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Title: Radical Russianness
Author: Marcin Skladanowski, Lukasz Borzecki
Language: en
Source: Journal for the Study of Radicalism Volume 14, Number 2, Fall 2020 Michigan State University Press

Marcin Skladanowski, Lukasz Borzecki

Radical Russianness

Introduction

One of the main factors of Russian political and intellectual life is

anti-Occidentalism. Its significance has become more visible in the West

since the beginning of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine in 2014.

It should be noted, however, that contemporary Russian

anti-Occidentalism cannot be considered a result of this conflict or the

support shown by Western countries to Ukraine. Anti-Occidentalism is

deeply rooted in Russia’s political, national, and religious traditions.

The conflict in Ukraine has only revealed its scale and consequences.

There is a long-standing tradition of anti-Occidentalism in Russia, both

in the imperial and Soviet period of its history. One can distinguish

short and relatively unimportant periods of Russian cooperation with the

West—for example, in the twentieth century, Provisional Governments of

the Russian Republic under Prince L’vov and Kerenskiy between the

February and the October Revolution 1917 and Boris Yeltsin’s presidency

in the 1990s. However, these two periods have been considered in later

Russian political and cultural thought not only as failed attempts to

westernize Russia, but also as political [End Page 65] errors which led

the country’s defeat in the First World War or provoked one of the most

chaotic periods in Russian political and social life known as “the bad

nineties” (likhiye devanostye). Moreover, according to Zoe Knox, the

failure of Yeltsin’s westernizing reforms encouraged alternative

political and social visions that had developed in Russian tradition.1

Aleksandr Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism is not an isolated phenomenon. He

belongs to the Izborsk Club, established in 2012, whose head is another

extreme-right Russian intellectual, Aleksandr Prokhanov. According to

its members, this club was supposed to be a conservative think tank with

the aim to oppose Western influences in Russia and to fight the

pro-Western tendencies within Russia, whose supporters are referred to

as “the Fifth Column.”2 It seems that Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism is

sincere, contrary to the anti-Western rhetoric presented by the

representatives of the Russian Federation authorities, whose children

are educated at Western universities and whose wealth is deposited in

Western banks or invested in property in Western countries. Dugin

perceives the West as Russia’s existential enemy. He considers Russia’s

existence and development dependent on its strict isolation from the

West or, in his more radical statements, on the destruction or fall of

the West.

The controversial character of Dugin’s thought makes it an interesting

subject for numerous scholars who specialize in contemporary political

science and international relations. The analysis of the roots and

meaning of Dugin’s thought as well as its connections to extreme-right

Western movements has been undertaken in insightful ways by such

renowned scholars as MarlĂšne Laruelle, Mark Sedgwick, Andreas Umland,

Anton Shekhovtsov, and Dmitry Shlapentokh. Although acknowledging their

input in the reflection on Russian extreme-right and neoimperialism, we

claim in this article that the analysis of Dugin’s views solely from a

perspective characteristic of political science, albeit valuable, is

insufficient to reveal its true significance. A similar situation, in a

wider context, can be observed in the case of the contemporary

anti-Western and isolationist ideology that is promoted by the Russian

Federation under the conditions of the conflict with the West. This

conflict, although political, military, and economic nature, reveals

other roots of hostility toward the West and its characteristic values,

principles of community and individual life, as well as the relation of

an individual toward the community that are present in Russian

intellectual and religious traditions. An additional research [End Page

66] perspective should also be added, which is indispensable both with

respect to Dugin himself as well as the anti-Western ideology currently

promoted by the Russian Federation, namely the religious and

historiosophic context. This context is permanent in Rus’ and Russian

tradition, and it has survived, despite pressure to modernize the

country, especially during Peter the Great’s reforms and in the Soviet

period, to become a significant feature of modern national propaganda.3

This propaganda is addressed mostly to the citizens of the Russian

Federation, but it also affects all the members of “the Rus’ world”

(Russkiy mir, more frequently translated as “Russian world”), which

includes Russian-speaking citizens of other states, in particular former

Soviet republics. This phenomenon is noteworthy because, according to

the statements of President Putin4 and other representatives of the

Russian establishment, the elites of the Russian Orthodox Church5 and in

particular Russian conservative circles and organizations (such as the

“Izborsk Club,” the “Russkiy Mir Foundation”), these citizens are

expected to be loyal to Russia and will be protected by Russia.6

The efficiency of government-inspired anti-Western propaganda aimed at

Russian citizens is somewhat questionable. This doubtful efficiency is

indicated by the fact that as a result of a deteriorating economic

situation, since March 2018, when Vladimir Putin triumphantly won the

presidential election, the centers for public opinion research report a

significant fall in the popularity of Putin’s policies and Putin

himself.7 There has even been reported a significant increase in

positive opinions about the West,8 which is portrayed in propaganda

language as conducting an anti-Russian policy that aims to subjugate

Russia. Under such circumstances, one could expect further ideological

pressure on the part of Russian authorities combined with preannounced

actions intended to deny the Russians access to independent sources of

information.9

This social, political, and ideological context makes the reflection on

Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism noteworthy, not only in order to learn about

the opinions of a representative of extremely conservative intellectual

circles but also in order to recognize religious and intellectual

resources that can still be used by Russian authorities in their

ideological battle. This article, therefore, aims to demonstrate the

permanent elements of Russian religious historiosophy, which have been

reinterpreted and radicalized by Dugin. Its objective is to show Dugin

as an intellectual immersed in religiously inspired [End Page 67] Rus’

and Russian historiosophic tradition who also reinterprets this

tradition in a creative way. In this light, Dugin is perceived not only

as an ultra-right intellectual and political activist, who he most

definitely is to a certain extent and who is presented as such in the

political science literature, but also as an intellectual that remains

deeply rooted in the Rus’ spiritual tradition and who in his radical,

albeit logical way, extrapolates the content of said tradition.

Sources and Methodology

We have decided that the resource basis for this article will be Dugin’s

more recent works, which were composed after Vladimir Putin’s “Munich

speech” in 2007, in the conditions of the increasing conflict with the

West that first led to the war in Georgia and, further, to the

annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol and the conflict in Donbass. This

choice is methodologically significant because, in his earlier works,

which are often referred to by the abovementioned researchers, Dugin

does not hide his ties with Western intellectual tradition, which he

partly accepts (especially Carl Schmitt, Martin Heidegger, or Ayn Rand)

and partly rejects (in particular, the entire tradition of Western

anthropology, both Christian and secular, as well as the resulting

liberal and personalistic social thought). Recent years have seen the

evolution of Dugin’s ideas. Increasingly anti-Western rhetoric has led

him to employ Rus’ religious tradition (at times in a heavily

secularized form) and historiosophy rather than Western resources to

support his claims. In such a way, Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism becomes

more coherent. One can even claim that, despite all the reservations

that his opinions must raise and the fact that these opinions are often

unacceptable from the Western perspective, Dugin’s thought can be

perceived as a logical consequence of the development of Rus’ Orthodoxy

in its social and political dimension.

For the present article, the main religious and historiosophic issues

have been extrapolated from Dugin’s more recent works in such a way as

to demonstrate how Dugin interprets and reinterprets this aspect of

Russian intellectual and spiritual tradition. The extrapolation of these

elements and determined the way Dugin employs them in his geopolitical

and historiosophic vision leads us to indicate how important the

arguments belonging to the domain of religion and historiosophy for his

thought are, especially for his anti-Western and isolationist concepts.

