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Title: The Social Monster
Author: Johann Most
Date: 1890
Language: en
Source: Retrieved on April 26, 2009 from http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bright/most/socialmonster.html
Notes: New York, Bernhard & [Bohenor], 167 William Street, 1890

Johann Most

The Social Monster

A dagger in one hand, a torch in the other, and all his pockets brimful

with dynamite-bombs — that is the picture of the anarchist, such as it

has been drawn by his enemies. They look at him simply as a mixture of a

fool and a knave, whose able, purpose is universal topsy-turvy, and

whose only means to that purpose is to slay anyone and everyone who

differs from him.

The picture is an ugly carricature, but its general acceptance is not:

to be wondered at, since, for years all non-anarchistic papers have been

busy in circulating it. Even in certain labor-organs one may find the

anarchist represented as merely a man of violence, destitute of all

noble aspirations, and the most absurd: views of the principles of

anarchism occur in those very papers.

As for the violence, which people take as the characteristic mark of the

anarchist, it cannot and it shall not be denied, that most anarchists

feel convinced that the development of the present social order cannot

be brought upon its right track by peacable proceedings only. But that

is a question of tactics which has nothing to do with principles.

Anarchism means itself a new social order, and anyone who knows human

life from its depths to its heights, and has the courage to fling aside

all patching up and smoothing down, all bargaining and compromising, and

draw the necessary conclusions from past evolution, must arrive at the

very principle on which this new order shall be built up. Our principle

is: to prevent all command over man by his fellowmen, to, make state,

government, laws, or whatsoever form of compulsion existing, a thing of

the past, to establish full freedom for all. Anarchism means first and

foremost freedom from all government.

But — is really such a state of affairs desirable? Of course, those in

command will answer: no. But those under compulsion? Nearly fifty years

ago Marx demonstrated, how all political contests which have taken place

during the, whole course of history, were class-contests. The class

which reigned strove to maintain their government (archy), because they

grew fat. on it, and the class which thralled strove to break up the

government (anarchy), because it impelled them towards starvation.

The name was different in each case, but the principle was always the

same: anarchy against archy. And then again — if this be so, why is

anarchism still an idea grossly missunderstood instead of having become,

long ago, an idea completely realized? There can and some day there

shall be given full answer to this question.

At present it will be sufficient to remind the reader of the fact, that

an idea may miscarry without getting lost. Look down this long series of

contests. The results are palpable. The popular demand for freedom is

stronger and clearer than it has ever been before, and the conditions

far reaching the goal are more favorable, We are apparently nearer to

anarchism at this moment than any one could have dreamt of a century

ago. It is evident, that through the whole course of history runs an

evolution before which slavery of any kind, compulsion under any form,

government of any description (archy) must break down, and from which

freedom, full and unlimited, freedom for all and from all (anarchy) must

come. For anarchism is not a fanciful idea, some kind of Utopia:

Not, by any means. It is a natural and necessary issue of the progress

of civilization itself. The goal towards which all human aspirations

logically bend. And, of course, when a certain stage of social

development thus at once defines itself not only as desirable but also

as the logically necessarry result of hart evolution the question of its

possibility, often raised by political philosophers who were weak rather

than cautious, becomes of very slight consequence.

From this also follows, that anarchism cannot be a retrograde movement,

as has been maliciously insinuated that the anarchists march in the

front and not in the rear of the army of freedom and that the supposed

opposition between socialists and anarchists, asserted over and over

again, is an open absurdity.

Socialism, in the broadest sense of the word, encompasses every doctrine

or tendency, which applies to human society. In its narrower sense the

word means some special, more or less clearly defined system of social

order.

But even of the latter description there are many kinds of socialists,

for in our days nearly everyone deals or dapples in social reforms.

There are royal, aristocratic, christian, etc., socialists. William I.

preached social reforms at every occasion, such as he understood them.

