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Title: Meltzer, Albert, 1920–1996
Author: John Patten
Date: July 2002
Language: en
Topics: Albert Meltzer, biography
Source: Retrieved on 22nd September 2020 from https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/1893gb
Notes: This article originally appreared in Freedom v. 63 #16 — 10 August 2002

John Patten

Meltzer, Albert, 1920–1996

Obituaries of Albert Meltzer described him as a ‘torchbearer of

international anarchism.’ What makes an anarchist torchbearer? His

international links across his years of activism are clear in his

autobiography I Couldn’t Paint Golden Angels: he worked with comrades

from India, China, Sweden, Spain, Australia, the USA... But beyond that

he fought, in theory and practice, for anarchism to be a living

movement.

Politics: It doesn’t always do what it says on the tin!

Albert was often accused of ‘sectarianism’ because he opposed the idea

of an ‘open door policy’ for anarchism: that anyone claiming to be an

anarchist should be taken at their word. He was never prepared to let

bad definitions drive out good without an argument.

He defended the anarchist heritage of resistance against the reworked

liberalism which idealised ‘perpetual protest.’ In the relatively free

sixties, some argued that revolutionary change was old hat, and that we

should be content with ‘living as freely as possible’ in the here and

now. Albert was very sarcastic about how emphasising anarchism as an

abstract idea allowed authoritarian scum like Thatcher to pose as

libertarians.

He also opposed what he called the ‘package-deal Left’, sadly still in

evidence today, where having a ‘line’ which can be used to march the

papersellers to the top of the hill, and the next and the next, takes

the place of principles or the idea of human liberation.

A Class Act

As a trade union activist and working class militant, Albert was a firm

believer in class struggle anarchism, not as a ghetto within a ghetto,

but as the best bet for defending our current freedom and achieving

long-term change. His faith in the potential of the working class was

unshaken by the shocking revelation that some of them were not angels:

his twofold response was that, having no need to exploit another class,

they had the greatest libertarian potential and (more humorously) that

the only place angels would have to be involved in workers control was

in heaven!

One of his aims in the many books and hundreds of articles he wrote was

to encourage a ‘Monday militancy’ — to struggle for freedom in every

area of our lives, rather than just chanting about it on the weekend.

A quote from The Floodgates of Anarchy (co-written with Stuart Christie)

shows that he was open-minded about the need for flexibility of tactics:

“We must accept reforms in the spirit in which they are offered, and,

if, in order to get a political prisoner released after twenty years in

jail, we were asked to appear in our shirts like the burghers of Calais,

and march around a cathedral carrying a penitential candle, this would

be an act of solidarity no less than attacking a Spanish bank or

kidnapping an ambassador. [
]

“What would be the grossest superstition — and this is the analogy with

reformism — is to believe that simply by appearing in sackcloth and

ashes and traipsing around the cathedral, the dictator could be

persuaded to release the prisoners. [
] Letters to members of

parliament, discussions of civil rights and the abstract rights of man,

petitions to the United Nations, public statements for which one must

angle for “names”, the collecting of thousands of ordinary signatures 


all these are secular, democratic versions of the sackcloth and ashes,

required by the despot. We may need to engage in them, we may benefit

from them, but we do not have to be fooled by them.”

The Anarchist Black Cross: Anarchy in Action

Spanish anarchists were the staunchest opponents of Franco’s fascist

regime, yet in or out of jail received the least international support.

This changed with the imprisonment of Stuart Christie, jailed in 1964

for his part in a plot to assassinate Franco. The spotlight illuminated

not only him, but the fact of Anarchist resistance and the fate of other

Anarchist prisoners. Albert helped behind the scenes efforts to

‘encourage’ Stuart’s release. Once freed in 1967 he joined with Albert

to launch the Anarchist Black Cross, to call for solidarity with those

left behind. This solidarity gave practical help (food and medicine) to

the prisoners, and helped force the Spanish state to apply its own

parole rules. Just as importantly, it introduced activists elsewhere to

a revolutionary tradition very different from the murderous and

authoritarian Russian one. One of the first prisoners the Anarchist

Black Cross helped free was Miguel Garcia, a veteran of the Spanish

anarchist resistance, as well as wartime resistance in France. After

serving 20 years (to the hour!) in Spanish jails he moved to London to

work with the ABC — and inspiring a new generation of activists.

The Anarchist Black Cross was always beset by people with bright plans

for expansion (‘why not aid all victims of capitalism everywhere?’)

regardless of the resources needed. Giving the chance for people to

provide direct solidarity, it achieved more than many paper

organisations and still shows the value of practical anarchist activism.

Keep the Black Flag flying here


Speaking of paper, the ABC bulletin became Black Flag, at times weekly,

and at others ‘excitingly irregular’, which has for 30 years pushed the

idea and practice of revolutionary anarchism. In the early 1980s it

reinvigorated yet another generation of anarchist politics in Britain.

By connecting with young working class anarchists coming from the punk

scene it helped spread new energy and attitude. These were the people

who went on to spread Anarchist ideas more widely than they had been

seen for years in the miners and other strikes, as well as the fight

against the Poll Tax.

Legacy

Anarchists of today, if they ever wonder what one person can do, could

learn a lot from the life of Albert Meltzer. Albert has left many

legacies to the Anarchist movement, from a frank and justified

scepticism of the value of academic ‘experts’ on or media exposes about

Anarchism, to a supply of scathing anecdotes about most political

ideologies.

Many of the projects he was involved with carry on: Black Flag is still

promoting anarchist resistance and the Kate Sharpley Library continues

uncovering the grassroots history of the movement, which is, after all,

where its strength has always lain. A publishing house (The Meltzer

Press) set up in tribute to him has produced some important historical

works including the first English translation of Peirats’ classic

account of The CNT in the Spanish Revolution.

A political appreciation like this inevitably leaves out much that could

be said — especially of a life so full. To many people Albert truly was

an Anarchist torchbearer (and not only to radicals: Special Branch

called him ‘the doyen of the British anarchist movement’!). To many

others who worked or communicated with him, he carried other sparklers

of humour and comradeship. He had no time for the cult of ‘great men’ or

‘great women’ in isolation from the movements that made them what they

were, so perhaps the best tribute is to say that he was part of a long

line of comrades who devoted their lives to spreading the idea of

anarchism and proving the worth of its principles in the fight for human

freedom.