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Title: Understanding Zapatista Autonomy Author: Cian Warfield Date: October 2014 Language: en Topics: Zapatistas, Health Care, education, analysis, autonomy Source: Retrieved on 27th June 2021 from https://www.academia.edu/33163010/Understanding_Zapatista_Autonomy_An_Analysis_of_Healthcare_and_Education
I would, first and foremost, like to especially thank Professor Nuala
Finnegan for her advice, support and constant encouragement throughout
all stages of this study; without her council and guidance this thesis
would not be possible. I would also like to extend my gratitude to all
staff at the Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American
Studies for their support throughout the year. To my parents Kathleen
and Vincent, I would like to thank them for a lifetime of advice and for
their endless sacrifice and encouragement to allow me achieve my dreams
in education. To all my extended family, I would also like to thank them
for their encouragement throughout the year. And finally to my brother
and best friend Niall, I thank him for his support and encouragement in
every conceivable way during this most recent year and in life.
2014 marks a significant year for the Zapatista movement as they
celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the indigenous uprising that took
place on 1^(st) January 1994. This anniversary presents an opportunity,
therefore, for researchers to reflect on the overall success of the
Zapatista movement to date. As part of this process of reflection, this
thesis is concerned with the task of unearthing an answer to a broad and
profound question; how successful has the Zapatista movement been over
these two decades? In its efforts to begin providing answers to such a
far-reaching question, this thesis will channel a wider analysis of the
Zapatista movement through an extensive and thorough examination of the
Zapatista autonomous healthcare system and autonomous education system.
In doing so, this thesis will argue that healthcare and education are
both community orientated services which means that they are organised
and managed by the community and as such, community residents are
central in all aspects of healthcare and education. It is on this basis
that this study will suggest that healthcare and education are important
in supporting the wider project of Zapatista autonomy. This analysis
will provide opportunity to explore the effects of healthcare and
education in Zapatista communities, outlining the political, cultural
and social achievements that are delicately bound to the successful
advancement of both autonomous services. Healthcare and education, more
than any other organ of Zapatista autonomy, lie at the heart of rebel
communities. By charting the political successes and social achievements
of Zapatista autonomy through such careful and extensive analyses of
healthcare and education, this study can begin to inform a wider
research agenda that focuses on the practicalities of Zapatista politics
occupying space in a larger global political framework.
The Zapatista rebellion of 1994 was the result of a long history of
indigenous political, social and cultural suppression that can be traced
back to the early sixteenth century, when the first colonisers arrived
on the shores of Mexico. The indigenous people of Chiapas were the
victims of exploitation with many being displaced from their land.
Chiapas was rich in natural resources including oil, timber and rich
fertile ground. The Spanish exploited these resources for financial
gain. Changes in agrarian laws ensured that, by 1850, many indigenous
communities in Chiapas and throughout Mexico had been stripped of their
land (Stephen, 2002). This legal manoeuvring gave permission to foreign
land owners to exploit the indigenous villagers, forcing them to work as
labourers. Many peasants were caught in a continuous cycle of debt
repayments to foreign landowners and many more accumulated long-term
debts as a result of purchasing products such as alcohol from company
stores managed by the landowners (Stephen, 2002). It was commonplace for
many landowners to sell cheap liquor to indigenous peasants in order to
maintain a form of control over their lives. To this end, landowners
regularly funded many of their important religious ceremonies. This
increased the labourersâ dependency on the work provided by the
landowners.
Changes in the Mexican political landscape throughout the early
twentieth century encouraged the development of a political awareness
amongst indigenous peasants in Chiapas. There was widespread discontent
demonstrated towards the authoritarian Mexican government. The
indigenous peasants began organising in groups known as ejidos or land
cooperatives and together they bought back land from plantation owners.
There was a marked growth in the number of ejidos in the decades between
the 1910 Mexican Revolution led by Emiliano Zapata and the 1990s. In
short, the Chiapas peasants were becoming increasingly active and
politicised citizens and this era saw the emergence of numerous peasant
organisations and grassroots movements in support of indigenous
liberation.
Meanwhile, in urban Mexico, socialist ideologies were growing in
popularity amongst certain quarters of the population. Urban socialist
movements, such as the Fuerzas de LiberaciĂłn Nacional (FLN), looked
toward Chiapas as a place in which to spread their socialist ideas and
spark a revolution. Chiapas was considered a prime location for
instigating a revolution because of its geography and topography and in
1972 the FLN established their first guerrilla encampment in the
Lancandon Jungle (Mentinis, 2006). Over the course of a decade, the
urban revolutionaries merged with the indigenous villagers to form the
Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). This rebel movement
fronted the indigenous-led revolution of 1994.
The 1994 uprising of indigenous rebels in Chiapas generated intense
political shockwaves that resonated deeply throughout the political
establishment in Mexico. The Mexican government was first informed of
this growing guerrilla movement by officials in Guatemala (Mentinis,
2006). Initially the authorities did little to curtail the growth of
this social movement but after years of clandestine development in the
jungles of Chiapas the government could no longer deny the existence of
the growing resistance in the region (Mentinis, 2006). The rebellion,
which broke out on the 1^(st) January, provoked the interest of national
and global observers alike. This international focus on the uprising
surprised the Zapatistas and discouraged the government from directing a
long campaign of brute force against the indigenous rebels. The
governmentâs aspiration to militarily annihilate the Zapatistas was
compromised by the incessant calls for dialogue echoed by a one hundred
thousand strong civilian protest in Mexico D.F and other, smaller
national demonstrations across the country (Mentinis, 2006).
The government, under pressure and with few options left, conceded and
called for dialogue with the rebels on the 10^(th) January. This was
followed two days later by a ceasefire. The government ordered its
troops to halt the military offensive against the rebel fighters (Womack
Jr., 1999). This began an era of unsteady dialogue between the opposing
sides, interrupted by periods of intense violence.
The first, official contact between the government and the Zapatistas
took place in late February, 1994, in the cathedral in the colonial town
of San CristĂłbal de las Casas. The talks were mediated by the local
bishop, Bishop Samuel Ruiz. The negotiations were viewed as an
opportunity for government mediators to understand and discuss the
issues that lay at the heart of the uprising a month earlier. The chief
government negotiator, when provoked to comment on the arbitration said,
âI came here to talk, to listen and reach an agreementâ (AFP, The Irish
Times, 1995, 9). An agreement was reached, in the form of 34
commitments, made public in a communiqué released by the Zapatistas on
the 1^(st) March 1994 (Womack Jr., 1999). These 34 commitments concerned
important issues such as land, education, healthcare, indigenous
languages and, most importantly, indigenous autonomy. Negotiators for
the Zapatistas circulated a government-drafted version of these 34
commitments for internal debate among all Zapatista communities. In the
weeks that followed, however, the communities unequivocally rejected the
proposals. These 34 proposals drafted by the government were decidedly
less ambitious than the initial demands made by the Zapatistas. The
political climate during this time was also a factor in the communitiesâ
decision. In the northern city of Tijuana, the assassination took place
of the presidential candidate and likely successor to President Salinas,
Luis Donald Colosio. In the eyes of the Zapatistas, this undermined the
stability of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) and brought
into question the partyâs ability to negotiate a complicated peace deal
with the rebels. From this point onwards, the relationship between the
government and the Zapatistas was characterised by deep levels of
mistrust on both sides. In light of this, the Zapatistas turned their
attention toward building a stable and secure relationship with âCivil
Societyâ in the hope that it would create a new political force in
Mexico. They released numerous declarations and communiqués from their
jungle headquarters calling on Mexican society âto struggle by all
means, at all levels, and in all parts of the countryâ (Womack Jr.,
1999, 292). At the same time, the government âdeclared war on the
Zapatistasâ (Mentinis, 2006, 16), launching a campaign of âterror and
disarray, poisoning rivers, killing indigenous peoples and animals,
burning houses, stealing food, raping womenâ (Mentinis, 2006, 16). As a
result, violence and brutality defined the relationship between the
government and the Zapatistas. In their efforts to re-establish urgent
peace talks with the rebels and to restore confidence in the political
system, the Mexican Congress passed the âLey para el DiĂĄlogo, la
ConciliaciĂłn y la Paz Digna en Chiapasâ which created the congressional
mediating body COCOPA (Manaut et al., 2006).
In April 1995, the Zapatistas and the government reopened negotiations
with a view to achieving a peace agreement (Mentinis, 2006). These talks
took place in a new location in the region of San Andrés Larrainzar
between November 1995 and January 1996. These talks were described by
some as an âintense negotiationâ process (Manaut et al., 2006, 140).