Bismarck sometimes calls himself a socialist. Stoecker, the pastor, has

propounded numerous conundrums of the kind. The company is certainly

somewhat mixed. For this very reason many serious socialists have long

ago felt it necessary to point out some mark which allowed of no doubt

with respect to the fundamental character of their intentions. They

called themselves communists, thereby indicating that they intended to

make the soil and all, that is in and on it, common property. They were

not led on by pious wishes or fanciful speculations, but by sober

observation of the present state of society, which necessarily provokes

and absolutely demands a transformation in that direction.

The class, that now reigns, the bourgeoisie, has completely

reconstructed the whole mechanism of production and exchange.

First the capitalist drove away the independent master-mechanic. Then,

in their turn, the capitalists were driven away by stock-companies. But

even the stock-companies could not hold stand against monopolies,

trusts, pools, etc., and at this moment there is seriously spoken of,

how to give not only certain branches of industry, but whole groups of

enterprises a still more general form.

The avowed purpose of this movement was to produce the greatest possible

quantity of goods by the least possible exertion of human labor; and to

a certain extent the purpose was reached.

But another experience followed in the wake. The mass of the people fell

from insufficiency into poverty, and from poverty into misery, and now

it comes upon us, that if this movement is allowed to go on for any

length of time, the human race, morally degraded, will die out from

physical want in the midst of a world of plenty.

But such a state is downright insanity, and demands peremptorily a

thorough reorganization of the social order. The establishment of an

entirely new social system.

To go back to the small industry of former days is not possible,

however. The advantages of the mass-production and the organization of

labor are too apparent ever to be given up.

Consequently, nothing else is left but to make common property out of

all that, which forms the fundamental conditions of production and

exchange: to introduce communism.

In this point all agree who are dissatisfied with the existing order,

and want another which can make all men free; and equal and happy. It is

therefore simply a bad piece of malice or a big piece of stupidity, when

some people say of the anarchists, that in this very point they have

taken up an adverse position.

No! The anarchists are socialists, because they too want a radical

social reform; and they are communists, because: they too feel convinced

that community of property must form the only basis of such a reform.

But there are something more. They have also a characteristic mark of

their own, and neither socialism nor communism will ever fully satisfy

them until thoroughly pervaded by the spirit of anarchism and, stamped

with its mark.

Meanwhile it is so much the more necessary for the anarchists to keep

the character-mark of their stand point indicated by their very name, as

there is quite a number of communists who — singularly enough —

designate the future social order as a “State,” the,“State of the

Future,” the “State of the People,” etc., and provide this state with

the most, monstrous. governmental machinery and laws by the bushel, as

if the communistic society should be nothing but a mass of idiots taken

care of by a number of mandarins.

Of course, no consistent socialist or communist will have anything to do

with such an idea. They know too well that the state is and always was a

mere instrument of suppression and that the reigning class always has

used and still uses this instrument to protect their privileges and

force the mass of the people to submit. But what meaning could such an

instrument of suppression have in a free country? There are no

privileges to protect and no unprivileged to keep in awe.

The establishment of communism is unthinkable until the present slavery

has been abolished. Or is there some other kind of slavery to be

established? If not, then any kind of government is useless, for a

government which governs nobody is only a knife without a blade, and

such a thing is not worth much. But if communism, in order to establish

true liberty and equality, must free itself from any kind of government,

then we have anarchism.

When state and government have gone, laws must go. People who speak of

“laws” in a communistic society, think perhaps only of those general

rules of sensible and noble conduct which every good man finds it easy

to observe. But in that case they use a wrong word. A law is a rule

connected with an apparatus to compel obedience. Behind the law stand

the court, the sheriff, the police, the hangman, etc., and who wants

them? None, we guess.

Morally, the state, the government and the laws are the principal causes

of vice and crime. But with the cause the effect will disappear.

Industrially, they are the principal hindrances to success and plenty,

for, experience, with respect to what is necessary and useful, teaches

better what to do and how to do it, than any bureaucracy hovering above

in the blind.

If, indeed, anyone should think that, in the communistic society, man

must still remain under some form of compulsion in order to, do what is

right, and leave off what is wrong, he had better give up communism at

once and abandon all hope for the human race.

