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Title: What is Anarchism?
Author: Freedom Press
Date: September, 1889
Language: en
Topics: Freedom Press, Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Socialism, letter
Source: Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Socialism, Vol. 3, No. 34, online source http://www.revoltlib.com/?id=3170, retrieved on May 8, 2020.

Freedom Press

What is Anarchism?

To the Editor of "Freedom."

Dear Comrade,-A number of the members of the Socialist League here, are

greatly interested in the discussion that bag recently appeared in

Commonweal concerning the difference between the principles of Anarchist

Communism and those of unqualified Communism or Socialism. We have long

been anxious to understand clearly and definitively what that difference

is.

The statement of principles contained in the two letters of William

Morris (May 18 and August 17) appears to us to fully embrace all the

communism and liberty that is needful and indeed possible among men.

Knowing, however, that there are many brave and highly gifted men who

call themselves Anarchist Communists in distinction to those who like

the members of the Socialist League call themselves simply Communists or

Socialists; and knowing that Freedom is published chiefly with the view

of making the distinction of principle between them manifest, I have

been asked to put the following queries to you so that we may better

understand each other:

1. How, say in England, would Anarchists seek to supplant the existing

state of society? Would they wait till they had converted all the

people, or a majority only, or merely an effective minority; and if

before all were converted, how would they propose to deal with the

unconverted majority or minority who refused to submit?

2. Is not the voluntary submission of a minority to a majority, or a

majority to a minority for the sake of the common weal, really a refined

or disguised method of yielding to authority or compulsion? If for

example, I were to feel constrained voluntarily to do or to refrain from

doing anything in an Anarchist community for the sake of the common good

or to prevent disorder; would I not be acting from the same impulse as a

Social Democrat who for a similar reason yielded to the authority of the

State: and would not the difference between us really be one-not of

principle, but merely of the form of effecting the same end? I do not

believe that a system of State Socialism or State Communism is what we

should seek to establish, not because. it is necessarily opposed to

freedom, but because it is the most cumbrous form of association for the

common weal, and one not calculated to secure the greatest amount of

personal freedom. Absolute freedom, however, I believe. with comrade

Morris, to be impossible among men; men in society can be no more

absolutely socially free than the brain, heart and lungs, or the

corpuscles of the blood can be absolutely physically free in the living

body.

3. May not a number of men consistent with Anarchist principles

voluntarily elect or commission some one main to direct them in an

undertaking with power to say who shall do this and who shall do that?

and if so, may not a commune or nation in a similar way voluntarily

commission one man or a number of men to direct certain communal OF

national affairs for a given period; and would the power thus

voluntarily delegated by the people, become oppressive when exercised?

Let me say that I do not believe a wise people would care to delegate

their power in this way more than was felt to be really necessary; on

the other hand, I fail to see bow any form of association that prevented

the people from delegating their power, or prevented them from

voluntarily limiting their individual inclinations or caprices, could in

any sense be esteemed a form of association in which there was any real,

not to say absolute, freedom.

I trust, comrade. we may exchange. a few words in a friendly discussion

upon the above and maybe other points. There is no "ion, I think, for

any ill-nature to arise between Communist Anarchists and Socialists in

the meantime-and I trust there never will be. I can say for myself and

for many members of the Socialist League here, that we would not

hesitate to declare ourselves Communist Anarchists if we. felt convinced

that Communist Anarchism as distinct from Communism was a better and a

possible ideal.

-Yours fraternally, J. Bruce Glasier 250 Crown Street, Glasgow, Aug. 16,

1889.

We are glad to receive the above letter from our Glasgow comrade, and we

hope it will lead to the clearing up of some of the points of difference

between the Communists of the Socialists League, who have no political

ideal, and the Anarchist Communists whose political ideal is clearly

defined as opposed to that of the Social Democrats, also clearly

defined. We have endeavored in the following replies to confine

ourselves as closely as possible to the queries put in our comrade's

letter, and we Lope he will not hesitate to let us have further

questions calculated to clear away the mist from before our eyes.

