely, keep to

authoritative pronouncements, like Levy’s denunciation of the major

Western media for ignoring what is “blindingly obvious to all

scrupulous, good-faith observers” for whom loyalty to the state suffices

to establish The Truth – which, perhaps, is even true, serious analysts

might conclude.

The Russians are losing the “propaganda war,” BBC reported, as

Washington and its allies have succeeded in “presenting the Russian

actions as aggression and playing down the Georgian attack into South

Ossetia on 7 August, which triggered the Russian operation,” though “the

evidence from South Ossetia about that attack indicates that it was

extensive and damaging.” Russia has “not yet learned how to play the

media game,” the BBC observes. That is natural. Propaganda has typically

become more sophisticated as countries become more free and the state

loses the ability to control the population by force.

The Russian failure to provide credible evidence was partially overcome

by the Financial Times, which discovered that the Pentagon had provided

combat training to Georgian special forces commandos shortly before the

Georgian attack on August 7, revelations that “could add fuel to

accusations by Vladimir Putin, Russian prime minister, last month that

the US had ‘orchestrated’ the war in the Georgian enclave.” The training

was in part carried out by former US special forces recruited by private

military contractors, including MPRI, which, as the journal notes, “was

hired by the Pentagon in 1995 to train the Croatian military prior to

their invasion of the ethnically-Serbian Krajina region, which led to

the displacement of 200,000 refugees and was one of the worst incidents

of ethnic cleansing in the Balkan wars.” The US-backed Krajina expulsion

(generally estimated at 250,000, with many killed) was possibly the

worst case of ethnic cleansing in Europe since World War II. Its fate in

approved history is rather like that of photographs of Trotsky in

Stalinist Russia, for simple and sufficient reasons: it does not accord

with the required image of US nobility confronting Serbian evil.

The toll of the August 2008 Caucasus war is subject to varying

estimates. A month afterwards, the Financial Times cited Russian reports

that “at least 133 civilians died in the attack, as well as 59 of its

own peacekeepers,” while in the ensuing Russian mass invasion and aerial

bombardment of Georgia, according to the FT, 215 Georgians died,

including 146 soldiers and 69 civilians. Further revelations are likely

to follow.

In the background lie two crucial issues. One is control over pipelines

to Azerbaijan and Central Asia. Georgia was chosen as a corridor by

Clinton to bypass Russia and Iran, and was also heavily militarized for

the purpose. Hence Georgia is “a very major and strategic asset to us,”

Zbigniew Brzezinski observes.

It is noteworthy that analysts are becoming less reticent in explaining

real US motives in the region as pretexts of dire threats and liberation

fade and it becomes more difficult to deflect Iraqi demands for

withdrawal of the occupying army. Thus the editors of the Washington

Post admonished Barack Obama for regarding Afghanistan as “the central

front” for the United States, reminding him that Iraq “lies at the

geopolitical center of the Middle East and contains some of the world’s

largest oil reserves,” and Afghanistan’s “strategic importance pales

beside that of Iraq.” A welcome, if belated, recognition of reality

about the US invasion.

The second issue is expansion of NATO to the East, described by George

Kennan in 1997 as “the most fateful error of American policy in the

entire post-cold-war era, [which] may be expected to inflame the

nationalistic, anti-Western and militaristic tendencies in Russian

opinion; to have an adverse effect on the development of Russian

democracy; to restore the atmosphere of the cold war to East-West

relations.”

As the USSR collapsed, Mikhail Gorbachev made a concession that was

astonishing in the light of recent history and strategic realities: he

agreed to allow a united Germany to join a hostile military alliance.

This “stunning concession” was hailed by Western media, NATO, and

President Bush I, who called it a demonstration of “statesmanship … in

the best interests of all countries of Europe, including the Soviet

Union.”

Gorbachev agreed to the stunning concession on the basis of “assurances

that NATO would not extend its jurisdiction to the east, ‘not one inch’

in [Secretary of State] Jim Baker’s exact words.” This reminder by Jack

Matlock, the leading Soviet expert of the Foreign Service and US

ambassador to Russia in the crucial years 1987 to 1991, is confirmed by

Strobe Talbott, the highest official in charge of Eastern Europe in the

Clinton administration. On the basis of a full review of the diplomatic

record, Talbott reports that “Secretary of State Baker did say to then

Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze, in the context of the

Soviet Union’s reluctant willingness to let a unified Germany remain

part of NATO, that NATO would not move to the east.”

Clinton quickly reneged on that commitment, also dismissing Gorbachev’s

effort to end the Cold War with cooperation among partners. NATO also

rejected a Russian proposal for a nuclear-weapons-free-zone from the

Arctic to the Black Sea, which would have “interfered with plans to

extend NATO,” strategic analyst and former NATO planner Michael MccGwire

observes.

Rejecting these possibilities, the US took a triumphalist stand that

threatened Russian security and also played a major role in driving

Russia to severe economic and social collapse, with millions of deaths.