But fortunately the idea is a mistake. Mankind of to-day is not what

mankind of tomorrow will be. Then is no necessity to seek refuge in

dreams and speak to later generations.

Sober experience has something to say in this case. Whenever some grand

and magnificent event takes place, all who are connected with it,

closely or distantly, undergo some change, from a slight modification to

a complete transformation. With irresistible power it loosens something

in them all and binds other things.

Now, take the yoke of slavery from off the shoulders of man and place

him in a sphere of full liberty and you shall see how naturally it comes

to him to act towards his fellow-men as a brother towards brethren. For

man is not bad by nature. Only as member of a society in which each

looks to himself only and no one cares for the rest, has he become what

to-day he is.

From the institution of private property arose envy, avarice,

graspiness, insolent haughtiness, courage tot defraud, lust in crushing,

in short, the whole gang of the most common and the most dastardly

vices, and with that institution they will also fall, giving room for

brotherly love, a strong feeling of common responsibility and eagerness

for everything conductive of general good.

But life of such a character will never fit into the frame-work of a

state, and when the communists shrink back from anarchism, — it is the

name, not the principle they fear. It is only a ghost that has

frightened them.

Nor is there any good reason why the other communists should stand aloof

from the anarchists on account of their tactics.

Anyone who is radically opposed to the present social order and works

for a reform on the basis of community of property, must in the heart be

a revolutionist.

The difference between the anarchists and those among their co-workers

who feel a little shy, is simply that the latter practice a kind of

opportunist policy.

But what is the use of it? The anarchists are no blood-hounds. They have

no lust for murder and incendiarism. But they carry on a revolutionary

agitation, because they know that the power of a privileged class has

never yet been broken by peaceable means, and because they feel

convinced that the bourgeoisie will also be removed by force only.

Therefore they consider it absolutely necessary that the mass of the

people never for a moment forgets the gigantic contest which must come

before their ideas can be realized, and therefore they use every means

at their disposal — the speech, the press, the deed — to hasten the

revolutionary development.

But who can take the matter seriously and blame them for that?

Settled, once for all, it is, that the weal of mankind, as the future

will and must bring it, depends upon communism; that the system of

communism; logically, excludes any and ever relation between master and

servant, and means really anarchism; and that the way to the goal leads

through a social revolution.

We understand very well, why capitalists, wire-politicians, press- and

pulpit-bablers, philestines and old-foggies hate us from the bottom of

their heart and we have more than once had an opportunity to show these

social, political and heavenly priests, how well we comprehend their

feelings.

But we do not understand at all why attacks should be directed against

us from the very labor-agitators, attacks, sometimes of incredible

malice, often of petrified fanaticism, and generally of piteous lack of

appreciation. — As often as we have tried to set forth our views of

modern, that is, communistic anarchism, we have been contradicted at the

same time from two opposite directions.

From one side we have been told, that we went too far, that we

overlooked the necessary transition-forms of the social evolution, that

the subreptitiously substituted anarchism for socialism, and when we

tried to explain that anarchism is simply a social order without

government, such as it must present itself to the eyes of every

consistent socialist, who fights for true liberty and equality, our

explanation, was suppressed and the old assertion re-iterated, that

socialism and anarchism are direct contradictions.

From the other side we have quite recently been told that our tendencies

are of completely reactionary character, that we run after the fala

morgana of a by-gone individualism of mall-industry, etc.

But how could we or anybody else perform the ledgerdemain: at the same

time to pursue the ideal, of an ante-deluvian small-industry and yet

make propaganda for some altogether too distant ideas of the future?

Verily, we want some “scientific” Count Oerindur to tell us which is

which!

In reality the case stands thus: when our adversaries tell their

followers that we deal in the ideas of an antiquated small-industry,

they simply tell a lie, and when for the sake of argument they point to

Benjamin Tucker, the black of their lie does not become whiter.