There were six accords planned for debate with each accord representing
a different issue of concern for indigenous peoples (Manaut et al.,
2006). The first accord brought forward, centred on Indigenous Rights
and Culture, âan issue of enormous complicationsâ (Womack Jr., 1999,
304). However, the negotiations did not progress beyond the first set of
tabled discussions. Regardless of the fact that both sides signed an
initial agreement which in theory promised the Zapatistas autonomy, the
government refused to elevate the San Andrés Accords to
constitutional level and to instigate the necessary constitutional
changes to make the agreement binding. Politically, President Zedillo
was under increasing pressure from the acutely conservative quarters of
the ruling PRI. Zedillo was viewed as both too accommodating and too
conciliatory towards the needs of the indigenous community. The thought
of granting legal autonomy to the Zapatistas was abhorrent to the
political establishment. In light of this reaction, the Zedillo
administration reverted to policies aimed at confining and containing
the Zapatista movement (Manaut et al., 2006). Coincidently, it was
around this time that paramilitary groups began operating with impunity
throughout the state of Chiapas and it was clear to many observers that
the Mexican army âtolerated their presenceâ (Manaut et al., 2006, 143).
Moreover, it was at this stage during the conflict that the Acteal
massacre, a defining moment in Zapatista history, occurred. The Acteal
massacre, which took place on 22^(nd) December 1997, is considered one
of the worst atrocities to have occurred during the course of this
conflict. Reports suggested that between 45 and 46 indigenous people,
including 21 women and 15 children, were killed by the gunshots of
suspected paramilitaries (Ramierez, The Irish Times, 1997; Lacey, 2007).
Since then, the investigation has been marred by controversy with many
suggesting that the crime scene was tampered with in the hours
subsequent to the killings (Lacey, 2007). It is a case that remains
largely unsolved with many, including the Zapatistas, believing that
members of the paramilitary group involved had direct links to the PRI
(Lacey, 2007). It was described by a local witness as the âworst
bloodbathâ since the uprising in 1994 (Ramirez, The Irish Times, 1997).
This massacre left a lasting legacy of mistrust and permanently damaged
relations between the Zapatistas and the Zedillo administration. As a
result of the violence and mistrust between the opposing sides, it
quickly emerged that Zapatista autonomy would not become a reality.
After many years of disagreements and violence, the Mexican political
system was transformed with the election of Vicente Fox of the Partido
de AcciĂłn Nacional (PAN) in 2000. He was the first non-PRI candidate to
be elected president of Mexico in seventy years (Manaut et al., 2006).
With many concerned for the conflict in Chiapas, this new presidential
appointment brought hope for the ârenewal of the peace processâ (Manaut
et al., 2006, 144). Zapatista delegates made their way in a six thousand
kilometre cavalcade from Chiapas to Mexico D.F to ensure that the
conflict remained top of the presidential agenda. President Fox made
efforts to prove his credibility and commitment to resolving the
conflict by yielding to three key requests made by the Zapatista
movement. Fox agreed to release Zapatista prisoners from incarceration
and the president also made arrangements to decommission a number of
army checkpoints in Chiapas. He failed, however, to make progress on the
San Andrés Accords and to turn them into law. Congress consistently
refused to grant legal autonomy to the Zapatistas and despite members of
the indigenous high command speaking directly to the Chamber of
Deputies, the Senate would only pass a modified version of the original
agreement (Higgins, 2001). The issue rested on a point of law because
Congress wanted indigenous communities defined as âinstitutions of
public interest rather than public rightâ (Higgins, 2001, 899). In
short, under this modified law, indigenous communities would remain
under the jurisdiction of the State of Mexico. The State would continue,
in theory, to be responsible for the provision of important services
like healthcare and education and indigenous communities would remain
bound by the laws of Mexico. Once more, Zapatista autonomy was denied.
The Zapatistas, disillusioned, withdrew from further dialogue with the
State and renounced all ties to the government. At this stage in the
conflict, the rebels no longer viewed negotiations with the government
as a means of achieving their objective of autonomy from the Mexican
State. Instead, the Zapatistas âretreated into silenceâ (McCaughan, The
Irish Times, 2014) and began to âconstruct autonomy on their ownâ terms
(McCaughan, The Irish Times, 2014). As part of this process, the
Zapatista rebels began to develop their own model of healthcare and a
system of education, two community-centred services that would help
grow, strengthen and reinforce wider Zapatista autonomous development.
This thesis relies upon an extensive and carefully selected body of
secondary sources. These sources include a blend of journal articles and
academic books alongside many newspaper and internet articles. Much of
the scholarly work published to date analyses the Zapatista movement
through a variety of perspectives including, but not limited to,
anthropology, political science and sociology. There have also been a
number of documentaries and visual media reports, of varying length,
that successfully communicate the realities of Zapatista autonomy. It is
worth noting that many activists and spectators, who regularly travel to
Chiapas, write both small commentaries and substantial features based
upon their experiences of the movement and of the region. These
reflections provide important insights and perspectives on the Zapatista
movement, often detailing from day-to-day the activities of the rebels
and the workings of their politics and autonomous services such as
healthcare and education. In light of this, they are a valuable
complement to the academic literature. In this project, these sources
combine to provide a rich and diverse body of research which is explored
in this literature review.
First, this review will explore sources that study the Zapatista
movement from a historical perspective. This literature examines the
processes that lead to the formation of the Zapatista movement while
also detailing the efforts the current movement adopt to maintain strong
connections with its historical roots. In light of this, further
research centres on the current debate around whether the Zapatistas are
a new social movement engaged in new social practices or are they an
organisation that maintains strong ties to their past and renounce all
claims to modernity. Beyond this debate, this research focuses on the
Zapatista movementâs efforts to develop political and social
relationships with the wider population of Mexico and the international
community. It specifically examines the effectiveness of such
relationships for both sides. Finally, this review will explore research
that details the healthcare and education systems in the autonomous
region. Here, research is most concerned with understanding the effect
of both services on Zapatista communities.
Khasnabish (2010), Mentinis (2006), Stephen (2002) and Weinberg (2000)
are four key authors who deliver a thorough analysis of the long and
extensive history that slowly gave rise to the emergence of the
Zapatista movement. Khasnabish (2010) and Mentinis (2006) begin by
offering a historical analysis of the political milestones that gave
rise to the emergence of the Zapatista movement during the 1980s. In
both studies, the authors make reference to the 1968 Student Massacre,
providing commentary on the influence this historic event had on
creating the necessary political climate that helped form the Fuerzas de
LiberaciĂłn Nacional (FLN). It is common knowledge that the FLN, an urban
socialist movement, would later become a founding organisation of the
Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). However, Stephen
(2002) goes further back in history and is concerned with providing a
detailed description of the growth and development of the peasant
movement in Chiapas. Stephen is particularly interested in the social
and political mobilisation of these peasants as far back as the 1800s
around the contentious issues of peasant exploitation and land
reclamation. In addition, Weinberg (2000) presents a searching
historical analysis of indigenous peoples in Chiapas during the period
of colonial rule. In his account, Weinberg explores the violence and
brutality experienced by local indigenous people under that regime.
Together, all authors offer solid and meticulous accounts of key
historical events that played an important role in the evolution of the
Zapatista movement. All four historical readings complement each other
and significantly contribute to a greater understanding of the long
political and agrarian history of Chiapas. At this particular juncture
it is worth noting that the concept of revolutionary spirit is a concept
that links the narrative of all four historical texts identified thus
far. The indigenous are in possession of a revolutionary spirit that was
born of the injustices that have plagued these peasants for many
centuries.
Weinberg (2000) notes that the Mayas of the Selva Lacandona tirelessly
resisted the rule of the Spanish conquistadors by using dense jungle
overgrowth as a defence against the invaders (Weinberg, 2000, 17/18).
The author states that this revolt by the indigenous was met with bloody
attacks from their colonial suppressors, hinting clearly at their strong
resistance to colonial rule (Weinberg, 2000, 20). Stephen (2002) also
identifies this defiant spirit amongst the indigenous when writing of
the Indigenous Rebellion which took place between 1867 and 1869. It was
a rebellion that was sparked by the denial to the indigenous of their
rights to peacefully work the land and worship their saints âas they
themselves choseâ (Stephen, 2002, 94). Religion, for the best part, has
been identified as a catalyst for the development of such rebellious
spirit amongst indigenous peasants in Chiapas. For instance, Khasnabish
(2010) explicitly addresses this link by unveiling the scale of
indigenous anger and discontent expressed through religion (Khasnabish,
2010, 23). In recounting the fable of a young girl visited by the Virgin
Mary which was followed years later by the erection of a chapel in
homage to this apparition, Khasnabish identifies this as clear evidence
for the âspirit of indigenous rebellion and resistanceâ (Khasnabish,
2010, 23). Stephen accepts this link between rebellion and religion,
adding that the Indigenous Rebellion from 1867â1869 was fuelled by the
religious freedom of the peasants which was sustained by the Catholic
Church. (Stephen, 2002, 94). In a more recent analysis, Mentinis (2006)
also writes of a strong and indestructible rebellious spirit that was
demonstrated at the Tlatelolco massacre. Mentinis identifies this
pivotal event as a moment in history that reignited long-term anger and
deep seated tension across Mexico arising from the publicâs frustration
with an increasingly oppressive and authoritarian government. The spirit
of rebellion manifest in todayâs Zapatista movement is retraced in all
four historically inflected texts. However, Holloway and PelĂĄez (1998)
provide unrivalled insights by directly connecting the Zapatista
movement of today with revolutionaries of the past through the powerful
use of symbols.