[End Page 68]

The Historical and Anthropological Roots of Dugin’s Anti-Occidentalism

Although Aleksandr Dugin’s ideas are obviously complex and therefore

cannot be limited to one particular field of knowledge, it is possible

to recognize a general feature of his thought, which can be described as

the total rejection of the West. Its totality covers every aspect of

social and individual life. It is manifest in Dugin’s evaluation of the

Western culture, anthropological views and ethics, religious beliefs as

well as the social and economic order. According to Dugin, the whole

ideology of the West comes down to secularism, materialism, atheism, and

pragmatism.10 He repeatedly describes the Western world as corrupt and

rotten. This is why the Western idea of democracy is being called “the

kingdom of Antichrist,”11 and political and economic liberalism is

considered “absolute evil.”12 Dugin’s criticism is directed in

particular at the United States, which he openly calls “a country of

absolute evil” and “the center of the axis of evil.”13 This kind of

language, hardly acceptable in modern academic debates, connects Dugin’s

ideas with a long-standing Russian intellectual tradition and only

within this tradition it can be rightly understood. At the same time,

however, such language is only possible within Russian anthropological

tradition, in which there is no room for the understanding of personal

dignity and rights, characteristic of the West, according to which a

community performs a subservient role with respect to an individual. In

Russian tradition, a person gains their true value only when serving a

community—society, Church, and state.14

Historical Roots

Dugin himself associates his thought with that aspect of Russian

tradition which has emphasized Russia’s particular cultural and

political mission in the world. Two important elements of this tradition

from the prerevolutionary period of Russian history deserve to be

mentioned, as they are significant for Dugin’s ideas.

First, we must recall the so-called Old Believers’ (starovery) schism

that arose as a consequence of the rejection of Patriarch Nikon’s

reforms by some groups within Russian Orthodoxy in the seventeenth

century.15 Although in the minority and persecuted both by the official

Church and the state, the [End Page 69] Old Believers’ religious and

eschatological concepts have greatly influenced Russian intellectual

life.16 In their beliefs, Russia (Holy Rus’)17 had a particular, sacred

mission in the world as the only truly Christian (i.e., Orthodox) Empire

after the fall of Constantinople, which, according to them, was caused

by its union with the “schismatic” West. Moscow, as the Third and Last

Rome, was believed to be the capital of God’s Kingdom on Earth, a sign

of the eschatological, final war between good and evil.18 Strong

opposition against any attempt to modernize Russian religious and social

life should, therefore, be considered the fulfillment of Russia’s

eschatological mission in the world. By contrast, Western culture, with

its forms of religious life, values, and social order, had to be

repulsed as fundamentally incompatible with Russia’s God-given mission.

The second element that has influenced Dugin’s thought is an

anti-Occidental movement related to the period of Russia’s religious and

national revival in the nineteenth century. That period in Russian

intellectual tradition was marked by first attempts, after the

westernizing reforms of Peter the Great, to substitute Western values

and forms of political and religious life, which were considered foreign

to Russian tradition, with traditionally Russian ones.19 The idea became

more evident after the victory over Napoleon that strengthened the

conviction of Russia’s particular cultural and religious mission.20 Two

important features, namely anti-intellectualism and the turn toward the

East, which marked the period of religious and national revival, have

also influenced Dugin’s thought. Russian anti-intellectualism should

rather be understood as the rejection of Western ways of reasoning.21

This idea is important for Dugin to justify his opposition to some key

Western anthropological concepts such as human rights, the dignity of an

individual, or the subsidiary role of a community in relation to its

members.22 The turn toward the East aimed to find alternative sources of

Russian culture and social organization. Although the nineteenth-century

intellectual revival was primarily related to the renewal of Russian

Orthodox theology and the beginning of the Slavophile movement,23 it

tended to show that Russian social tradition had been shaped not only by

Christianity, but also by the persistent impact of Asian cultures, in

particular in the area of social life.24 Dugin uses this tendency to

root his anthropological views in Eastern concepts of a human being and

social structure, even though he does not distance himself entirely from

Western anthropology based on the notion of a person.25 [End Page 70]

Anthropological Views

Dugin’s rejection of Western anthropology, with its links to the Western

Christian vision of a human being, can be perceived as a logical

consequence of the abovementioned elements of Russian intellectual

tradition. Dugin, however, does not limit himself to simple negation. He

proposes a different anthropological vision, which can be described as

“anti-Occidental anthropology” due to its developing in clear contrast

to such essential anthropological and ethical concepts as “individual

human being” or “human rights.”

The basis for Dugin’s polemically oriented anthropology is his openness

to cultural and religious pluralism26 even though he describes himself

as an Orthodox Christian and as a person deeply rooted in Russian

culture. In his opinion, this does not contradict the possibility of

recognizing various anthropological solutions as legitimate, each one in

its own cultural and religious milieu. Dugin does not support any

coexistence of different anthropologies in a specific culture but gives

each culture the right to have its anthropology, which should be

considered as equally important and true.27 By binding anthropology to a

specific culture, Dugin rejects the possibility that a single and

universally obliging vision of a human being exists.28 This conviction

has an important consequence: a specific anthropology can be discussed

only within its cultural milieu. From this viewpoint, any attempt to

assess different visions of individual and social life only from the

Western perspective should be rejected as unjustified and wrongful or

simply as an attempt to impose Western values and ideas on non-Western

cultures.29 Dugin’s anthropological proposal can, therefore, be

criticized only from within Russian intellectual and religious

tradition. Moreover, despite its extremes, it is deeply rooted in this

tradition. The main features of Dugin’s anthropology are radical

anti-individualism and its geographic and cultural contextualization.

Dugin’s anti-individualism can be understood as a radicalized synthesis

of both Orthodox communitarian anthropology and Communist (Soviet)

collectivism.30 According to Svetlana Neretina, limiting individual

freedom in Russian public life is connected with the emphasis on

national tradition.31 “Man is the measure of all things”—this statement

by the ancient Greek philosopher Protagoras of Abdera, which can be

considered the foundation of Western anthropocentrism, is according to

Dugin “a worldwide heresy.”32 The concept of dignity that every [End

Page 71] single human being possesses is the basis of Western egoism and

lust for power. It also justifies the disrespect the West demonstrates

for other cultures and civilizations. Dugin, on the other hand, thinks

that “a true human being” is the whole human species.33 He proposes the

concept of “political anthropology” in which only “the Empire” is a

holder of human rights and dignity: “The Empire is a great human

being.”34 The real value of each person depends on their adherence to

the Empire. Hence, the political system of the Empire determines

individual lives and personal features of its members. Dugin believes

that the political system of the Empire has an intellectual, conceptual,

educational, and coercive potential that can freely shape its

citizens.35 This context allows us to perceive Dugin’s anthropology as a

form of “posthumanism.”36

The second feature of Dugin’s anthropology is strictly related to his

Eurasianism, according to which Russia should discover its origins and

its true identity in Asian cultures.37 The “Russian civilization” is a

coherent but versatile whole with roots in both Byzantine Orthodoxy and

Asian traditions.38 Other civilizations have different sources of their

social life, ethical systems, and their sets of values.39 If Dugin

fiercely opposes the cultural dominance of the West, which includes the

imposition of Western values and social principles on other, non-Western

cultures, he has to admit the possibility that different, but equally

correct, anthropologies have been developed in different cultural

contexts. Every anthropology has its civilizational milieu and it is

acceptable only within that environment. The Western concept of a human

being is understandable only within the Western social and religious

tradition. Outside this cultural environment (e.g., in Russia), this

concept and related values and norms are not only incomprehensible but

also constitute a culturally alien element that should be removed

because it is a threat to national or religious identity. This is the

reason for Dugin emphasizing the unity of anthropology and territory,

which is vital for the internal and sociocultural integrity of Russia.

All different peoples that have formed today’s population of the Russian

Federation were always strongly dependent on their territory. It was not

only a social structure, but also axiology, or even the concept of a

human being itself that were shaped by Russian territory.40 In Dugin’s

view, other social structures, axiologies, or concepts of a human being

do not correspond to this Russian Eurasian heritage.