1. Anarchists do not seek to impose their will upon others, so that

there would be no question of their dealing with art unconverted

majority or minority who refused to submit. They recognize that there

are and have been great inequalities in the mental development of man,

due of course to the vicious social systems which have prevailed and

fostered inequality, and they see that a Galileo or a Bruno may be right

in his views although the whole world is against him. Therefore they do

not believe in rule of any kind, either majority or minority rule. They

do not wish to rule and they do not wish to be ruled. But they mean to

resist tyranny and robbery whenever they are able to do so and to

persuade others to do the same. Coercion in their view is always

unjustifiable, even if the end in view in the opinion of the coercers is

good. The Social Revolution is with them the emancipation of the workers

from the burdens and tyrannies of to-day. Every worker they hold should

revolt against oppression and robbery on his own account whenever he has

the power, and numbers of workers should freely band themselves together

for the same purpose. The Social Revolution is inevitable. All the

forces of society at the present moment are undoubtedly moving towards

gigantic social changes, viz., the expropriation of the possessing

classes and the destruction of authority, which the Anarchists are doing

their best to make clear to the people. The Anarchist workers at the

first opportunity will endeavor to organize themselves in free

associations, and those who do not care to participate in the freedom

and happiness of the people may continue to support the idlers who now

live upon their labor, if they choose. Anarchists are in no way

concerned as to whether a majority or minority is in favor of such and

such a thing. What they think about is whether the force over against

them is stronger than the force on their side and how they are to hold

their own against a stronger force, which is by no means necessarily a

majority.

2. We all of us have to submit to coercion at the present time, just in

the same way as an unarmed man has to submit to the ruffian who holds a

pistol at his head, but that is not voluntary submission. When a

majority in a certain community decide upon a certain course which is

not of the first importance, and the help of the minority is necessary,

the minority may voluntarily acquiesce for the sake of the common weal,

but that cannot be called yielding to authority. If you were to

voluntarily refrain from doing anything which would injure the community

you would not be acting from the same impulse as a man who refrained

because of the law. You would be using your reason, the State Socialist

would not. He would not distinguish between bad laws and good (?)

obeying the former and disobeying the latter-he would obey all alike

because it was the law. For example, if a majority of the people of

London were to say there shall be no meetings in Trafalgar Square, a

consistent State Socialist would bow to the will of the majority,

whereas the Anarchist would refuse to recognize the decision of the

majority. He would use his reason, and if that told him he was injuring

no one by meeting in the Square, he would hold his meeting in the Square

if he was strong enough to do so.

Your remarks on absolute freedom are not to the point. No Anarchist has

ever suggested that absolute freedom in the sense in which you define it

is possible. Men must obey natural laws in their relation to each other

as well as in relation to matter, but artificial law., (man made laws,

Acts of Parliament) are seldom if ever in accord with natural laws, and

that is where the difficulty- comes in.

3. Certainly a number of men may choose some man or a body of men to

direct them in some definite undertaking, on the understanding that no

coercive authority is exercised over them, and yet consistently support

the Anarchist Principle, but in most cases the common end in view is

quite sufficient in our opinion to ensure the best result. For instance

foremen are necessary now because every worker instinctively feels that

he is being robbed, and is certainly overworked, and therefore has not

his heart in his work. He must be overlooked and directed and kept to

his task. The foreman is rather a driver than a helper. In a workshop

conducted on Anarchist principles the work would be -divided up by

mutual agreement and a driver would be unnecessary. "any particular work

was too difficult for the man who had undertaken it to do, be might ask

his bench-mate just as to-day be might ask his foreman about it. The

present writer was once employed in a Socialist printing office where

the work was conducted pretty well on these lines. There was certainly

no foreman in the ordinary sense of the word. There was a manager who

had to attend to the outside business, to purchase paper, etc., to make

and receive payments, etc., but that was a part of his share of the

work. His interference with the workers was practically nil. They

arranged among themselves -hat each one should do and with the best

results for all concerned.

As to the oppression of a central body them can be, no doubt about that.

The central body, however advanced in views its members may be when

elected tends to become conservative. They taste the forbidden fruit,

power, and their taste for it grows upon them to the injury of their

fellows. Take the case of any one of our trade unions and you will find

that the main body are out of touch with the executive. Besides a free

combination does not want a center to secure common united action; its

center is where the greatest activity is. If it needs to delegate anyone

to do certain work it can do so, but it cannot give any individual or

number of individuals power to undertake the general direction of others

without interfering with the general freedom and the efficiency of the

combination.