The literature explored thus far is largely concerned with providing
overviews of the historical processes, detailing specific dates and
places of significance. Holloway and PelĂĄez (1998), on the other hand,
offer a different historical account, one which has not been explored in
previous historical treatments of the Zapatista movement. Holloway and
PelĂĄezâs study examines the importance of historical symbols and
identifies the significance of these symbols for the Zapatista movement.
Symbols of the kind described by the authors help invoke the notion of
âliving memoryâ (Holloway & PelĂĄez, 1998, 20), where the symbols revive
historical memories and develop associations between past and present
and between current and historical revolutionary conflicts. The authors
identify examples of the âhorseâ (Holloway & PelĂĄez, 1998, 20/21) being
used as a symbol of revolutionary heroism and an image that conjures up
strong connections with past rebels such as Emiliano Zapata and Pancho
Villa. By employing the use of such symbols in todayâs context, the
Zapatista movement is locating itself within its own complex historical
framework. Knowledge of this phenomenon facilitates a better
understanding of the struggle in the late twentieth century. These
symbols, the authors argue, work on a variety of levels provoking mental
images of the past while also igniting emotional connections with
history. By embracing historical symbols, the Zapatista rebels are
identifying with past revolutionaries, giving the current conflict an
important sense of relevance and continuity today.
The literature that is reviewed in this section, however, centres on the
predominant question of whether the Zapatistas represent a continuation
of historical struggles or whether they have emerged as a new and modern
social movement. Harvey (1998) was the first to pose this, asking if the
Zapatistas represent âa continuation of traditional forms of rural
protest, or [if they] break with earlier patterns and open up new
possibilities for political change?â (Harvey, 1998, 2). Del Sarto et al.
(2004) also recognise this anomaly. In light of this, they make
particular reference to the eloquent communiqués of the former
Subcomandante Marcos released through the medium of the modern internet
(Del Sarto et al., 2004, 562). Making sense of such irony, Del Sarto et
al. continue, identifying that the internet is paramount to the survival
of the Zapatista movement. Holloway and PelĂĄez (1998) support such
findings indicating that the use of modern technologies, specifically
the internet, is a key strategy successfully employed by the Zapatistas
to widely disseminate their political message. The authors view the
internet as a medium that gives power to the poor and undermines the
authority of the political elite (Holloway & PelĂĄez, 1998, 89). Burbach
(2001) agrees, asserting that the internet is a space in which power
lies with the masses and this wide distribution of power discourages the
development of monopolies and hegemonies. This all suggests that the
rebelsâ engagement with modern technologies, especially the internet, is
important to the success of the movement. In line with this, Rovira
(2000) provides evidence which suggests the concern surrounding
adherence to traditional norms. Rovira specifically addresses women in
her study and their unique ârevolution of traditionâ (Rovira, 2000, 76).
The author writes that indigenous women have distanced themselves from
certain traditions and customs within their communities in light of the
sexism and violence which they have experienced. As the wider Zapatista
revolution created space for new political opportunities, so the
movement created space for new gender relations to emerge. Zapatista
women sought greater social equality in their desire to separate
themselves from the brutal customs and traditions of the past. This is
embodied in the drafting of the Revolutionary Law authored by indigenous
women and referenced by Rovira. This law is arguably a symbol of a
social movement acknowledging the damage of hostile indigenous
traditions while creating an improved gender balance within the
movement. In her treatment of this debate, Rovira highlights the
positive effects that are associated with an organisation that is
willing to address the legacies of history and tradition. According to
Holloway and PelĂĄez (1998), women now account for around 30% of the
total number of armed guerrillas in the EZLN. In light of this, Rovira
(2000) boldly claims that there is nothing traditional about the
Zapatistas since one third of the EZLN insurgents are now women.
Bellinghausen (2009, marzo 7^(th)) agrees with the premise of Roviraâs
argument, illustrating the ban on alcohol as an example. Alcohol,
central to the lives of the indigenous people, was presented as a staple
at many traditional celebrations and festivals. Bellinghausen asserts
that a ban on alcohol, both its manufacture and consumption, has drawn a
clear line between the past and the present. This arbitrary policy has
created a climate of âmenos violenciaâ (Bellinghausen, 2009, marzo
7^(th)) across the Zapatista-held territory, something that Zapatista
women agree is positive. Rovira (2000) and Bellinghausen (2009, marzo
7^(th)) are, therefore, in agreement that disassociating from
traditional norms has brought about positive gains for the communities
and their inhabitants. However, Del Sarto et al. (2004) partly disagree
with this conclusion, stating that the Zapatistasâ continued existence
depends upon a unique blend of the traditional (communiqués) with the
modern (internet) (Del Sarto., 2004, 563).
The juxtaposition between tradition and modernity is further discussed
by Cuevas (2007) in the authorâs analysis of Zapatista autonomous
healthcare. Cuevas adopts a negative view of the autonomous healthcare
system because the author argues that it is breaking with its
traditional values in favour of a more modern approach to healthcare.
Cuevas describes Zapatista healthcare as a system that âhas come closer
to Western medical practiceâ than ever before (Cuevas, 2007, 14). The
author argues that the rebels have failed to develop a model of
healthcare based on existing indigenous traditional medicine and that
this path of development will put at risk their healthcare system in the
future. Cuevas writes that, despite the advancements achieved by
autonomous healthcare, many Zapatista women still prefer the care of the
local, community midwife. In Zapatista communities midwives âstill act
as lead actorsâ (Cuevas, 2007, 13), even given the availability of
knowledgeable medical personnel. It is clear that Zapatista women still
value local midwives and place trust in their traditional knowledge and
wealth of experience. In this instance, it is clear that the benefits of
maintaining ties to longstanding traditions in indigenous healthcare far
outweigh the advantages associated with an increasingly modern,
autonomous healthcare system. Analysing the Zapatista autonomous
education system, Reinke (2004) agrees with the fundamental argument put
forward by Cuevas (2007). The Zapatistasâ historic resistance to
neo-liberalism affords the rebels a unique opportunity âto accentuate
their local traditions and practicesâ (Reinke, 2004, 493). In their
analyses, Cuevas (2007) and Reinke (2004) highlight the importance of
maintaining close ties to indigenous traditional values and how this can
support the development of the Zapatista movement overall.
Despite the body of research that attempts to determine whether the
Zapatistas are a traditional social movement or a rebel group adopting
new and modern practices, the original question presented by Harvey
(1998) at the outset of this review still remains largely unanswered;
Does the Zapatista movement represent a continuation of historical and
traditional norms or are the rebels something new? Without doubt, the
political, social and agrarian history of Chiapas has shaped a large
part of the identity the Zapatistas claim today. The rebels speak
proudly of their ancestral struggles against colonial powers.
Nevertheless, scholars are most convincing when arguing the need for the
Zapatista movement to embrace the modern age. In order for the
indigenous population as an ethnic minority to be liberated, indigenous
women must first be treated as valued and equal members of the wider
Zapatista community, a point strongly argued by Rovira (2000). According
to both Rovira (2000) and Bellinghausen (2009, marzo 7^(th)), achieving
gender equality within a traditionally patriarchal community involves
clear distinctions being drawn between the past and the present. Without
fresh calls for modernisation and for something to be put in place to
that effect, such as the internet, the Zapatistas would remain a purely
local movement engaged in a local struggle.
Political science has proved popular as a perspective from which to
study and analyse the Zapatista movement. Research that is politically
inflected examines the Zapatista movement on both a national and
international scale, assessing the political impact of this social
movement in both arenas. Moreover, research in this area also helps to
gauge whether their political impact is positively or negatively
received by the national and international community alike. It is clear
that the Zapatista movement has had a significant impact on Mexicoâs
political system. The consensus amongst scholars conducting research in
this area suggests that the Zapatista movement opened up a new and more
democratic space in Mexico which dramatically changed the political
landscape of the country. Burbach (2001) agrees with this sentiment,
implying that the Zapatistas âopened up a space for new kinds of
dialogue in Mexicoâ (Burbach, 2001, 131). Scholars agree that two key
milestones in Mexicoâs political narrative are directly linked to the
political impact of the rebels on Mexican politics.