Dugin, however, goes even further. He considers the Western concept of a

human being, based on the dignity of a person and the understanding of

human [End Page 72] rights as individual rights as inadequate or

“culturally alien” to Russia.41 In Dugin’s thought, there can easily be

seen the total rejection of Western values such as democracy, individual

freedom, or a free-market economy.42 These values, which he considers

“so-called values,” are a means of destruction of these societies on

which they are imposed—hence, Dugin’s idea of the social, cultural, and

moral degradation of the West. This idea also has a religious dimension

because it is connected with the rejection of Western Christianity,

especially Protestantism, as a kind of incarnation of Western spirit and

values.43

Dugin’s Religious Beliefs

The way in which Dugin interprets Rus’ religious historiosophy and uses

it to justify his geopolitical concepts is influenced by the definition

of his religiosity. His religious declarations are rather unclear. He

declares himself to be an Orthodox Christian,44 a member of a

Yedinovertsy community that gathers in the suburban Church of the

Archangel Michael near Moscow. In Dugin’s case, belonging to the

Yedinovertsy group does not only mean conservatism and traditionalism in

doctrinal or liturgic issues. In his works, he refers to the eschatology

of the Old Believers.45 As a consequence, he rejects any form of

religious progress,46 which also became the reason for the schism

(raskol) in the Russian Church and resulted in the Old Believers

rejecting the official Church.47 Although officially the Russian

Orthodox Church has not announced its position on the matter, numerous

Orthodox intellectuals and theologians distance themselves from Dugin’s

position.48

One should note, however, that in recent years Dugin has ceased to

spread ideas unacceptable to Orthodox theologians such as the occultist

explication of political and cultural processes, emphasizing Eastern

anthropological concepts that question the existence of the human soul

and a Christian conviction that every individual is destined for

salvation, or severe criticism of Russian Orthodoxy after the reforms of

Patriarch Nikon. Still, at the beginning of the twenty-first century,

these ideas used to brand Dugin a heretic in the Orthodox circles.49 To

make this picture even more complex, Dugin, although rejecting atheism,

does not consider monotheism necessary and, therefore, questions the

universal character of Christianity, which distances him from Orthodoxy

on doctrinal grounds.50

Although Dugin has never explicitly rejected those of his earlier

concepts that oppose Orthodox doctrine, since the first decade of the

twenty-first century [End Page 73] he has made an effort to present his

views to the Russian Orthodox Church in a less confrontational manner.51

In such a way, Dugin has increasingly become a significant figure in the

conservative current of official Russian Orthodoxy. At the same time,

Dugin is a member of the “Izborsk Club” alongside such influential

Russian Orthodox hierarchs as Metropolitan Tikhon (Shevkunov), who is

also part of the close circles of Vladimir Putin. Dugin’s Christianity

has a rather relative and selective character and serves him as an

intellectual foundation for his a priori formulated concepts. As a proof

can serve Dugin’s support for a special role of the Russian Orthodox

Church in the Commonwealth of Independent States. This Church, with

connections to Moscow, is to be a uniting factor in the post-Soviet

space around Russia.52

Such a religious perspective, alongside the abovementioned historical

roots of Dugin’s concepts in Rus’ Orthodox historiosophy (including the

schismatic ideas of the Old Believers), as well as in collectivist

anthropology characteristic of almost the entire Russian intellectual

tradition, which derives from Orthodoxy transformed under the Asian

influences, assumes the form of the following three religious and

historiosophic concepts. Dugin brings out the ideas commonly known in

Rus’ tradition: Manichaeism, “God-bearing” (bogonosnost’), and

eschatologism. Although they were always anti-Western in nature, Dugin

emphasizes this aspect in them, which overshadows their primary

religious and soteriological significance.

Manichaeism

Manichaeism, which interprets the world as the space of constant battle

between good and evil, although rejected as a heterodox idea by main

Christian churches, has permanently marked Christianity as well as

social and political structures that Christianity created.53

Referring the notion of “Manichaeism” to Russian intellectual tradition

may raise objections with some scholars, because they might consider it

as taking this concept out of its proper context of interpretation.

Nonetheless, in Russian research on the culture of the Rus’ and Russia,

the term “Manichaeism” (and “Gnosticism”) has been accepted to describe

particular features of this culture.54 Such an understanding of

“Manichaeism” could also be referred to as “radical dualism,” bearing in

mind that the term “Manichaeism” contains an added [End Page 74] layer:

Russian dualism has always possessed a certain mystical aspect,

occultist and apocalyptic at times. It expresses throwing an individual

and the entire nation into an eternal battle between the forces of good

and evil. In the Rus’ and Russia’s history, it has been connected mostly

with the self-definition of the Moscow rulers in opposition to European

states and the Byzantine Empire, as well as with the creation of Rus’

Orthodoxy separate from the Byzantine Empire.

The Transformations of Rus’ Manichaeism

Explaining the world in terms of a battle between good and evil, where

the Rus’ is always on the side of good, has become a permanent feature

of Russian historiosophy and has managed to survive despite political

and social transformations.55 This kind of explanation of historical

events and processes can easily be found in Russian religious tradition,

especially in Old Believers’ apocalyptic expectations.56 Even in

mainstream Russian Orthodoxy, before the reforms of Peter the Great, who

subordinated the Church to the state by abolishing the Patriarchate in

order to westernize the Russian Empire, this Manichaean attitude toward

the world had been widespread.57 The non-Orthodox world that surrounded

Muscovy and then Russia, the only Orthodox state after the fall of

Constantinople, was perceived as the kingdom of evil fighting against

the kingdom of good, which was ruled by an Orthodox monarch and that

professed Orthodox Christian faith.58 This idea can be considered the

source of the concept of Moscow as the Third (and Last) Rome.59

Superficial attempts to modernize the Russian state, Church, and

society, which began with Peter the Great’s reforms, did not remove

Manichaean anti-Occidentalism.60 It was revived in particular during the

reign of Nikolay I. The reactionary policy of authorities was

accompanied by an intellectual and spiritual awakening of Russian

Orthodoxy connected with the activity of Aleksey Khomyakov, among

others, which is often referred to as “the patristic turn” or the

patristic awakening of Russian theology.61 This turn meant the rejection

of scholastic theology, which, in its Orthodox version, was also adopted

in Russian schools and academia in the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries. The scholastic style of theological thinking began to be

considered tainted because of its origins in the West and was therefore

inappropriate for spiritual Orthodoxy.62 The patristic turn, which,

according to Khomyakov, meant the rediscovery of the rich thought of

Greek Fathers of the Church, led to the [End Page 75] rejection of the

Western Christian way of thinking and speaking about God, state, and the

human person.63 It is not a coincidence that the same Khomyakov is

considered one of the main figures in the Slavophile movement, which in

the nineteenth century aimed to unite all Slavs within the Russian

Empire, the only Slavic state at the time and the anchor of Orthodoxy.64

In the course of the nineteenth-century Russian intellectual revival,

such a Manichean attitude toward the world lost its predominantly

religious sense.65 Both the Slavophile movement and early Eurasianism,

which discovered the Asian sources of Russian culture, have shaped the

Manichaeism of contemporary Russian neoconservatism. Its essence is the

rejection of any form of Western cultural influence because the West is

suspected of trying to destroy Russia or at least wanting to subdue

it.66

Further secularization of the same concept can be observed in the Soviet

Union67—especially after the defeat of Trotsky’s idea of a permanent

proletarian revolution, transgressing the borders of states and nations,

and the victory of Stalin’s geopolitical and ideological concept, which

aimed to build an ideal communist state.68 The “Iron Curtain” which

separated Eastern bloc countries from Western democracies after the

Second World War, although having a distinct political and military

character, was also based on Manichaean secular ideology, according to

which the West was a place of moral decadence, the fall of humanity,

enslavement, and injustice.69 The East, on the other hand, lay the

foundations for the development of humanity, the liberation of the

oppressed, and permanent social, cultural, scientific, and technological

progress.70

Manichaean Division of the World According to Dugin

These versatile forms of Rus’ and Russian Manichaean anti-Occidentalism,

albeit mixed and occasionally taken out of their proper historical,

political, and religious contexts, are reflected in Dugin’s thought.

They can be observed in his main geopolitical premises. Dugin expresses

these views within his concept of the ancient fight between “the Land”

and “the Sea.”71 The Russian Federation (and all its predecessors: the

Rus’, Muscovy, the Russian Empire, and the Soviet Union) belongs to the

former. The Land denotes those cultures and countries that are attached

to their traditions, deeply skeptical about social and religious

progress, and want to maintain traditional social order based on the

subordination of an individual to the community. This attitude

characterized ancient Greek and [End Page 76] Roman societies. At the

other end, there is the Sea, whose historical incarnation can be found

in ancient Carthage. This group includes Western countries with their

leader—the United States. In contrast to the Land, the Sea is

characterized by striving for progress and world expansion and

individualism as the principle of social organization.72 This

theoretical model, one of the most well-known aspects of Dugin’s

geopolitical thought, can be interpreted as a new version of

long-standing Russian Manicheanism because of its ethical dimension. It

is not limited to theoretical description but also involves an ethical

assessment.