Mr. Tucker is a pupil of the Manchester school, who has come too late

into the market. He stands outside of the modern class-movement of the

great mass knows not the laws according to which social development

nowadays proceeds.

He is ignorant both of the tendencies and the technical achievements of

our industrial life, and when he speaks of anarchism, he represents no

known social order at all, but simply paints out an illusion fostered by

his own brain.

In Europe he is nobody, and in America he is somebody only in certain

literary circles which, without any real understanding of the matter,

follow a loose, sentimental longing to reform the world.

To use that man as an argument against us, is simply a trick, but tricks

are not legitimate weapons in a serious discussion.

Sometimes also Krapotkin [sic] is quoted against us as a “true”

anarchist and, of course, always on the supposition that he, like

Tucker, rejects communism.

But that is a grievous mistake. Krapotkin is namely the most decided

communist who ever existed. It is due to him that in certain countries:

France, Italy, Spain and Belgium, the anarchists emphasize their

communistic Standpoint at every opportunity and in a some-what

ostentatious manner.

To him, as to us, communism is the main point, and anarchism merely the

finishing touch. About tell years ago, at the anarchist congress of the

Jura-Federation at St. Imier, he moved that a sacrifice should be made

to the ruling prejudice by cancelling the name “anarchist” and adopting

that of “free communist.” The proposition was not carried but it showed,

nevertheless, that Krapotkin first and foremost is a communist. Indeed,

he is so far from being in opposition to communistic anarchism that, on

the contrary, he may be considered its father.

In all this there is nothing but malice or ignorance. But the attacks of

our adversaries often present n new hue, no less detrimental to the

cause, it is personal Squabbles, which have no other reason than

personal rivalry and party-maneouvring, may, find, if not a true

justification, at least a natural excuse, as long as they are confined

to the native soil from which they sprang, to Europe.

But to carry them over to a foreign country and continue them here in

America is utterly absurd. What interest could the Americans take in

such futilitities?

One should think, that the emigrant socialist would like to leave nil

that stuff behind when crossing the ocean rind that, after arriving

here, he at least would try to fit himself for the exigencies of the

American propaganda

But no! he seems to [unreadable] bound to haul along his fatherland by

his boot-soles. Conscienciously he takes up here every thread he left

off there.

With the most minute exactness he imitates on American ground ail the

movements of the social-democracy in Germany, undisturbed by the fact

that the ground is another. But that is waste, if nothing worse.

Overlooking the fact, that in principles there is hardly any difference

at nil between the various groups of the movement, and’ flint even the

difference of opinion with respect to tactics seems not to be altogether

irremediable, he floes to work and creates splits in the ranches, which

have no natural excuse and still less any true justification.

Much has been lost in that way and, curious to say, then he turns round

upon us and reproaches us, that our method is “un-American.”

It has occurred to us, that no country in the world is to-day so well

prepared for anarchist agitation as America.

In the monarchical countries of Europe people, are still very

enthusiastic for what they call the state of the people — the republic —

and dream of the establishment of such an it institution as a means to

solve the social difficulties which press upon them. .

That enthusiasm must be spent, that illusion must burst before time

comes for a really effective anarchist agitation, and such an

opportunity will hardly present itself until a practical experiment with

the dream has been made.

In France the laboring man had a taste of what the state of the people

can and will do for him, already in 1848, but the taste was not sweet.

In 1871 he proved to have made some progress. He tried to establish the

independent commune in opposition to the state. But the attempt failed

and the plan is insufficient.

After that time the “republican” government has taken good care to

extinguish every spark of faith in the idea of a state of the people

from, his breast. Still, France is not through with the experiment.

In America, on the contrary, the state in which everything is done “by

the people and for the people,” has existed since more than a century;

and who does not see that the true historical significance of this huge

experiment is the terrible warning, it gives all future statesmen?

To the government-cars are harnessed corruption, egotism, intrigue, that

mean submissiveness which is the piteous inheritance of suppression

through generations, and nothing else. All noble hearts, all

intellectual heads have long ago turned away from the whole

government-machinery with [unreadable] disgust, and the poll they hate

as the plague.