Firstly, there were the internal struggles between members of the ruling
Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) throughout the late nineties.
These struggles emerged out of disagreements between party members about
how the party should best manage the political crisis provoked by the
Zapatistas. Secondly, in the year 2000, Mexico witnessed the election of
the first non-PRI president in seventy years. The election of Vicente
Fox of the Partido de AcciĂłn Nacional (PAN) was the first clear sign of
the diminishing authority of the PRI. Manaut et al. (2006) agree
specifically with this second point, stating that President Foxâs
explicit commitment to enact the San Andrés Accords in law upon his
appointment as president âwere optimistic timesâ (Manaut et al., 2006,
144) for Chiapas and for Mexico. Higgins (2001) also shares in this
sentiment noting that, from the perspective of the Zapatistas, President
Fox âbegan his term with a credibility rating of zeroâ (Higgins, 2001,
895)
Barmeyer (2003), assesses the impact of the Zapatista movement within a
local community setting. The author gives praise to the rebels for the
improvements their presence had on remote communities. In addition to
this, Barmeyer writes that Zapatista grassroots supporters have defined
the positive benefits brought about by the Zapatista rebels in their
communities as a ârevolutionâ in itself (Barmeyer, 2003, 126). He also
notes that the many communities the Zapatistas protect are an important
and steady source of soldiers and finance for the movement (Barmeyer,
2003, 127). Barmeyerâs study clearly hints at the mutual dependency of
the Zapatista guerrillas and the communities. In light of this, however,
Barmeyer identifies that this reliance by EZLN guerrilla fighters on
small and remote Zapatista communities has created an emerging problem.
Barmeyer suggests that the EZLN places a heavy burden on the already
resource-depleted indigenous communities (Barmeyer, 2003, 128).
Indigenous communities make significant sacrifices in order to be
recognized as members of the Zapatista movement. As a result, many young
indigenous men and women from small and remote communities are attracted
to train and fight with the EZLN because of the prestige and esteem
associated with the role. In turn, small and remote hamlets are drained
of their youth, leaving many community elders to attend to the
agricultural chores of the village, tasks which help to financially
support the rebels and the community inhabitants alike. As Barmeyer
asserts, such demands are very difficult for small Zapatista communities
to meet and this raises the question of whether such necessary
sacrifices damage the image of the Zapatistas on a national scale.
MartĂnez-Espinoza (2008) provides a potential answer to this dilemma.
Generally, the author commends the style and form of democracy exercised
by the Zapatistas. The author praises the durability of their unique
style of politics in the face of the hostility of paramilitary groups in
the region. MartĂnez-Espinoza however, does offer certain criticisms of
the Zapatistasâ political practices. As a result of the continual
development of their political, social and cultural autonomy,
MartĂnez-Espinoza is concerned that the Zapatistas may risk becoming an
isolated social movement, losing relevance and appeal in the eyes of the
wider Mexican public (MartĂnez-Espinoza, 2008, 177). It is a valid
concern which is shared by Preston and Dillon (2004). Preston and Dillon
offer their unique perspective on this argument, boldly stating that the
Zapatista movement seems âmore like a political cult than a civil rights
movement with national aspirationsâ (Preston & Dillon, 2004, 455). The
authors justify this claim by highlighting the vow of silence that was
often imposed upon Zapatista grassroots supporters by the EZLN
high-command as a defence against the aggressive political tactics
applied by President Zedillo (Preston & Dillon, 2004, 455/456). On the
one hand, the Zapatista movement may simply draw strength from closing
off its borders to the media and to Mexicoâs political establishment,
avoiding any unnecessary confrontation with either force. On the other
hand, this vow of silence may simply be evidence of the sinister and
malignant workings of Zapatista politics. While MartĂnez-Espinoza (2008)
and Preston and Dillon (2004) do not definitively prove whether or not
this is the case, Womack Jr. (1999) does not shrink from highlighting
the very clear and distinctive failings on the part of the Zapatistas in
their efforts to forge a relationship with âCivil Societyâ.
Womack Jr. (1999) details the Zapatistaâs failure to effectively build a
functioning mutual relationship with the civilian population of Mexico.
For instance, Womack Jr. makes specific reference to the underwhelming
success of the Frente Zapatista de LiberaciĂłn Nacional (FZLN). Here the
author argues that the FZLN failed to unleash all the necessary âsocial
energy to build new human relationsâ (Womack Jr., 1999, 339). In other
words, the FZLN was originally designed to serve as the political wing
of the Zapatista movement and although well structured, fell short when
it came to bringing about adequate results. Womack Jr. also illustrates
the shortcomings that bedevil the Movement for National Liberation,
another key strategic grouping organised by the Zapatistas to secure
vital links with wider Mexican society. Womack Jr. boldly states that
the Movement for National Liberation âproved a political disaster for
the Zapatistasâ (Womack Jr., 1999, 290). It is also widely understood
that the National Democratic Convention (CND), a large gathering of
activists of the political Left, was relatively unsuccessful and limited
in its potential. However, in strong opposition to Womack Jr., Kampwirth
(1996) and Stephen (1995) agree that the establishment of the CND was a
successful strategy and both authors insist on the accomplishments of
this convention. Kampwirth suggests that one important legacy of the
convention was that the political Left became more organised as a result
and that the âMexican political opposition was unifiedâ (Kampwirth,
1996, 263). Stephen, too, agrees with this assessment, recognising that
the CND was successful in organising political opposition âon a national
levelâ (Stephen, 1995, 88). However, even in the face of such arguments,
Womack Jr. remains unconvinced. Instead, the author maintains that the
Zapatistas failed to appropriately and adequately establish a mutually
beneficial relationship with the people of Mexico and that such failings
did little to help popularise their political message nationally. Semo
and Pardo (2006) provide, perhaps, what could be described as a logical
explanation for such failures by the Zapatistas.
Semo and Pardo (2006) argue that, because the former Subcomandante
Marcos often refuses to support mainstream politicians of the Mexican
Left such as the 2006 presidential candidate LĂłpez-Obrador, he risks
fracturing and dividing the political Left in Mexico.[1] In short, they
argue that Marcos is inflicting significant damage on the political
Left, causing confusion amongst many of its Left supporters. Semo and
Pardo note that it has become increasingly difficult, in the face of
division and fractured loyalties, for other social movements, political
parties and supporters of the political Left to form meaningful, stable
political alliances (Semo & Pardo, 2006, 87). Marcos has been steadfast
in his refusal to endorse parliamentary parties of the political Left
including the Partido de la RevoluciĂłn DemocrĂĄtica (PRD) and the
candidates whom they put forward for election. As a result, the
Zapatistas risk losing wider national support, resulting, in turn, in
their increasing political isolation. This political isolation,
according to these scholars, only damages their prospects of
successfully developing a relationship with a national audience in
Mexico. If this turns out to be the case, it is likely to lend
increasing credibility to Preston and Dillonâs (2004) description of the
Zapatistas as cult-like. According to Semo and Pardo (2006), the
approach used by Marcos, whereby he condemns the policies and actions of
the mainstream political Left, does not âcontribute to the construction
of alliancesâ (Semo & Pardo, 2006, 87). As a result of such actions, it
would appear that the Zapatistasâ allies, made in order to further their
political cause, are in fact the most disillusioned and distant of all
Leftwing supporters. However, the recent retirement of Subcomandante
Marcos challenges and, to some extent, undermines the conclusion reached
by Semo and Pardo. With Marcos âretiredâ (Speri, 2014), the threat to
the cohesion and unity of the political and social Left in Mexico has
largely been removed. With that said, however, the long-term political
repercussions of Marcosâ retirement, announced in early 2014, is yet to
be fully realised. As Speri (2014) comments, in recent years the
Zapatistas have been growing increasingly frustrated with the volume of
attention and publicity devoted to Marcos. The Zapatistas have argued
that the focus on Marcos has diverted much needed attention away from
the activities of the Zapatistas. As Oikonomakis (2014) states, the
persona of Marcos became inflated to such a point âthe movement became
Marcos and Marcos became the movementâ and clear distinctions could no
longer be made between the two (Oikonomakis, 2014). For that reason, the
Zapatista movement declared that Marcos was âno longer necessaryâ
(Speri, 2014).