This thought has been repeatedly raised by Dugin in a number of works.

According to Dugin, the battle between the Land and the Sea is a fight

to the death in which Russia defends itself against the aggression of

the West.73 The United States and its allies represent pure evil.74

These are the reasons why he believes that the fight against the West

should be led by Russia.75 This fight should have the nature of a

worldwide crusade76 to destroy the United States and its allies as well

as to finally uproot liberalism as an ideology that has shaped the West

and is hostile to the traditional values defended by Russia.77 This

battle also must include the disclosure and elimination from Russian

public life all the circles and pressure groups who aim at the

integration of Russia and the West and who find Western democratic

values acceptable. Dugin calls these circles “the Fifth Column.”78 It is

in his complete rejection of the West, the deprecation of Western values

and lifestyles (at least for propaganda purposes), and his picturing

Western countries as constantly threatening not only Russian borders and

development but also Russia’s very existence, that we can see Dugin’s

synthesis of Rus’ Manichaeism, religious and secular, that aims to

isolate Russian society from Western cultural influences.

“God-Bearing” (bogonosnost’ )

A religious and historiosophic concept that stems directly from Rus’

Manichaean anti-Occidentalism is “God-bearing.”

The Meanings and Contexts of “God-Bearing”

“God-bearing” means that the Rus’ (Muscovy, Russia) was specially chosen

by God to ensure its standing as true Christianity in opposition to the

[End Page 77] West, which is overwhelmed by errors and heresy.79 This

idea was heard first after the fall of Constantinople, which came to be

associated with the negotiations between the Empire and the pope, that

is, the Catholic West. This exclusivist, strictly religious concept was

quickly followed by its political, secular counterpart in the concept of

Moscow as the Third Rome.80 In this approach, choosing Moscow and

subsequently all of Muscovy was not limited to the doctrinal truth but

was supposed to manifest itself in state and social structures

sanctioned by God, including the sanctified power of the tsar, which was

strictly connected with his role as a protector and defender of true

Christianity.81

“God-bearing” also has another meaning being the consequence of the

former. If the Rus’ “bears God” in its religious, political, and social

structures, including the traditional life paradigms and systems of

values, every attempt to change these structures opposes God’s will and

the Rus’ mission, which was entrusted to it by God.82 One of the periods

of such in which there was a partial rejection of this mission was the

attempt to modernize Russia undertaken by Peter the Great, which was

stopped to a great extent by the reactionary and orthodox policy of

Nikolay I.83 Dugin and other supporters of the concept of “God-bearing”

believe that questioning tradition, especially by accepting Western

paradigms of social and political life, will lead to a deep crisis of

the Russian state and people, because they would no longer be rooted in

God’s mission.84

The most dramatic manifestation of such a crisis was the Bolshevik

Revolution, a result of a failed attempt to westernize Russia,

undertaken after the February Revolution of 1917. (It is a paradox that

certain traces of the “God-bearing” concept can be found in Soviet

ideology, especially in the attempts, which lasted almost until the end

of the USSR, to prove the superiority of communist ideals over the

fallen, immersed in the consumerism and egoism of the West85). On the

other hand, in more recent times, a similar situation occurred during

the social crisis of the 1990s.86 It is worth noting that Vladimir Putin

and his government propaganda refer to this crisis regularly in order to

warn the Russians against copying Western paradigms of social life,

including the values characteristic of democratic societies.87

Over the centuries of Russia’s history, the concept of “God-bearing”

justified a strong connection between state and the Orthodox Church; a

relationship that was much stronger than one would assume based on the

[End Page 78] Byzantine theory of symphonia,88 which points to the

necessary cooperation between the two for the good of Christian

people.89 This element has regained its importance after the fall of the

Soviet Union. Even those participants of Russian politics whose ties

with the Church are rather loose appeal to Rus’ Orthodox tradition in

order to oppose the West.90 Likewise, the Russian Orthodox Church, in

particular under the leadership of Patriarch Kirill, makes this concept

its foundation so that it can portray itself as a guarantor of Russian

identity and a protector of tradition, which is under attack from the

fallen liberal Western culture.91

Secular “God-Bearing” According to Dugin

The consequences of the “God-bearing” concept, having become

significantly more secular in Russian intellectual tradition and having

transgressed Church circles, can be observed in Dugin’s work.92 He

perceives the Rus’ as “sacred” land, which is under God’s protection.

This land prays for the intercession of Mary, Mother of God

(Bogoroditsa). Dugin notices this holiness in an astounding way in Rus’

geography. He believes that the oldest Rus’ icons, connected with the

Rus’ towns, form a giant cross on the country map, thus sanctifying the

land and its people.93 The holiness of Rus’ land is not, however,

subject to theological interpretation but forms the foundation for

Dugin’s anti-Western rhetoric, in particular at the axiological level.94

Dugin starts with the statement that Orthodox Russia has been constantly

attacked by the West, which has been controlled by evil.95 This opinion

forms the foundation of Dugin’s belief about Russia’s axiological

difference from the non-Orthodox West.96 This is why Dugin’s

isolationism in its axiological layer is limited to the rejection of the

values and lifestyles proposed by Western culture. Dugin does notice,

however, such significant similarities between Russian culture and

values and Asian civilizations that he perceives Asia, and even Eurasian

integration (not only political, economic, or military, but also

cultural), as a suitable path of development for Russia. One can observe

in this aspect one of the numerous inconsistencies in Dugin’s thought.

In the context of Russia’s Eurasian future, he considers isolationism

and nationalism to be dangerous,97 although in various statements, in

particular with respect to the conflict in Ukraine, he presents

decidedly xenophobic and nationalist views.98 This discrepancy can be

explained by Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism. [End Page 79] Both his

nationalism and his opposition to it are acceptable as long as, in a

given context, they inspire the actions aimed against the West.

Dugin’s striving to separate Russia at the axiological level is closely

linked to the radical devaluing of Western culture with a particular

emphasis on those values considered desirable by Western democratic

societies. According to Dugin, the West has been deformed by liberalism,

whose very essence is nihilism, aggression, and racism. Nihilism is

supposed to manifest itself in the rejection of tradition, traditional

values, and in questioning the role of cultural and religious

heritage.99 Aggression is a result of Social Darwinism, which can trace

its roots to extreme individualism and the negation of community and the

common good.100 Racism, on the other hand, manifests itself in the

contempt toward other than Western cultures and civilizations as well as

in attempts to impose on them Western paradigms of social and political

life, which are meant to be universal.101 These ideas become even more

radical statements that are considered inappropriate in Western academic

debate although they are acceptable in Russian extreme-right circles.

The examples of such radical statements include Dugin calling Eastern

European states, which chose the path of integration with the West after

the fall of the Soviet Union, “the cesspit of Western Europe.”102 On the

other hand, he describes the fight for every person’s right to express

their identity and shape their lives as “the artificial ideology of

human rights,”103 expressing particular hostility toward the LGBT

movement. Dugin perceives the manifestations for the equality of LGBT

people as a symbol of the moral decay of the West and believes that

Russia should fight against it.104

As mentioned above, the Russian concept of “God-bearing” is the source

of appreciation for tradition as well as questioning the idea of social,

political, or religious progress. In Dugin’s interpretation, this

traditionalism is strengthened by the negative assessment of Western

culture and the effects its influences have on Russian society. This

makes Dugin emphasize the fact that Russia’s historic mission is to

strongly oppose any historical, social, and political processes that

would question Russian tradition.105 Russian society is a model example

of a traditional society for Dugin.106 The appreciation for tradition

should, on the other hand, become a factor in creating a barrier between

Russia and the West and, at the same time, a bridge between Russia and

Asian cultures. In this context, Dugin proposes two rules of

Eurasianism: first, the present is not better than the past and, second,

the West is not better than the East.107 [End Page 80]

According to Dugin, the value of tradition is so great that wars in its

defense should be fought.108 The acknowledgment that wars waged by

Russia have their positive aspect leads to the last element of Rus’

Orthodox historiosophy, which has been transformed in Dugin’s thought.

Eschatologism

While enlisting these elements of Rus’ historiosophy, which have

influenced Russian culture, views regarding individual and social life,

as well as the concept of a state being in opposition to the West, one

cannot ignore eschatologism.