Now, does anybody suppose that such men are not, somehow or other,

perhaps unconsciously, tolerably well prepared for the ideas of

anarchism?

They are! Their faith in the goodness and power and wisdom and justice

of the state they have given up long ago as a frivolous superstition,

and now they have only left a choice between that pessimism which gives

up humanity in despair and — anarchism.

That is the true reason for the terrible hatred which the conservative

or reactionary party here bears to the anarchists, and which, in

Chicago, led them to commit one of the meanest political crimes on

record.

It is observations of this kind, which: have dictated us our method of

agitation, and our adversaries among our brethren had better examine the

former before they condemn the latter — as un-American.

Probably the result would be, that they immediately join us in our

battle against the church, the state and the bourse, that “holy

trinity,” which must be dethroned if room shall be made for liberty,

equality and brotherly love.

The principal objection which non-anarchistic socialists prefer against

anarchism is its doctrine of “free contracts.”

While the anarchists push on and proclaim, that, in a free society, all

its members must form all their relations on a basis of free agreements,

the non-anarchistic socialists look on with a smile of doubt and remain

in the field of social compulsion.

But it is of no use to them to argue that a system of compulsion, which

presses equally on all in general, is not felt by any single individual

in particular. The argument is nonsense.

All people are not alike, nor do they feel the same thing in the same

manner: And even if it were true, it would only argue in behalf of a

milder form of the existing system of compulsion and not in behalf of a

social order in which freedom itself is the only regulator. Nor is there

any escape to be found in their reference to an almost everlasting

voting by the whole people. Either the whole people is shrewd enough, to

find what is right at every point, and then any kind of political

government or social guardianship is entirely superfluous; or the whole

people is not shrewd enough to prevent the formation of a well-drilled

aristocracy of demagogues, and then we have the old story over again.

It is, however, by no means necessary to launch out into an unknown

world [unreadable] to form a well defined idea of how free contracts

work.

There is for instance the world’s postal-union. Each individual postal

organization enters the general combination on a simple agreement,

concerning the services to be rendered and to be received.

There is no international court with power to summon and compel him who

breaks the agreement; there are only conferences to mediate when

irregularities or misunderstandings occur.

Nevertheless, the agreement is never broken, for the simple reason that

the party which did so, would hurt itself.

And this institution, which can serve as a model for a multitude of

similar free combinations in the most different spheres of human life,

is by no means unique. There are the trusts, the pools, etc., formed by

people who, as a rule, are not very sharp-sighted, so far as the general

good is concerned.

In most countries combinations of this character are illegal, and there

is no law which can compel the parties to keep the contract.

Nevertheless, it is seldom broken — for the very same reason as above:

self-interest.

Then there are hundreds and hundreds of combinations, which now work

with great success and perfectly harmoniously without any other kind of

compulsion than the individual moral feeling, singing-societies,

turner-associations, sporting-clubs, societies for political, literary,

scientific, or artistic purposes, etc; and here it should not be

overlooked that, whenever the government has interfered with the working

of such associations, its interference has always proved a hindrance,

never an aid.

But when so much has been achieved by the free contract in a society

like the present, in a world full of egotists, where are the limits for

what it can do in a social order such as the one we intend to establish,

in ‘a social order founded upon communism, in which the institution of

private property is left out and thereby heat and water taken from every

germ of egotism? At all events, in a society, all of whose members are

free, and equal in the true sense of the words, there is no other means

than free contracts, by which to form combinations or build up relations

of any kind. Compulsion by laws of any kind or in any form is absolutely

excluded by the very orders of liberty and equality.

We have sometimes heard the argument preferred that in the economical

sphere in which freedom rules, at least to a certain extent, as the

government never directly interferes with the business of production and

exchange, this very freedom has led to the direct results.

The argument is, however, of a somewhat peculiar description; it has a

wooden leg which we propose to cut off.