Despite this, Semo and Pardoâs argument deepens and they begin to
challenge the whole Zapatista political project by emphasising that
âalthough the electoral system has its limits, it is nonetheless
possible to begin to construct alternatives to the neo-liberal projectâ
(Semo & Pardo, 2006, 89). In other words, they argue that political,
social and economic alternatives to the current, neo-liberal system can
be constructed from within the system itself, undermining the entire
premise of the Zapatista struggle. According to Semo and Pardo, the
political establishment is capable of bringing into play new and
alternative perspectives in politics and economics, as is the Zapatista
movement. Semo and Pardo hint that this, too, limits the Zapatistasâ
prospects of building political support in Mexico because, if
alternatives can be created and constructed from within the
conventional, parliamentary Left, then what role do the they serve?
Fernandes (2006), on the other hand, rejects the conclusion reached by
Semo and Pardo (2006). He provides a reasoned account of why the
Zapatista movement chooses to remain distant and unsupportive of the
Mexican Left. For Fernandes, Left politicians and their political
parties have been known to âpromote a developmentalist agendaâ
(Fernandes, 2006, 3345) which often takes the form of capitalist
development coupled with widespread exploitation. Naturally, the
Zapatistas are distrustful of such plans. As Fernandes writes, many
social movements â the Zapatistas among them â are sceptical of the
government and its agenda, including any support that is offered by the
State. As a result, social movements like the Zapatistas, promote
regional autonomy. Fundamentally, Fernandesâ argument that âthe only way
forward is [for] people [to organise] from below in defence of their
interestsâ, adds up to a strong justification for the Zapatista project
(Fernandes, 2006, 3344). Many of the conclusions noted here so far
suggest that the Zapatista movement has had little success in developing
meaningful and politically potent alliances with the Mexican electorate.
Womack Jr. (1999) is steadfast in his assertion that the Zapatista
rebels dramatically underestimated the national electorateâs willingness
to adopt the political and social ideals of the Zapatista movement.
Other authors, including Fernandes (2006), simply provide justifications
for such failings. It is clear however, that although the Mexican
electorate supported the Zapatista movement it would not embrace the
struggle as the movement had hoped. Regardless of its limited success in
forging a socially and politically productive relationship in the
national arena, further studies indicate the Zapatista movement made
progress in forming alliances with the wider international community.
Olesen (2004) provides an analysis of the distinctive relationship
forged between the Zapatistas and the international community and, in
the process, attempts to define and categorise it. The author is aware
that this relationship is considerably different from the traditional
Global North-Global South relationships constructed by wealthy countries
on the basis of charity. For Olesen, such transnational relationships
denote âmore of a one-way characterâ (Olesen, 2004, 255). In other
words, wealthy countries establish aid links with poor and developing
countries with the aim of providing a variety of supports including
financial aid and other basic supplies. Instead, in the authorâs
attempts to differentiate the solidarity relationships forged by the
Zapatistas, Olesen argues that in order for these relationships to be
successful for both parties involved, the Zapatista rebels cannot and
should not be viewed as âan object of solidarityâ (Olesen, 2004, 260).
Olesen argues that activists who arrive in the Zapatista-held region do
so not âas teachers, but as a studentsâ (Olesen, 2004, 260). Nail (2013)
also attests to the success of the Zapatista movement in disseminating
itâs political message on a global scale. Nail, in arguing against media
claims that the Occupy Movement emerged without a clear foundation,
argues that the Zapatistas were an âindirect force of inspirationâ for
such a global phenomenon (Nail, 2013, 21). Nail adds that the Occupy
Movement, whose most famous manifestation was Occupy Wall Street, used
three key strategies originally employed by the Zapatistas. These
strategies included horizontalism, consensus decision-making and the
political use of masks. Starr et al. (2011) discuss a possible
understanding of how such solidarity relationships are established and
more specifically, identify the strategy employed by the Zapatistas in
pursuit of such a cause. Starr et al. highlight the importance of
âlisteningâ as a strategy and emphasise this by describing the former
Subcomandante Marcosâ efforts in travelling widely âmodelling the way to
listen to the voices in the communityâ (Starr et al., 2011, 107). In
line with Starr et al., Holloway and PelĂĄez (1998) add that the
Zapatistas are only concerned with linking echoes together, not creating
them. In light of this, Swords (2007) emphasises the importance of
education in building solidarity networks, noting that the EZLN is
âtransforming politics through networked learningâ (Swords, 2007, 89).
This study shows that individual organisations have learned from the
political and social practices adopted by the Zapatista movement. These
independent organisations include a coffee initiative, an indigenous
womenâs collective and Alianza CĂvica, a pro-democracy organisation.
According to Swords, members of all three organisations attended
workshops where they learned to incorporate certain values espoused by
the movement. In other words, through the process of education, these
organisations learned new skills. In the authorâs conclusion, Swords
demonstrates that the womenâs collective now places greater value on the
opinions of women, while through their engagement with the coffee
initiative, farmers have developed a greater confidence to challenge
authority. In light of the findings of Swords, Molina (2013) writes that
education and international solidarity were consolidated as a result of
the Zapatistasâ âLa Escuelitaâ or Little School, an initiative that
attracted around 1,700 activists to Chiapas to learn more about
Zapatista autonomy. The activists or students, as the Zapatistas
preferred to call them, lived amongst communities in host families
(known locally as votanes), attending lessons and learning about all
aspects of Zapatista autonomy (Molina, 2013). Upon reflection, it is
clear that the conclusions reached by Swords (2007) and Molina (2013)
are closely linked to the findings presented by Nail (2013) which
suggest that the Zapatista movement is a source of inspiration for
international organisations and social movements alike.
Returning to Olesen (2004), the author does offer some criticism of
international solidarity that is worthy of attention. The author
questions the limitations that diverse cultural differences from
âradically different lifeworldsâ (Olesen, 2004, 264) impose upon the
formation of international solidarity alliances. This is a genuine and
real concern also raised by the Irish author and activist Ryan (2011).
When writing about working on the water projects, Ryan focuses on the
issue of âreciprocityâ (Ryan, 2011, 189) in the solidarity
relationship.[2] Based on his experiences of engaging with the local
indigenous, Ryan is aware there is a small yet significant divide
between activist and Zapatista. According to Ryan, solidarity is defined
as being âin the same struggle, togetherâ (Ryan, 2011, 176). However,
the author concludes abruptly indicating that âwe [Zapatista and
activist] are not in the same struggle, we are differentâ (Ryan, 2011,
176). Sorkin (2012), writing about the Occupy Wall Street movement,
claims that this protest had no legal or regulatory impact, thereby
calling into question the conclusion reached by Nails (2013). This
suggests that Zapatista strategies such as horizontalism, consensus
decision-making and the use of masks are politically less effective as
forces for change in the wider global context than was originally
proclaimed. However, in an interview with the former Subcomandante
Marcos, De Huerta and Higgins (1999) believe that the international
activists arrive in Chiapas to engage with the movement as âa forum of
seeing their own personal struggle reflectedâ (De Huerta & Higgins,
1999, 275). Moreover, it could be said that international activists and
the indigenous people help to develop and clarify the political and
social perspectives that each brings to bear on the other (De Huerta &
Higgins, 1999, 275). It is apparent, according to De Huerta and Higgins,
that Marcos wishes to emphasise the mutuality within international
solidarity by indicating how shared problems and common experiences can
unite distant peoples and cultures. This perspective on solidarity
challenges the cautionary pessimism that surrounds the concerns raised
by both Ryan (2011) and Olesen (2004).
Healthcare and education are important to the Zapatistas and the
movement places great value on these two services. Much of the
literature that studies autonomous healthcare emphasises the importance
of this service to the Zapatista communities. The Edinburgh Chiapas
Solidarity Group (2010) indicates that all important healthcare services
are deeply embedded in the fabric of Zapatista communities. The authors
continue stating that the health promoter, who is selected from amongst
the community inhabitants, operates out of the local community-based
health house. In Wilsonâs (2008) analysis of Zapatista healthcare, she
emphasises the importance of the health promoter in the structure of the
rebelsâ healthcare system, highlighting that the position greatly
improves the accessibility of healthcare for all communities. Villarreal
(2007) agrees with the need to locate healthcare within the structural
framework of Zapatista communities. The author notes that, in the past,
many indigenous ancestors died while trying to reach medical personnel
from their remote communities in Chiapas. Capps (2013) describes the
Zapatista healthcare system today as a mixture of âsimple clinics run by
health promoters and a few more sophisticated clinics and hospitalsâ
that surround the region (Capps, 2013). In response to this,
Bellinghausen (2009, febrero 26^(th)) writes optimistically of the
Zapatista healthcare system, particularly referencing its ability to
medically attend to the needs of all those who require medical
treatment. Bellinghausen concludes that the Zapatista movement built
their healthcare system on the principles that it can and will medically
attend to all who request treatment âaunque no sean Zapatistasâ
(Bellinghausen, 2009, febrero 26^(th)). Alvarez (2007) agrees with
Bellinghausenâs assertions, indicating that the Zapatista movement
defines healthcare as a basic human right and, therefore, desires to
extend that right to all, regardless of their degree of commitment to
the movement.