Three Concepts of Rus’ Eschatologism

Christianity is eschatological: it proclaims the impermanent character

of all human-made structures and institutions, and the final fulfillment

of a person in the afterlife. Nonetheless, Rus’ eschatologism, whose

particular form can be found in the position of the Old Believers, is

unique and it can manifest itself in three main concepts.

First, awaiting happiness in the future, after the end of the world,

leads to the appreciation of an attitude that is a combination of

humility, submissiveness, and acceptance of one’s fate, including the

earthly injustice and misery109 (which is why the Russian term

smirieniye has a wider meaning than the Western concept of “humility”).

Patriarch Kirill issues an appeal to the Russians to adopt such an

attitude as Russia faces an economic struggle.110 Such a position, in

contrast to Western egoism, is also emphasized by Vladimir Putin, who

speaks about the particular nature of the Russian people who are not

focused on the fight for one’s wealth and well-being but who think

primarily about the well-being of a community.111

Second, the interpretation of human history and the history of an

individual as a path toward eternity, through misery and persecution

that must be accepted but that are still hard to endure, has led to the

creation of faith in a hero, God’s anointed, who was granted people by

God in order to relieve them of their earthly misery. On the religious

level, this idea was manifested in the particular cult of saints

represented in Rus’ icons,112 especially in the cult of Mother of God,

the Protector of the Rus’. On the social and political level, [End Page

81] in the long Russian tradition, such a hero was the tsar himself,113

in contrast to evil boyars and government officials. In the Soviet era,

this feature of Rus’ historiosophy was transformed, in its more secular

form, into the cult of personality, which mainly referred to Lenin and

Stalin.114 To a lesser extent, and in a less obvious form, it also

included other leaders of the Communist Party as well as new Soviet

“saints,” that is, the heroes of the Revolution, Civil War, and the

Great Patriotic War, or the udarniks.115

Third, directing human life eschatologically, according to a common

Christian conviction, is connected with the belief in the final defeat

and annihilation of all the evil that a person has to experience in the

world. Eschatologism enhances the aforementioned dichotomy of good and

evil, which serves to interpret the world. In this light, Orthodox Rus’

is not only a sacred land surrounded by non-Orthodox, evil, and

God-opposing states and nations. It is also an eschatological land

destined to win and triumph at the end of the world and the Judgment

Day.116 This religious concept has social and political repercussions.

The Rus’ is supposed to continue to exist unchanged at all costs in

order to participate in the final triumph.117 This is why war in defense

of the tradition, old sanctified customs, and established sociopolitical

order becomes a vital necessity for the Rus’. Wars waged by contemporary

Russia are often portrayed using precisely this pattern: as a striving

to retain Russian identity, to oppose Western aggression, and to defend

tradition.118 Thus, war becomes Russia’s mission, the source of its

glory to such an extent that the related cruelty and its destructive

character are missing from the official language when it is discussed.

Dugin’s Reinterpretation

Dugin’s most radical, aggressive, and difficult to understand postulates

are, to a large extent, his interpretation of Rus’ eschatologism, which

makes all human misery, injustice, and violence relative by referring it

to human fate in the afterlife as well as the fate of the entire

God-chosen nation. Dugin himself seems to support such a claim when he

appeals to the Old Believers’ eschatological expectations. Old

Believers, who suffered persecutions both from Russian authorities and

the official Church, awaited the forthcoming end of times that could

justify their endurance of constant suffering.119 According to Dugin,

such historiosophy of raskol made the Old Believers an extremely

persistent group [End Page 82] despite their persecutions,120 and as a

result, an inspiration for contemporary Russia in its confrontation with

the West, perceived by Dugin as a source from which absolute evil,

namely liberalism, spreads. The West perceived in such a way so that it

is supposed to fight against God and tradition in the name of

liberalism.121 The awareness regarding one’s final fate and the

necessity of staying true to one’s roots justify, therefore, the

rejection of the Western concept of progress, including the rationalist

and liberal distortions characteristic of Western, non-Orthodox

Christianity that justify this concept.122

Such a position leads Dugin to the formulation of precise, far-reaching

demands for the Russian government and society. He believes that

historical processes are reversible.123 This also means that the world

dominance of Western liberal culture, including its influence on Russian

culture, cannot be considered a permanent and unsurmountable phenomenon.

On the contrary, the mission of the East, comprising Russia and its

Asian allies, is the return to its roots,124 which can be accomplished

by the rejection of all Western influences.

This is, however, where Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism assumes its most

severe form. Dugin is convinced that this Russian return to its roots

and the rejection of the West can, and should, be accomplished through

war. He believes that war is a permanent element of Russia’s historic

mission, Russian culture, and national identity. He even thinks that

“the Russians live by war.”125 War is a common, perfectly justifiable

means to regain proper Russian identity, which has been deformed by

Western influences. None of war’s cruelties, casualties, and

destruction, which are its unavoidable consequences, can change its

positive nature, as long as it is a war waged to rebuild the great

sacred Russian empire.126 Although the wars waged by the West are

described by Dugin as unjust, aggressive, and bloody, Russian wars have

a “holy” cause. At this point, one should note Dugin’s diaries written

during the initial phase of Russian aggression toward Ukraine.127

This extremely bloody aspect of Dugin’s radical ideas, deeply rooted in

Rus’ eschatological historiosophy, could be considered isolated

radicalism if it was not for the fact that it can be heard, albeit in

various versions, in Russian public life. The anti-Western rhetoric of

President Putin and his circle seems just a propaganda maneuver

addressed to the Russians themselves and intended to account for their

deteriorating economic situation. Nonetheless, such rhetoric would be

considered absurd and unacceptable by the Russians [End Page 83]

themselves if it was not deeply rooted in Russian religious culture.

Dugin, in a radical and exaggerated form, expresses ideas that have been

present in Russian Orthodox tradition for centuries and that are the

reason for Russian society being so fundamentally different from Western

democratic societies, and Russian Orthodoxy from Western Christianity,

including non-Russian Orthodox Churches found in Western countries.

Conclusion

In the conditions of the contemporary political and economic

confrontation between Russia and the West, Russian anti-Occidentalism

has been strongly emphasized. It is also becoming an element of official

Russian propaganda even though, in reality, the actions of Russian

Federation authorities in international politics are not motivated by

ideological issues but more by political pragmatism. Nonetheless,

anti-Western tendencies, although they should be neither overestimated

nor used to paint a stereotypical picture of Russia, are deeply rooted

in Russian historiosophic tradition, mostly connected to Rus’ and

Russian Orthodoxy. This is used by Aleksandr Dugin, who reinterprets

this tradition in order to justify his own historiosophic and

geopolitical views by showing them as a continuation in the development

of Russian religious and political thought. The comparison of the main

elements in religiously rooted Rus’ and Russian historiosophy with their

interpretation by Dugin leads to two main conclusions.

First, the thought of Dugin himself cannot be interpreted properly

without taking into consideration the Rus’ spiritual tradition. Even his

most radical and outrageous statements addressed at Western

civilization, Western patterns of social life, and their related values

assume their characteristic internal logic inside this tradition, which

forms their context of interpretation. In light of that, the present

article has demonstrated that the historiosophic and religious context

is indispensable for interpreting Dugin’s political, ethical, and social

ideas. This statement also refers to numerous representatives of

contemporary Russian neoconservatism and neoimperialism, even if they do

not refer directly to Orthodoxy as the foundation for their views.

Second, even if describing Russian intellectual or religious tradition

as anti-Western is considered an unfair simplification, given the

radicalized [End Page 84] mirror of Dugin’s thought, anti-Occidentalism

is seen as a significant and permanent element of this tradition, which

influences the shape of Russian culture and identity.

The picture of Dugin’s anti-Occidentalism presented in this article, in

which a significant place is occupied by his reinterpretation of Rus’

religious historiosophy, does not allow us to underestimate the current

anti-Western course of Russia’s politics. On the one hand, there are

true anti-Occidentalists in Russia who believe in what they preach. Even

if these figures, such as Dugin, are considered controversial and

politically marginal, their voices are heard, and it might be in the

interest of authorities to promote, at least to some extent, such views.

