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Title: Leeds and London Author: Freedom Press (London) Date: August, 1890 Language: en Source: Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Socialism, Vol. 4, No. 45, online source http://www.revoltlib.com/?id=3033, retrieved on April 12, 2020.
The use of the strike as an offensive and defensive weapon against
Capitalism has been illustrated during the past few weeks by noteworthy
revolts of workers in Leeds and London. In the former city -the men have
gained what they desired; in the latter they have supplied the
capitalist newspapers with some sensational news by which to catch the
pence of the multitude, whilst they have practically lost their, cause
and allowed a number of the most energetic among them to lose their
employment. The reason of this difference of fortune which has befallen
the gas workers of Leeds and the postmen and policemen of London is not
far to seek. In the Yorkshire town the men were determined and united.
Following up the tactics of the Irish peasants when, evicted from the
tenancy of a farm, they made it quite clear to the blacklegs that it
would be a very risky thing for anyone to take their Jobs away from
them, and, being backed up by the public opinion of the district and by
the practical help of thousands of fellow workmen, they succeeded in
convincing their employers that their claims were just, compelled them
to buy off the blacklegs, with whom long-term agreements had been made,
and were reinstated in triumph. In London, on the other hand, the
conflict was forced on by the authorities, and the men had not made up
their minds that they all, ought to stick together. As regards the
police, a little firm action on the part of their masters cowed them
into submission, and they allowed the boldest of their number to be
sacrificed. Perhaps the same thing is to some extent true about the
postmen, although it would appear that the chief cause of their defeat
lay in placing too much trust in their officials A comrade who spoke to
a number of North London postmen at the time of the collapse of the
movement, informs us that be found them very bitter against their
leaders, and declaring that if they bad been efficiently led they would
have scored a victory. However this may be, it should be a lesson to
them not to rely upon leaders, but to act for themselves in the future.
If it is necessary for them to have secretaries, treasurers, and
suchlike officials, let them be kept to the clerical duties to which
they are appointed, and not be looked upon as the leaders of a strike
movement. For the movement to have been successful, it should have been
led by men coming forward spontaneously from the ranks of the postmen
themselves at the critical juncture in the various offices, and acting
at once, together with their fellows, without waiting for orders from an
executive, without giving time to their opponent to carry out his plans
for defeating them.
It is to be noted with regard to these strikes in Leeds and London that
they are all expressions of discontent on the part of employees of
Government. In London it was the National Government which was
-affected, in Leeds the Municipality. Those who advocate the
nationalizing of everything -- Bellamyites, State Socialists, Social
Democrats can hardly be pleased with the latest developments of these
first experiments in the State Management of Industry. The workers in
the Post Office, at any rate, am decidedly worse off than the greater
part of those employed by private capitalists. Their hours am very long,
their pay is scanty, and their liberty of association is practically nil
After this it does not make the mouth of the average working man water
when he is told that all industry is to be managed by the State, and
that be is to become a Government servant. Mr. Sydney Webb and other
Fabians and Social Democrats have told us how very socialistic we am -at
present-that is to say, how very many y of the workers are already
employees of the Government. Perhaps these gentlemen will go on another
tack after these recent strikes. Of course there are Social Democrats
who honestly believe in a good time coming when the State will be master
of everything and everybody, and the Government will no longer be
composed of place-hunters with high salaries but will consist of men and
women whose income or whose measure of enjoyment will he no higher than
that of the humblest laborer in the land. But such men do Dot know the
history of the working-class movement in this country; they do not
recognize how dangerous it is even for the best of men to pass through
the slime of political trickery, and they do not see that they are
advocating the maintenance of a cumbrous and costly machinery for
carrying on the business of human society which cannot possibly exist
when the workers are free and equal Moreover, they are delaying the
Social Revolution by preaching patience to the oppressed, and are
playing into the bands of the reactionaries, who would do with their
Social Democracy what Constantine did with the Christian religion-take
all the virtue out of it by taking it under their protection. The craze
for nationalization may become still more pronounced than it is at
present. Before the Social Revolution takes place it is possible that
the railways and other industrial concerns in this country-perhaps even
the land-may become the property of the State, but the worker will still
be exploited for the benefit of the idler. His condition will be
scarcely changed-perhaps made worse. He will be as much superior to the
wage-slave of today as the Government parcels postman is to the private
carrier of Messrs. Carter Patterson, and no more. Instead of having for
master a private individual making a profit of, say, 5,000 a year, be
will have over him a Government official, with the title of "Director of
Railways," or something of that sort, who will draw a salary of about
the same amount. Evidently, fellow-workers, these strikes ought to
convince you that the solution of the social problem does not consist in
our all becoming servants of the State.
There is another point to be considered about these strikes, and indeed
about all strikes, a point which can never be too often dwelt upon -the
influence of the unemployed. But for the unemployed strikes would almost
always be successful. It is the army of reserve labor which is the chief
strength of the capitalist, the mainstay of his existence. And this is
what the mass of the workers do not realize until they think of fighting
against the exploiter. Then they see clearly enough the phantom of
misery rise up by the side of their enemy and protect him against their
onslaught. If the postmen and policemen, and other workers who feel that
they are not treated quite justly by their exploiters, would just begin
to study the meaning of that grand word, Solidarity, and, seek out for
themselves a solution of the unemployed problem which is always
threatening those who are employed, a great stride would be made towards
a better condition of society. We who are Anarchists and Communists have
found this out. We realize it, and we seek to emancipate humanity in
solving that problem, for we know that it is the key to the future. It
is natural enough, no doubt, in the time of struggle to turn upon these
unemployed men and denounce them as blacklegs; scabs, rats, etc., but
what have you who dispense these epithets so freely done to help them,
your brothers, in their troubles? Whilst we fully recognize that the
conduct of the blackleg is cowardly and indefensible, we do not hesitate
to declare that the conduct of those who do not attempt to destroy the
present evil system of society is at least as bad. The starving,
miserable, workless wretch who thinks only of himself and eagerly rushes
forward to take the bread out of the mouth of the striking workers, has
quite as much justification for reproaching the worker who disregards
his wants. Fellow workers, employed and unemployed, you who should be
brothers in arms fighting against your common enemy, and who would then
be irresistible, we beg of you to look outside the narrow boundary of
your own requirements, give your thought and attention to the solution
of this great social question which means so much to you, throw in your
lot with those who are seeking for liberty, equality and fraternity, and
in so doing you will do your share towards realizing a condition of
Society for yourselves and your children such as in your times of
selfish new you have never dreamed of.