Zebechi (2013) describes the Zapatista education system as âselecting
the best seeds [and] scattering them on fertile groundâ. The author uses
this metaphor to explore the notion that Zapatista education encourages
students to reach their potential. Barmeyer (2008) also agrees with this
analysis, indicating that this approach to education boosts the morale
of local communities. However Howardâs (2007) disapproval of State
education indirectly endorses Zapatista autonomous education. Here the
author boldly claims that federal education is destined to âdestroyâŠ
Mother Earth and all of humanityâ (Howard, 2007) and that government
education only aims to serve the âinterests of those in powerâ (Howard,
2007). In light of this, Baronnet (2008) alludes to the fact that
Zapatista education is emancipatory in nature resulting in the
empowerment of children. The author further states that this approach to
education is deeply rooted in the community because many of the subjects
taught are based on a revival of indigenous culture and tradition and
therefore derive from âethnic lore and collective memoryâ (Baronnet,
2008, 117).
Much of the research that relates to healthcare and education focuses on
the effects of both autonomous services within the confines of
communities. As previously outlined, this thesis is concerned with
arguing that healthcare and education are community-centred services
that are constructed by community inhabitants to directly reflect the
needs of each community. It is on this basis that this study will
further argue that healthcare and education support the wider
development of Zapatista autonomy. In order to fulfil this aim, this
thesis will be divided into two distinct chapters. Chapter One will
provide an analysis of Zapatista autonomous healthcare. Chapter Two will
examine Zapatista autonomous education. Both chapters will explore the
individual structures of each system while also outlining the effects of
international solidarity and other external forces on the delivery of
the services. It will also be crucial to assess the impact of such
community-based approaches to healthcare and education on the
communities they aim to serve. All of these efforts, together, will
establish the importance healthcare and education serve in the wider
development of Zapatista autonomy.
Zapatista autonomous healthcare is a remarkable system of medical care
conceived by the Zapatistas and developed by the remote and isolated
communities of Chiapas. This chapter offers a thorough analysis of the
autonomous healthcare system, first, by exploring the historical
relationship between the indigenous people of Chiapas and State
healthcare. Examining the nature of this relationship will help the
reader understand the motivation behind the development of autonomous
healthcare. Second, this chapter will highlight the importance of this
community-based healthcare system within the wider project of Zapatista
autonomy. In doing so, this thesis will argue the significance of
certain unique features that define the role of this healthcare system
in the community and in the larger context of Zapatista autonomy. In
light of this, attention will focus on the structure of this healthcare
system, highlighting how it operates within the individual communities
it serves. Careful and extensive consideration will be given to the role
of the health promoter, a position of great value and purpose in the
dynamics of Zapatista healthcare. There will be a brief discussion on
the contributions both national and international solidarity play in
supporting the independence of healthcare in Zapatista communities.
Finally, this chapter will outline the achievements of Zapatista
healthcare before detailing challenges which, if overlooked, would
undermine its successes.
The Zapatista movement came into being as a result of the neglect of the
basic human rights of the indigenous people of Chiapas by the Mexican
government. Among the twelve demands outlined in their first communiqué,
the Zapatistas articulated their urgent need for healthcare. In short,
the Zapatistas wanted better access to and improved quality in the
healthcare services of Chiapas. Moreover, they stressed the need for a
healthcare system that reflected the cultural diversity of the
significant indigenous population in Chiapas. Quoting from an interview
with former Subcomandante Marcos, de Huerta and Higgins assert that
âthere is no average or ordinary Mexicanâ, thus underlining the enormous
diversity of needs that public services in Mexico, including that of
healthcare, must adapt and respond to (de Huerta and Higgins, 1999,
272). In Chiapas alone, there are many different ethnic groups
including, but not limited to, Tzeltals, Tzotzils, Châols, Tojolabals,
Mam and Zoques (Rovira, 2000). In addition to this, each ethnicity
maintains a unique set of traditions and customs as part of their
culture (Rovira, 2000). Chiapas was, and remains one of the poorest
states in Mexico and as the statistics in this chapter will demonstrate,
there is a strong correlation between poor health and poverty in the
state.
The population of Chiapas is approaching four million people. The
indigenous populace accounts for an estimated 30% of this figure
(Cuevas, 2007). Chiapas, therefore, claims the largest indigenous
population in Mexico. This shows that the indigenous are a minority in
the state. They suffer the burdens of extreme poverty and neglect as a
consequence. Poverty, measured by dollar-a-day estimates, is understood
to affect 56% of the entire Chiapas population, a figure recorded at the
beginning of the Zapatista insurrection in 1994 (Arsenault, 2011). Since
then, Martinez Veloz (2012) has shown that the national average for
poverty across Mexico stands at 46. 2%. However, in relation to the
national indigenous population in the country, 79.3% are believed to
live in destitution (Martinez Veloz, 2012). In addition to these
figures, 80.3% of indigenous live below the poverty line, 83.5% have no
access to social security, around half of the national indigenous
population have no access to basic social services and 40.5% do not have
enough to eat (Martinez Veloz, 2012). More recently published studies
support the findings that poor health stems from poverty.
75% of the indigenous community, according to Rovira (2000), are
malnourished. This clearly highlights the enormous levels of poverty
within the region. 20% of children born into the indigenous community
are expected to die before the age of five years (Arsenault, 2011, the
Occupied Times, 2012). Meanwhile, 70% of all infants born into
indigenous communities suffer from the effects of starvation and 20% of
children will die as a result (Thompson, Date N/A, the Melbourne
Globalist). A significant number of the diseases and infections present
in indigenous communities include gastro-intestinal infections, skin
problems, parasites, malaria, tuberculosis and other respiratory
viruses. Moreover, each of these illnesses has been linked to extreme
poverty, lack of clean water and exposed sewage (Edinburgh Chiapas
Solidarity Group, 2010). Many of these infections are curable but only
when exposed to correct and adequate levels of satisfactory healthcare.
The life expectancy of many in Chiapas does not exceed the average of 44
years (Rovira, 2000; Holloway & PelĂĄez, 1998). This figure is in stark
contrast to the higher, national average of 77 years (Holloway and
PelĂĄez, 1998). The disparity between both medians presents compelling
evidence to suggest that large numbers of the indigenous population in
Chiapas are needlessly dying from preventable and curable diseases
(Rovira, 2000; Holloway and PelĂĄez, 1998). Evidently, Chiapas is devoid
of adequate healthcare for its diverse population of indigenous ethnic
minorities and the Mexican government has consistently failed to provide
such necessary standards of healthcare service. There are two clear
reasons for such persistent failings on the part of the government.
Thompson (Date N/A, The Melbourne Globalist) asserts that Chiapas is an
ineffective provider of healthcare services and bases her conclusions on
poor patient-doctor ratios in the state. In Chiapas there are only 2,229
hospital beds available and this translates to a ratio of only one bed
per 1,759 members of the entire Chiapan population (Cuevas, 2007).
Effectively, the indigenous people of Chiapas do not have access to
healthcare services within the state and therefore suffer the health
consequences. The indigenous, who mostly live in remote, isolated and
inaccessible locations throughout Chiapas, suffer disproportionately as
a result of unevenly distributed healthcare. Many indigenous occupy
small, rural settlements located in the highland and jungle regions to
the east of the state. In contrast, Cuevas (2007) notes that â45% of
units [beds] are concentrated in regions such as the centre and the
coast [of Chiapas]â. This makes it virtually impossible for many
indigenous to avail of State healthcare services. The reality for many
in Chiapas is that State healthcare facilities are concentrated to the
west of Chiapas while the majority of the indigenous population remain
resident in far corners to the east. Fundamentally, without an even
distribution of healthcare services the âChiapas people [will] coexist
with deathâ (Wild, 1998).
State healthcare services, under the control of the Mexican government,
have been considerably influenced by a neo-liberal policy agenda.