On the other hand, what we find far more significant is that the

attempts to impose an anti-Western ideology on the Russians in the

conditions of a developing social and economic crisis would be

unreliable and doomed to fail if such an ideology had not been already

deeply rooted in Russian tradition, primarily inspired by religion. This

is what Dugin’s reinterpretation of significant motifs of Rus’ religious

historiosophy shows. Although this interpretation is not devoid of

inconsistencies resulting from confusing the contexts or extrapolating

individual ideas that are a part of this historiosophy from their

context of interpretation, it is still founded on concepts present in

the Rus’ spiritual and intellectual tradition. Rus’ Manichaeism, the

feeling of “God-bearing,” and eschatological tension have in their

various ways, either religious or secular, shaped Russia’s spiritual

image, making it impossible for Russia to ever join the Western cultural

circle, despite significant ties between Russian and European cultures.

Beneath the difficult-to-accept extremes of Dugin’s concepts, there

might be some hidden truth about the insurmountable difference between

Russia and the West, which, under certain circumstances, becomes a

catalyst of conflict. [End Page 85]

Notes

The work was supported by the National Science Centre, Poland, under

Grant [2016/21/B/HS1/00815].

1. Zoe Knox, Russian Society and the Orthodox Church: Religion in Russia

after Communism (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2005), 24.

2. Izborsk Club, “O klube,” https://izborsk-club.ru/about (accessed 5

June 2019).

3. See, e.g., Igor Torbakov, After Empire: Nationalist Imagination and

Symbolic Politics in Russia and Eurasia in the Twentieth and

Twenty-First Century (Stuttgart, Germany: Ibidem, 2018), 328–30.

4. See, e.g., “Putin budet zashchishchat’ ‘russkiy mir’ vsey moshch’yu,”

Pravda.ru,

https://www.pravda.ru/news/politics/authority/31-10-2018/1398064-0/

(accessed 5 June 2019); “Putin opredelil ponyatiye ‘Russkiy mir,’”

EurAsia Daily,

https://eadaily.com/ru/news/2018/10/31/putin-opredelil-ponyatie-russkiy-mir

(accessed 5 June 2019).

5. See, e.g., “Patriarkh Kirill: Russkiy mir—tsivilizatsionnoye, a ne

politicheskoye ponyatiye,” Pravmir.ru,

https://www.pravmir.ru/patriarh-kirill-russkiy-mir-tsivilizatsionnoe-a-nepoliticheskoe-ponyatie/

(accessed 5 June 2019).

6. Russkaya doktrina: Gosudarstvennaya ideologiya epokhi Putina, ed.

Andrey Kobyakov and Valeriy V. Aver’yanov (Moscow: Institut russkoy

tsivilizatsii, 2016), 334–42, 368–69; “Russkiy mir: smysl i stategii,”

Ros-Mir.ru, http://ros-mir.ru/node/966 (accessed 5 June 2019).

7. See, e.g., Sergey Goryashko and Elizaveta Fokht, “Pensionnaya reforma

obrushila reyting Vladimira Putina. V chem ochibsya Kreml,’” BBC.com,

https://www.bbc.com/russian/features-44582082 (accessed 5 June 2019).

8. See, e.g., “‘Levada’: Simpatiya rossiyan k SChA i Evrosoyuzu rezko

vyrosla na fone nedovol’stva pravitel’stvom,” Business-gazeta.ru,

https://www.business-gazeta.ru/news/390758 (accessed 5 June 2019).

9. See, e.g., Il’ya Klishin, “Kreml’ protiv interneta: podgotovka k

proshloy voyne,” Carnegie. ru, https://carnegie.ru/commentary/63383

(accessed 5 June 2019).

10. Aleksandr Dugin, Chetvertyy put’: Vvedeniye v chetvertuyu

politicheskuyu teoriyu (Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, 2014), 462.

11. Ibid., 105.

12. Ibid., 100.

13. Aleksandr Dugin, Russkaya voyna (Moscow: Algoritm, 2015), 92; Dugin,

Chetvertyy put’, 633.

14. Kobyakov et al., Russkaya doktrina, 61–63.

15. John Strickland, The Making of Holy Russia: The Orthodox Church and

Russian Nationalism before the Revolution (Jordanville, NY: Holy Trinity

Publications, 2013), xiv–xv; Aleksandr Dugin, Noomakhiya—voyny uma:

Tsivilizatsii granits (Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, 204), 58.

16. Dmitriy Urushev, Russkoye staroobryadchestvo: Traditsii, istoriya,

kul’tura (Moscow: Proyekt 7 Aprelya, 2016), 11–16; Nikolay Berdyayev,

“Russkaya ideya,” in Samopoznaniye, ed. Nikolay Berdyayev (Moscow:

Eksmo, and Khar’kov: Folio, 2006), 21–22.

17. In academic discussions, the notion of “Russia” is frequently used

in a general sense, encompassing all Russian history since 988, that is

since the baptism of Prince Vladimir of Kiev. That event is commonly

considered the beginning of Russia’s statehood as well as the main

religious (confessional) decision that oriented Russia toward

Constantinople and Eastern Christianity. In Russian religious and

historiosophic thought, however, there is an important difference

between “the Rus’” and Russia. “The Rus’” describes all ethnically and

culturally Russian lands (Russia—“Greater Rus’,” Ukraine—“Smaller Rus’,”

Belarus—“White Rus’”). This notion has maintained its meaning in Russian

Orthodoxy, which attributes a kind of sacrality (“Holy Rus’,” Svyataya

Rus’) to it, whereas since the religious and political reforms ordered

by Peter the Great the notion of “Russia” (Rossiya) has been formed in

relation to a certain political reality. Nonetheless, the idea of “the

Rus’” (or even “Holy Rus’”) has kept its importance in Russian

intellectual life. It should be mentioned in this context that the

expression “Holy Russia,” which can be found in some Western literature

regarding Russian religious or spiritual life, is incorrect because of

the confusion of two different notions: “the Rus’” and “Russia.”

18. Anton Kartashev, Ocherki po istorii Russkoy Tserkvi, vol. 2 (Minsk,

Belarus: Belorusskiy ekzarkhat, 2007), 175–76.

19. Larisa Belenchuk, Prosveshcheniye Rossii: Vzglyad zapadnikov i

slavyanofilov (Moscow: Pravoslavnyy Svyato-Tikhonovskiy gumanitarnyy

universitet, 2015), 19–38; Lee Trepanier, Political Symbols in Russian

History: Church, State, and the Quest for Order and Justice (Lanham, MD:

Lexington Books, 2010), 121–23.

20. Barbara Alpern Engel and Janet Martin, Russia in World History

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 69–70.

21. Boris Tarasov, “Fedor Tyutchev o naznachenii cheloveka i smysle

zhyzni,” in Fedor Tyutchev, Rossiya i Zapad, ed. Boris Tarasov (Moscow:

Kul’turnaya revolutsiya, 2007), 17–18. This well-known, but perhaps

overused, expression can be found in Fyodor Tyutchev’s famous poem:

“Russia cannot be understood with the mind alone” (Umom Rossiyu ne

ponyat’). Tyutchev’s intention was, however, not to reject reason as

such, but rather to show the limits of human understanding. See, e.g.,

Berdyayev, “Russkaya ideya,” in Samopoznaniye, 13–14; Aleksandr Shmeman,

Osnovy russkoy kul’tury (Moscow: Izdatel’stvo Svyato-Tikhonovskogo

gumanitarnogo universiteta, 2017), 94.

22. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 141–42.

23. Vasiliy Zen’kovskiy, Istoriya russkoy filosofii, vol. 1

(Rostov-on-Don, Russia: Feniks, 1999), 217–24; Sergey Nikol’skiy and

Viktor Filimonov, Russkoye mirovozzreniye, vol. 1 (Moscow:

Progress-Traditsiya, 2008), 66–70.

24. See, e.g., Nikolay Berdyayev, “Yevraziytsy,” in Nikolay Trubetskoy,

Naslediye Chingiskhana, (Moscow: Eksmo, 2007), 12–15.

25. Aleksandr Dugin, V poiskakh temnogo Logosa: Filosofsko-bogoslovskiye

ocherki (Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, 2014), 110–16.

26. Aleksandr Dugin, Novaya formula Putina: Osnovy eticheskoy politiki

(Moscow: Algoritm, 2014), 108.