The process was sharply escalated by Bush’s further expansion of NATO,

dismantling of crucial disarmament agreements, and aggressive

militarism. Matlock writes that Russia might have tolerated

incorporation of former Russian satellites into NATO if it “had not

bombed Serbia and continued expanding. But, in the final analysis, ABM

missiles in Poland, and the drive for Georgia and Ukraine in NATO

crossed absolute red lines. The insistence on recognizing Kosovo

independence was sort of the very last straw. Putin had learned that

concessions to the U.S. were not reciprocated, but used to promote U.S.

dominance in the world. Once he had the strength to resist, he did so,”

in Georgia.

Clinton officials argue that expansion of NATO posed no military threat,

and was no more than a benign move to allow former Russian satellites to

join the EU (Talbott). That is hardly persuasive. Austria, Sweden and

Finland are in the EU but not NATO. If the Warsaw Pact had survived and

was incorporating Latin American countries – let alone Canada and Mexico

– the US would not easily be persuaded that the Pact is just a Quaker

meeting. There should be no need to review the record of US violence to

block mostly fanciful ties to Moscow in “our little region over here,”

the Western hemisphere, to quote Secretary of War Henry Stimson when he

explained that all regional systems must be dismantled after World II,

apart from our own, which are to be extended.

To underscore the conclusion, in the midst of the current crisis in the

Caucasus, Washington professes concern that Russia might resume military

and intelligence cooperation with Cuba at a level not remotely

approaching US-Georgia relations, and not a further step towards a

significant security threat.

Missile defense too is presented here as benign, though leading US

strategic analysts have explained why Russian planners must regard the

systems and their chosen location as the basis for a potential threat to

the Russian deterrent, hence in effect a first-strike weapon. The

Russian invasion of Georgia was used as a pretext to conclude the

agreement to place these systems in Poland, thus “bolstering an argument

made repeatedly by Moscow and rejected by Washington: that the true

target of the system is Russia,” AP commentator Desmond Butler observed.

Matlock is not alone in regarding Kosovo as an important factor.

“Recognition of South Ossetia’s and Abkhazia’s independence was

justified on the principle of a mistreated minority’s right to secession

– the principle Bush had established for Kosovo,” the Boston Globe

editors comment.

But there are crucial differences. Strobe Talbott recognizes that

“there’s a degree of payback for what the U.S. and NATO did in Kosovo

nine years ago,” but insists that the “analogy is utterly and profoundly

false.” No one is a better position to know why it is profoundly false,

and he has lucidly explained the reasons, in his preface to a book on

NATO’s bombing of Serbia by his associate John Norris. Talbott writes

that those who want to know “how events looked and felt at the time to

those of us who were involved” in the war should turn to Norris’s

well-informed account. Norris concludes that “it was Yugoslavia’s

resistance to the broader trends of political and economic reform – not

the plight of Kosovar Albanians – that best explains NATO’s war.”

That the motive for the NATO bombing could not have been “the plight of

Kosovar Albanians” was already clear from the rich Western documentary

record revealing that the atrocities were, overwhelmingly, the

anticipated consequence of the bombing, not its cause. But even before

the record was released, it should have been evident to all but the most

fervent loyalists that humanitarian concern could hardly have motivated

the US and Britain, which at the same time were lending decisive support

to atrocities well beyond what was reported from Kosovo, with a

background far more horrendous than anything that had happened in the

Balkans. But these are mere facts, hence of no moment to Orwell’s

“nationalists” – in this case, most of the Western intellectual

community, who had made an enormous investment in self-aggrandizement

and prevarication about the “noble phase” of US foreign policy and its

“saintly glow” as the millennium approached its end, with the bombing of

Serbia as the jewel in the crown.

Nevertheless, it is interesting to hear from the highest level that the

real reason for the bombing was that Serbia was a lone holdout in Europe

to the political and economic programs of the Clinton administration and

its allies, though it will be a long time before such annoyances are

allowed to enter the canon.

There are of course other differences between Kosovo and the regions of

Georgia that call for independence or union with Russia. Thus Russia is

not known to have a huge military base there named after a hero of the

invasion of Afghanistan, comparable to Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo, named

after a Vietnam war hero and presumably part of the vast US basing

system aimed at the Middle East energy-producing regions. And there are

many other differences.

There is much talk about a “new cold war” instigated by brutal Russian

behavior in Georgia. One cannot fail to be alarmed by signs of

confrontation, among them new US naval contingents in the Black Sea –

the counterpart would hardly be tolerated in the Caribbean. Efforts to

expand NATO to Ukraine, now contemplated, could become extremely

hazardous.

Nonetheless, a new cold war seems unlikely. To evaluate the prospect, we

should begin with clarity about the old cold war. Fevered rhetoric

aside, in practice the cold war was a tacit compact in which each of the

contestants was largely free to resort to violence and subversion to

control its own domains: for Russia, its Eastern neighbors; for the

global superpower, most of the world. Human society need not endure –

and might not survive – a resurrection of anything like that.

A sensible alternative is the Gorbachev vision rejected by Clinton and

undermined by Bush. Sane advice along these lines has recently been

given by former Israeli Foreign Minister and historian Shlomo ben-Ami,

writing in the Beirut Daily Star: “Russia must seek genuine strategic

partnership with the US, and the latter must understand that, when

excluded and despised, Russia can be a major global spoiler. Ignored and

humiliated by the US since the Cold War ended, Russia needs integration

into a new global order that respects its interests as a resurgent

power, not an anti-Western strategy of confrontation.”