Undoubtedly, this has impacted significantly on how federal healthcare
attends to the needs of the indigenous population or, more accurately,
how it does not. As wealth has increased throughout Mexico, the
healthcare afforded by the State and private enterprise has reflected
this change. As the country began to witness the growth in affluence
amongst certain sectors of society, national healthcare began to reflect
and accommodate such change (Cuevas, 2007). Those in employment were
viewed favourably by the State while those unemployed and unable to seek
work, including the indigenous population, remained on the margins of
State interest (Cuevas, 2007). Many who could afford medical care opted
for private cover while the indigenous were left to endure the limited
offerings of federal healthcare. Like some other western healthcare
systems, the Mexican health service became two-tiered as the flow of
capital began to dictate the quality of care provided. The government
demonstrated a total disregard for its responsibilities toward its
citizens by delaying the implementation of a national healthcare service
until as late as 1984. The government consistently failed to act on
Article 4 of the Revolutionary Constitution of 1917 (Cuevas, 2007). Even
in their acknowledgement of this legal duty, federal health services
were developing in line with neo-liberal economic policies. Within the
frameworks of neo-liberal economic growth there is little consideration
of those on the margins, especially indigenous minorities. The needs of
the indigenous, in terms of healthcare provisions, were ignored by wider
Mexican politics. It must be remembered that the indigenous population
of Chiapas are such a marginalised and neglected cohort of people that
âthey could not even walk on San Cristobal side-walksâ never mind
receive adequate and appropriate healthcare from the State (Kriel,
2014).
This neglect of the provision of adequate healthcare services in Chiapas
became one of the major issues that provoked the Zapatista movement into
vocalising its concerns. It was an assortment of long-term political and
social frustrations coupled with a strong desire to improve their basic
human rights which led the Zapatistas to pursue their own vision for
their future. This vision quickly drew the Zapatista community together
to begin the construction of a healthcare system centred on their
individual needs, customs and culture. Autonomous healthcare was born
and the concept rapidly became popular amongst all Zapatista
communities.
The architecture of the autonomous healthcare system is intrinsically
linked to the political and social structure of the Zapatista movement.
In acquiring an understanding of the strategies and processes that
underscore the autonomous healthcare system, it is first important to
explore the political framework from which this healthcare system is
constructed. The Zapatista rebels, as a result of failed peace talks
with the government, restructured their organisation in 2003. This
exercise resulted in significant changes in the civilian branch of the
movement, leaving its guerrilla wing largely untouched. It was nothing
more than a strategic action designed to improve the Zapatistasâ defence
against the ongoing harassment and attacks from pro-government
paramilitary groups (MartĂnez-Espinoza, 2008). Prior to 2003, all
political, military and social policies of the movement were the
responsibility of the former military-political committee of the rebel
organisation. In short, this senior branch had obligations to all
dimensions of the rebel movement in a range of areas from military
strategy right through to civic policy. It comprised the Comité
Clandestino Revolucionario IndĂgena (CCRI) and the EjĂ©rcito Zapatista de
LiberaciĂłn Nacional (EZLN). With the changes in 2003, a new civic
structure emerged that replaced the old structure to provide fresh
oversight of all the organisationâs social policies, including
healthcare strategy. With civil policy under the control of a new branch
of the organisation, both political and military tactics and strategy
remain separate and are the responsibility of the traditional,
long-standing and respected CCRI. The CCRI no longer maintains authority
over social policy but continues to guide the EZLN in times of combat.
The CCRI frequently liaises with the Zapatista community support base in
times of political and military decision-making to ensure a consensus is
reached and in order to make an informed political or military decision
on behalf of the communities. Thus, for the Zapatistas, a clear
distinction was made between the administration of social policy and the
management of political and military strategy. The emergence of this new
and restructured Zapatista movement sent a firm message to a hostile
government indicating that the rebels intended to remain strong and
defiant in the face of increasing animosity as they committed to
building their autonomy. As part of this steadfast commitment to
autonomy, the Zapatistas promised the full development of a healthcare
system within this new civic framework, responsive to the diverse needs
of indigenous communities in Chiapas.
The civilian branch of the Zapatista movement is organised and divided
into three distinct levels. At the lowest level of the organisation are
1,111 pro-Zapatista communities of various sizes. These grassroots
communities are divided into between 29 and 38 municipalities which then
operate under one of five Caracoles. A Caracol is the most senior level
in the civilian structure of the rebel movement. When describing the
structure of the Zapatista movement, it is worth explaining the term
Caracol. The Zapatistas define the Caracol in both practical and
symbolic terms. With regard to its practical application, the Caracol is
simply a means of arranging municipalities and their base-level
communities into manageable divisions for administrative purposes.
Symbolically, however, its meaning is profound. Translated from Spanish,
Caracol means âsnailâ, an analogy that defines the slow and steady pace
of autonomous development unfolding within the movement (Ross, 2005,
39). Moreover, it symbolises the human heart in the Maya tradition and,
as Kozart illustrates, is most obviously considered âthe central organ
of Zapatista lifeâ (Kozart, 2007).
Each Caracol has a Junta de Buen Gobierno (JBG) or body of
representatives responsible for the oversight of healthcare and other
social policies within the Caracol. With five Caracoles currently
established there are, as a result, five corresponding JBGs. Bricker
(2013) argues that the Juntas de Buen Gobierno serve two primary
functions. They co-ordinate and promote important tasks within the local
region and they strictly enforce laws approved by the communities. The
five currently existing Caracoles are La Realidad, La Garrucha, Morelia,
Roberto Barrios and Oventic (Sethness Castro, 2014). Beneath this senior
level of civilian government, the Zapatistas have created smaller,
municipal juntas or micro-councils diffused throughout the
autonomous-held territory. Municipalities are named after illustrious
Mexican revolutionaries including the likes of Pancho Villa and Emiliano
Zapata (Sethness Castro, 2014). Each municipality, of which there are
between 29 and 38 currently in operation, are responsible for the
oversight of social policies within the small, individual communities
under its authority.
The community lies at the heart of Zapatista healthcare. Each Zapatista
community has a healthcare committee that is responsible for the
management of healthcare services in the community. All communities are
mandatorily required to elect a local health assembly to provide
necessary and adequate oversight of community medical services (Cuevas,
2007). Each committee is granted absolute responsibility over the
operation of healthcare policy within their locale. Despite their
independence, the communities can receive advice and counsel from senior
levels of government about how best to construct and administer
healthcare in the community (Capps, 2013). Nevertheless, senior
Zapatista government officials respect the autonomy of each individual
community and do not impose their authority on small health committees
(Capps, 2013). Based on the healthcare demands of the local community
inhabitants, the health committee drafts a healthcare policy that
responds directly to the needs of the community. In effect, this
directly targets the diseases and illnesses that burden community
residents. Many communities across a single municipality share, as a
result of their proximity, a host of common illnesses. As a result,
their healthcare policies and strategies are similar. With that said,
there are often isolated cases of epidemics in specific communities and
this requires the attention of the healthcare committee to draw up
urgent proposals to address the problem. It is generally understood that
environmental circumstances and geographical location can influence the
types of diseases suffered by remote communities. Certain communities
live in colder, damper regions of Chiapas leaving many of the
inhabitants more susceptible to respiratory infections and other similar
illnesses.
As Zapatistas, all community members must actively participate in local
community politics including important decisions centred on healthcare
policy. In doing so, the Zapatistas promise that the politics of
healthcare is the concern of all, not just the few (MartĂnez-Espinoza,
2008). In what observers describe as âsimple town hall meetingsâ
(Kozart, 2007), community members, young and old, unite to discuss the
health issues and concerns of the community with the hope of developing
a unanimous healthcare response to the problems and concerns that
dominate proceedings. This is Zapatista democracy at its most visible
and effective, entrusting all members of the community take
responsibility for healthcare. In return, the community is rewarded with
a healthcare system that is fully responsive to their individual needs.
If a decision on healthcare policy affects just one community, then the
motion is discussed and debated within the confines of that community,
with little outside interference. However, if that decision affects
healthcare policy in a number of surrounding communities, then the
senior levels of Zapatista government must engage in the process. First,
the motion is forwarded to the municipal healthcare committee where it
is debated and discussed at length. The JBG is then required to approve
the proposals and make any necessary changes. Finally, the revised
healthcare agenda returns to the communities for debate, consultation
and implementation. This political process is designed to eliminate
power and control of healthcare decisions resting in the hands of the
few, particularly when decisions can affect more than one community. As
Villarreal (2007) argues, the act of participation and the art of
dialogue are two of the most important ingredients in the politics of
Zapatista healthcare. In a community healthcare debate witnessed by the
author, Villarreal (2007) asserts that the issue of sexual health
dominated the discussions at a community assembly. This demonstrates the
liberty communities have in tackling the health problems that confront
their village and the freedom to do so on their terms. This unique and
individualised style of healthcare management informs the structure of
healthcare in each of the five Caracoles. With a healthcare system
âbuilt from belowâ (Kozart, 2007), and one that values the contributions
of the community, it is only natural that the architecture of healthcare
varies across the autonomous region. In short, it is generally argued
that âeach area [Caracol] has developed distinctly with a different
programme and a different way of doing thingsâ (Edinburgh Chiapas
Solidarity Group, 2010).
The Zapatista healthcare system is built on a foundation of small health
networks that are developed and managed by the community (Cuevas, 2007).