27. Ibid., 147–50.

28. Aleksandr Dugin, Russkiy logos—Russkiy khaos: Sotsiologiya russkogo

obshchestva (Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, 2015), 5; Dugin, Novaya

formula Putina, 162.

29. Aleksandr Dugin, “After Tskhinvali: Interests and Values.” Russian

Politics and Law 47, no. 3 (2009): 66–68.

30. Dugin, V poiskakh temnogo Logosa, 124–27.

31. Svetlana Neretina, “Svoboda voli kak problemnyy uzel Rossii,” in

Puti Rossii. Novyy staryy poryadok—vechnoye vozvrashcheniye?, ed. M. G.

Pugacheva and A. F. Filippov (Moscow: Novoye Literaturnoye Obozreniye,

2016), 151.

32. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 101.

33. Ibid., 224–27; Aleksandr Dugin, Etnosotsiologiya (Moscow:

Akademicheskiy proyekt, 2014), 28.

34. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 142.

35. Ibid., 166.

36. Ibid., 168–70.

37. See, e.g., Vladimer Papava, “The Euriasianism of Russian

Anti-Westernism and the Concept of ‘Central Caucaso-Asia’,” Russian

Politics and Law 51, no. 6 (2013): 45–86.

38. Aleksandr Dugin, Geopolitika Rossii (Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt,

2014), 159–60.

39. Dugin, “After Tskhinvali: Interests and Values,” 64–65.

40. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 110.

41. Aleksandr Dugin, Yevraziyskiy revansh Rossii (Moscow: Algoritm,

2014), 39.

42. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 50–52.

43. Aleksandr Dugin, Voobrazheniye: Filosofiya, sotsiologiya, struktury

(Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, 2015), 285–86; Dugin, Russkaya voyna,

95–97.

44. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 85; Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 97–98.

45. Dugin, Noomakhiya—voyny uma: Tsivilizatsii granits, 60–61; Aleksandr

Trifonov and Aleksandr Dugin, “Russkaya Pravoslavnaya Tserkov’ ne

vozroditsya bez Staroobryadchestva. Tak schitayet Aleksandr Dugin,”

Religare.ru, http://www.religare.ru/2_32309.html (accessed 5 November

2018); Anton Shekhovtsov, “The Palingenetic Thrust of Russian

Neo-Eurasianism: Ideas of Rebirth in Aleksandr Dugin’s Worldview,”

Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 4 (2008): 500.

46. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 444–45.

47. Kirill Tovbin, “Antipetrovskiy kontrsekulyarizm russkikh

staroverov,” Vestnik TOGU 34, no. 3 (2014): 222–24.

48. See, e.g., Eduard Zibnitskiy, “Neo-Yevraziystvo i vera ottsov,”

Pravoslaviye.ru, https://pravoslavie.ru/39.html (accessed 5 November

2018); Alexander Höllwerth, Das sakrale eurasische Imperium des

Aleksandr Dugin: Eine Diskursanalyse zum postsowjetischen russischen

Rechtsextremismus (Stuttgart, Germany: Ibidem, 2007), 167.

49. See, e.g., Aleksandr Lyul’ka, “Strannoye Yedinoveriye. Aleksandr

Dugin: Yedinoveriye po-yevraziyski,” Apokrisis,

http://apokrisis.ru/eresi/duginizm/90-strannoe-edinoverie-3-aleksandr-dugin-edinoverie-po-evrazijski

(accessed 1 October 2019).

50. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 37.

51. See, e.g., Aleksandr Dugin, “Kontseptsiya svyatorusskogo

Pravoslaviya v yedinovercheskoy traditsii,” Patriarshiy tsentr,

http://www.oldrpc.ru/articles/list.php?ELEMENT_ID=695 (accessed 1

October 2019).

52. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 620.

53. Ioann Meyendorff, Rim—Konstantinopol’—Moskva: Istoricheskiye i

bogoslovskiye issledovaniya (Moscow: Pravoslavnyy Svyato-Tikhonovskiy

gumanitarnyy universitet, 2006), 236.

54. Leonid V. Polyakov, “Ekzistentsial’naya drama russkoy

kul’turologii,” Politiya, no. 3 (2001): 177.

55. Igor’ Yakovenko and Aleksandr Muzykantskiy, Manikhieystvo i

gnostitsizm: kul’turnyye kody russkoy tsivilizatsii (Moscow: Russkiy

put’, 2010), 61–62.

56. Thomas Robbins, “Religious Mass Suicide Before Jonestown: The

Russian Old Believers,” Sociological Analysis 47, no. 1 (1986): 7–8;

Georgiy Florovskiy, Puti russkogo bogosloviya (Minsk, Belarus:

Belorusskaya Pravoslavnaya Tserkov’, 2006), 70–73.

57. Igor’ Yakovenko, “Manikheyskaya komponenta russkoy kul’tury: Istoki

i obuslovlennost’,” Obshchestvennyye nauki i sovremennost’, no. 3

(2007): 58–59.

58. Kartashev, Ocherki po istorii Russkoy Tserkvi, 1: 384–87; Sergei

Magaril, “The Mythology of the ‘Third Rome’ in Russian Educated

Society,” Russian Politics and Law 50, no. 5 (2012): 8–12.

59. Shireen T. Hunter, God on Our Side: Religion in International

Affairs (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017), 102; Zen’kovskiy,

Istoriya russkoy filosofii, 1: 51–55.

60. Berdyayev, “Russkaya ideya,” in Samopoznaniye, 26–27.

61. Sergey Khoruzhiy, “Sovremennyye problem pravoslavnogo

mirosozertsaniya,” 44–46, Pravoslaviye i sovremennost,’

https://www.eparhia-saratov.ru/Content/Books/91/problems.pdf (accessed 5

June 2019); Joseph L. Wieczynski, “Khomyakov’s Critique of Western

Christianity,” Church History 38, no. 3 (1969): 298–99.

62. Florovskiy, Puti russkogo bogosloviya, 283–85; Aleksandr Buzdalov,

“Pleneniye skholastikoy i osvobozhdeniye sofistikoy,” Azbuka very,

https://azbyka.ru/otechnik/Makarij_Bulgakov/plenenie-skholastikoj-i-osvobozhdenie-sofistikoj/

(accessed 5 November 2018).

63. Nikolay Berdyayev, “Aleksey Stepanovich Khomyakov,” in Filosofskiye

i bogoslovskiye proizvedeniya, ed. Aleksey Khomyakov (Moscow: Knizhnyy

Klub Knigovek, 2013), 548–50.

64. Florovskiy, Puti russkogo bogosloviya, 267–68; Mikhail Gromov,

“Slavyanofil’stvo kak mirovozzreniye, ideologiya i filosofiya,” in A. S.

Knomyakov: myslitiel’, poet, publitsist, vol. 1, ed. Boris Tarasov

(Moscow: Yazyki slavyanskikh kul’tur, 2007), 129–36.

65. Vasiliy Kholodnyy, Ideya sobornosti i slavyanofil’stva: Problema

sobornoy fenomenologii (Moscow: Koffi, 1994), 3; Yelena Sil’nova, “Ideya

sobornosti i problema sotsial’noy integratsii v uchenii slavyanofilov,”

Filozofiya i obshchestvo, no. 4 (2006): 119–21.

66. See, e.g., Sergey Glaz’yev, “Ugroza voyn i otvet Rossii,” in Rossiya

v global’noy politike: Novyye pravila igry bez pravil, ed. Fedor

Luk’yanov (Moscow: Eksmo, 2015), 93–107; Emil Pain, “The imperial

syndrome and its influence on Russian nationalism,” in The New Russian

Nationalism: Imperialism, Ethnicity and Authoritarianism 2000–2015, ed.

PĂ„l KolstĂž and Helge Blakkisrud (Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University

Press, 2016), 50–52.

67. Nikolay Berdyayev, Istoki i smysl russkogo kommunizma (Moscow:

Nauka, 1990), 149–50.

68. Aleksandr Dugin, Mezhdunarodnyye otnosheniya (Moscow: Akademicheskiy

proyekt, 2014), 274–75.