When namely, in the present society, the free movements of the

economical world have brought us face to face with social questions of

the greatest magnitude and most pressing urgency; the true cause “of

this perilous situation” is not the application of the principle of

freedom, but, the institution of property, behind which the government

itself stands guard.

It is this institution, which has made the poor slaves of the rich, and

it is the power of the state which keeps them in bondage.

Nowhere in the problem is the economical freedom involved, but

everywhere the institution of private property, which must be abolished,

and the power of the state, which must be broken.

Of the part which laws and law-making will have to act in the coming

social order, no sharp disagreement is necessary or even possible. The

one fact, that each generation invariably considers the laws of its

predecessor as gross mistakes, not to use any harder expression, throws

a peculiar light on the subject. Indeed, the history of legislation must

be defined as the history of the queerest errors possible.

Or do not laws against magic, heresy, and innumerable other things,

which at one time were punished with barbarous cruelty while now they

pass by entirely unnoticed, impress us as a sort of mental aberrations?

Was it not downright insanity to use the stake, the sack, or other

instruments of cruelty as means by which to find out the guilt or

innocence of a man?

But can we be sure that a later generation will look with milder eyes

upon our laws with their gallows and hangmen, their cells and chains?

No! Buckle was right when he declared those laws the best which simply

abolish former laws.

There is, however, one more point in the dispute between us and our

adversaries which needs a little further elucidation, the question

namely whether those organizations which in the communistic society will

be formed by free contracts, are likely to assume the character of

centralization and federation.

We think, in accordance with what experiences has proved, that earlier

or later, but under whatsoever circumstances, centralization always must

lay a large amount of power in a very few hands, which circumstance

again must create a kind of domination on the one side and cause a lack

of liberty on the other. And we believe that once, when the social

problem has been solved on the plan of communism all the world over, the

idea of centralization shall present itself to the eyes of mankind as a

monstrosity. Imagine a central-committee of a baker-generals sitting in

Washington and prescribing to the baker-boys of Pekin and Melbourne they

form and the taste of their rolls. That would be a slavery so complete

as no mandarine ever dreamt of. No, all relations will regulate

themselves according to practice and experience such as the

no-government principle of anarchism demands it.

And here we may stop having gone over the whole ground of our dispute

with those other groups of the labor-party which incline more to the

right and cling more closely to tradition. One by one we have taken up

the various questions of principle and tactics which form the subject of

the debate, also touching upon the unfortunate character of personality

which the discussion incidentally has assumed.

One by one we have demonstrated the true relation between anarchism and

communism, between state and free contract, between centralization and

federation, setting aright what a willful and inconsistent criticism has

done wrong. Of course, our purpose in doing this has not been to make a

split between us and our adversaries still wider; on the contrary, we

have hoped to bridge it over. An immediate and complete unison we shall

not expect, but it seems to us that with sufficient good will on both

sides it should be possible to gather all the diverging groups into

closed ranks and the immense importance of such a maneouvre with respect

to the final issue of the contest must be evident to all.

Unfortunate in this respect is the subscription to some sharply defined

platform which generally is demanded by all parties for admission.

Doctrine is not life. There is something above the dogma and it is a

pity, that the world has not seen it before. Words, even good words,

have caused more discord in human life than perhaps anything else.

Nevertheless, referring to the distinction we have made above between

centralization and federation, it does not seem impossible to us to find

some short formulas which covered the whole in a general way and yet

left the details to the decision of each party-organization.

There is, for instance, the Pittsburgh Proclamation, the declaration of

the principles of the communistic anarchists of America. A

recapitulation of its whole contents is found at the end. The two first

paragraphs contain, approximately at least, all that is common to all

communists. They read thus:

First: Destruction of [unreadable] class rule, by all means, i.e. by

energetic, relentless, revolutionary and international action.

Second: Establishment of a free society based upon co-operative

organization of production.

This, or something similar, could be used as the general watchword,

under which the socialists and the anarchists formed in line for battle.

The rest could be left for those to settle who, having triumphed, must

devote their energies to the development of a free community, — a

community in which each and every form of slavery is definitely

abolished.