69. Yakovenko and Muzykantskiy, Manikhieystvo i gnostitsizm, 16–19.

70. Shekhovtsov, “The Palingenetic Thrust of Russian Neo-Eurasianism,”

499–500; Dmitry Shlapentokh, “Dugin Eurasianism: A Window on the Minds

of the Russian Elite or an Intellectual Ploy?,” Studies in East European

Thought 59, no. 3 (2007): 230.

71. Dugin, Geopolitika Rossii, 420–22; Aleksandr Dugin, Geopolitika

(Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, 2015), 49.

72. Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 121–24.

73. Ibid., 103, 144; Dugin, Yevraziyskiy revansh Rossii, 20.

74. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 653; Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 92.

75. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 108.

76. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 101.

77. Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 90.

78. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 210.

79. Konstantin Averin and Tat’yana Pavlova, Byt’ ili ne byt’ russkim?

(Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2012); Viktor Aksyuchits, “Russkaya

ideya,” Pravoslaviye.ru, https://pravoslavie.ru/32.html (accessed 5

November 2018), 67–69.

80. Viktor Gidirinskiy, Russkaya ideya kak filosofsko-istoricheskiy i

religioznyy fenomen (Moscow: Pravoslavnyy Svyato-Tikhonovskiy

gumanitarnyy universitet, 2012): 71–72.

81. Zen’kovskiy, Istoriya russkoy filosofii, 1: 52–53; Vyacheslav

Viktorov, “Byt’ i oshchushchat’ sebya russkim,” in Vopros natsional’noy

identichnosti v kontekste globalizatsii, ed. Aleksandr Chumakov (Moscow:

Prospekt, 2015), 31.

82. Berdyayev, “Russkaya ideya,” in Samopoznaniye, 19–20; Aksyuchits,

“Russkaya ideya.”

83. Viktorov, “Byt’ i oshchushchat’ sebya russkim,” in Vopros

natsional’noy identichnosti, 32; Sean Cannady and Paul Kubicek,

“Nationalism and Legitimation for Authoritarianism: A Comparison of

Nicholas I and Vladimir Putin,” Journal of Eurasian Studies 5, no. 1

(2014): 3–4.

84. See, e.g., Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 123–24; Vladimir

Vigilyanskiy, “Russkaya Pravoslavnaya Tserkov.”

85. See, e.g., Sergey Kara-Murza, Rossiya i Zapad: Paradigmy

tsivilizatsiy (Moscow: Akademicheskiy proyekt, Kul’tura, 2003), 11–14;

Torbakov, After Empire, 331–32.

86. Andrei P. Tsygankov, The Dark Double: US Media, Russia, and the

Politics of Values (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), 36–37.

87. See, e.g., RIA Novosti, “Putin vystupayet protiv popytok uravnyat’

traditsionnyye i odnopolovyye braki,” RIA.ru,

https://ria.ru/20130919/964434704.html (accessed 5 June 2019); Natal’ya

Raybman, “Putin: Bez traditsionnykh tsennostey obshchestvo

degradiruyet,” Vedomosti.ru,

https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/articles/2013/12/19/putin-bez-tradicionnyh-cennostej-obschestvo-degradiruet

(accessed 5 June 2019).

88. Meyendorff, Rim—Konstantinopol’—Moskva, 246–47.

89. See, e.g., Irina Papkova, The Orthodox Church and Russian Politics

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 6–7; Knox, Russian Society and

the Orthodox Church, 111–13; Vasiliy Zen’kovskiy, “Tserkov’ i

gosudarstvo. Tserkov’ i vlast’,” in Sergey Samygin, Konstantin Vodenko,

and Viktor Nechipurenko, Religiya i politika (Rostov-on-Don: Feniks,

2016), 224.

90. Significant is the ideological evolution of Gennadiy Zyuganov, the

leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF), e.g.,

Gennadiy Zyuganov, “Zashchitim nashi natsional’nyye tsennosti i

svyatyni!,” KPRF.ru, https://kprf.ru/rus_soc/108469.html (accessed 5

November 2018); Russkaya narodnaya liniya, “Gennadiy Zyuganov ob

otnoshenii kommunistov k Tserkvi”, Ruskline.ru,

http://ruskline.ru/news_rl/2018/10/20/gennadij_zyuganov_ob_otnoshenii_kommunistov_k_cerkvi/

(accessed 5 June 2019).

91. See, e.g., “Predstaviteli Patriarshey komissii po voprosam sem’i,

zashchity materinstva i detstva prinyali uchastiye v XII Vsemirnom

kongresse semey,” Patriarchia.ru,

http://www.patriarchia.ru/db/text/5269978.html (accessed 5 June 2019);

“Patriarkh: vazhno sdelat’ vse vozmoshnoye dla zashchity traditsionnykh

tsennostey,” RIA Novosti.ru, https://ria.ru/20180125/1513322300.html

(accessed 5 June 2019); Geraldine Fagan, Believing in Russia—Religious

Policy after Communism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014): 135.

92. See, e.g., Höllwerth, Das sakrale eurasische Imperium des Aleksandr

Dugin, 463–67.

93. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 391.

94. See, e.g., Aleksandr Dugin, “Poslednyaya bitva Svyatoy Rusi,”

4pera.ru, http://4pera.ru/news/tribune/poslednyaya_bitva_svyatoy_rusi/

(accessed 5 June 2019).

95. Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 95–97.

96. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 524.

97. Dugin, Yevraziyskiy revansh Rossii, 55; Dmitry Shlapentokh,

“Alexander Dugin’s Views on the Middle East,” Space and Polity 12, no. 2

(2008): 252–53.

98. See, e.g., Aleksandr Dugin, Ukraina—moya voyna: Geopoliticheskiy

dnevnik (Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2015), esp. 14, 24, 272–76; Dugin,

Geopolitika Rossii, 475.

99. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 50–54; Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 86–87.

100. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 294.

101. Dugin, Etnosotsiologiya, 225.

102. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 158.

103. Dugin, Etnosotsiologiya, 455.

104. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 81.

105. Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 53.

106. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 516.

107. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 464.

108. Dugin, Novaya formula Putina, 64.

109. See, e.g., Shmeman, Osnovy russkoy kul’tury, 93; Berdyayev,

“Russkaya ideya,” in Samopoznaniye, 16–18; Natalia Dinello, “Russian

Religious Rejections of Money and Homo Economicus: The

Self-Identifications of the ‘Pioneers of a Money Economy’ in Post-Soviet

Russia,” Sociology of Religion 59, no. 1 (1998): 46.

110. See, e.g., Patriarchia.ru, “Patriarkh Kirill: V smirenii

otkryvayetsya sila chelovecheskogo dukkha,” Pravoslavie.ru,

https://pravoslavie.ru/111042.html (accessed 5 June 2019).

111. See, e.g., Regnum.ru, “Vladimir Putin: Dlya russkikh na miru i

smert’ krasna,” Regnum. ru, https://regnum.ru/news/1792501.html

(accessed 5 June 2019).

112. Strickland, The Making of Holy Russia, 27–32.

113. Ibid., 37–38.

114. Trepanier, Political Symbols, 140; Neil Robinson, Ideology and the

Collapse of the Soviet System: A Critical History of Soviet Ideological

Discourse (Aldershot, UK: Edward Elgar, 1995), 70–72.

115. Aleksandr Malinkin, “Kul’t geroicheskogo v nagradakh SSSR,”

Magazines.russ.ru, http://magazines.russ.ru/oz/2002/8/2002_08_48-pr.html

(accessed 5 June 2019).

116. Meyendorff, Rim—Konstantinopol’—Moskva, 249–50.

117. Strickland, The Making of Holy Russia, 5–7, 13–16.

118. Gidirinskiy, Russkaya ideya, 131–32.

119. Dugin, Russkiy logos—Russkiy khaos, 172; Aleksandr Dugin, “Russkaya

veshch,” arctogaia. com, http://arctogaia.com/public/rv/4.shtml

(accessed 5 June 2019).

120. Dugin, Russkiy logos—Russkiy khaos, 320, 390.

121. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 100.

122. Ibid., 38.

123. Ibid., 308–10.

124. Ibid., 379.

125. Dugin, Russkaya voyna, 10–12.

126. Dugin, Chetvertyy put’, 426, 617.

127. Aleksandr Dugin, Ukraina: moya voyna. Geopoliticheskiy dnevnik

(Moscow: Tsentrpoligraf, 2015).