For all patients within the community, the local âcasa de saludâ or
health house is the first contact they have with autonomous healthcare.
It provides basic healthcare for a community which has no medical
services available to it. There is a health house located in every
community throughout the Zapatista-held territory. However, certain
health houses may be significantly more developed than others. The
health house is manned by the local âpromoter/a de saludâ or health
promoter who is a valued and respected individual in the administration
of healthcare services. This healthcare role will be explored in greater
detail further in the chapter. For now, the health promoter assesses the
medical needs of each patient that attends the local health house before
determining whether a referral is a necessary next step in the treatment
process. Micro-clinics and central clinics form the remaining tier of
this healthcare system and more often they provide better, more
comprehensive medical care than that found in community health houses.
In one Caracol there is a central clinic which forms the inner core of
this healthcare system. This highlights a decentralised approach to
healthcare in this Caracol. This central clinic is designed to serve the
hundreds of communities located within the Caracol. The services made
available to patients who are referred to the central clinic include but
are not limited to, maternity and birthing rooms, a fully stocked
pharmacy, a twenty-four hour emergency room, an operating theatre and
equipment to conduct eye tests (Edinburgh Chiapas Solidarity Group,
2010). In one such medical centre located in the Caracol of Oventic, the
âLa Guadalupanaâ central clinic offers patients medical services such as
dental care, a pharmacy and a laboratory for medical tests. For women,
this clinic also provides specialised services like gynaecology and
maternity wards (Alvarez, 2007). Cuevas (2007) writing about this clinic
confirms that the facility now boasts the availability of between eight
and ten hospital beds ready for patient admissions. The dynamic nature
of this central clinic, with its array of important medical services
means that it often receives patients from across the autonomous-held
region (Cuevas, 2007). However, this is rare. Patients who experience
minor ailments do not normally attend the central clinic. Its services
are specifically reserved for those in need of more comprehensive
medical treatment not available in the local community health house.
Patients normally journey to the central clinic under the referral of
their health promoter. For all patients, healthcare treatment starts in
the community.
In an adjacent Caracol, healthcare is largely decentralised. In this
instance, community inhabitants encourage greater development of local
health houses and small surgeries in the communities, showing less
interest in funding the construction of an advanced central clinic.
Concerns about the availability of capital may have influenced a
decision in favour of a decentralised approach to healthcare. However,
the more likely reason is that, in this Caracol, communities sought to
fund and develop more medical services in their health houses. The
significant differences in structure between both Caracoles represents a
healthcare system directly responding to the healthcare needs of
community inhabitants. Community residents control and manage their
healthcare system to suit their needs. However, it is suggested that it
may also reflect the emergence of a number of problems. It could be
claimed that the movement is experiencing possible complications in its
communication between Caracoles. With the Caracoles promoting different
healthcare agendas and structures, this may reflect the lack of a
larger, more coherent healthcare policy for the entire movement. For the
Zapatistas, this could be damaging and could lead to political and
social disunity and ultimately division between communities and
Caracoles. Nevertheless, the Zapatistas seem rather steadfast in their
commitment to ensure that healthcare remains under the firm control of
individual communities.
The health promoter is an important and necessary administrator of
medical services in the community. It is a position of significant
responsibility and one of immense value to the healthcare system. As
with every health house, there is a minimum of one health promoter
available in all Zapatista communities across the autonomous-held
region. The health promoter is tasked with two key responsibilities
which will be explored at length in this section. At a basic level, the
health promoter attends to the medical needs of the local population,
acting as the first line of defence against disease and illness in the
community. The health promoter also serves the community in an
educational capacity, teaching community inhabitants about health and
hygiene. The health promoter is elected from within the community and
depending on how small or big the community is, the health promoter can
be a relation of the patients they serve. Health promoters are,
therefore, accountable to the health committee and community residents
and must respond in kind to their requests. Appointing the health
promoter from within the community ensures that he/she is sensitive to
the local traditions, customs and culture of that community. They will
also prove to be highly proficient in the local languages of the region,
making them well suited to communicating medical concerns to the
community. A health official of this nature improves the accessibility
of healthcare for remote and isolated hamlets and brings the concept of
healthcare directly into the heart of communities (Edinburgh Chiapas
Solidarity Group, 2010). Fundamentally, the health promoter personifies
healthcare for many remote communities and in this way, is embedded in
the fabric of the Zapatista healthcare system.
As a basic health practitioner, the health promoter is appointed by
community inhabitants to deliver important healthcare services to their
community. Health promoters treat a wide range of illnesses and injuries
presented to them at the health house. Commonly, health promoters treat
anything from minor cuts acquired by farmers in local fields to more
serious internal and external infections that result from contaminated
water or exposure to raw sewage. The key to the success of the health
promoter lies in their unique ability to rely upon their limited, albeit
vital, medical knowledge acquired during their training. Unlike before,
when remote communities had insufficient access to basic medical
treatment, today the health promoter can now diagnose and address the
medical needs of their patients within the confines of their community.
To attain such necessary levels of medical knowledge, prospective health
promoters must undergo an intensive course of training where they study
in such areas as anatomy and preventative healthcare (Alvarez, 2007).
Health promoters study for three years before they are ready to serve
their communities. The training is intensive but it proves successful.
The health promoter is capable of identifying several of the most common
diseases and infections in their communities. This training allows the
promoter develop important medical knowledge so they can be a potent
force in the healthcare system (Edinburgh Chiapas Solidarity Group,
2010). In this regard, the health promoter is responsible for the
remarkable independence of many Zapatista communities which no longer
depend on the sporadic healthcare services of the State for basic
treatment. Families can now receive basic healthcare without travelling
unnecessary distances through rough Chiapan terrain for the privilege.
The health promoter performs another important duty for communities. As
health promoters, they are required to educate their community on a
variety of matters related to health including hygiene and nutrition.
The aim is to encourage families to take responsibility for their health
and the health of their children. When engaging with patients, the
promoters often explain the root causes of disease and infections in the
hope that community inhabitants will work to prevent further spread.
Promoters will teach community residents basic and important concepts
related to hygiene including the need to boil water before consumption
and separating the toilet facilities from the main living quarters of
the house. Promoters also teach families to live separately from their
animals and to maintain clear, distinct boundaries between livestock and
children. In this educational capacity, the health promoter is
empowering communities to safeguard their health. Also, the promoter is
helping to dispel myths around health and hygiene and is committed to
teaching Zapatista families how to improve their levels of basic
sanitation and so curtail the further spread of disease. (Edinburgh
Chiapas Solidarity Group, 2010). As part of this process, the health
promoter has recently been assigned an additional role aimed at the
reintroduction of traditional medicine within Zapatista healthcare.
Major changes are taking place within the autonomous healthcare system
and the health promoter is tasked with leading them. The Zapatistas are
making substantial efforts to reintroduce traditional medicine into
their current healthcare framework. Initially, western medicines and
western medical practices provided the Zapatistas with the necessary
âquick fixâ to bring once uncontrollable epidemics to more manageable
and containable levels. Health promoters were expected to âemploy the
most pragmatic methodâ of medicine, whether it was traditional in nature
or not (Wilson, 2008, 12). The pressures applied by a pugnacious
government with an advanced and capable healthcare system forced the
Zapatistas to turn towards western medicine to rapidly improve the
health prospects of their population (Wilson, 2008). The result for some
Zapatista communities was that much of their traditional medical
knowledge was lost (Edinburgh Chiapas Solidarity Group, 2010). Now, as
they commit to the future development of the healthcare system, the
rebels are taking significant steps to reincorporate traditional
medicine into current indigenous healthcare frameworks. Under the
leadership of the health promoter, there is an ongoing process of
ârelearningâ taking place, providing a new purpose for traditional,
ancestral medicine in the current healthcare context. Now, 40% of
medicines prescribed to Zapatista patients originate from local,
medicinal plants (Alvarez, 2007). This opens up new opportunities for
the rebels to âmaintain aspects of indigenous cultureâ (Kozart, 2007)
and reclaim and defend their heritage in the face of a government that
seeks to undermine its value. While young health promoters are at the
fore of this drive to integrate traditional medicine into current
healthcare discourses, village elders are often called upon to train
these young health promoters for such a task (Alvarez, 2007). As a
consequence, the task to save the knowledge of traditional medicine
involves all levels of Zapatista society working together. By doing so,
the health promoter and the communities are guaranteed to achieve
greater healthcare sustainability, thus helping to secure the future of
autonomous healthcare.
Zapatista autonomous healthcare receives enormous attention from both
national and international spectators, interested in both observing and
supporting the growth of this unique healthcare system. As a result,
Zapatista healthcare has not developed independently of external
support. In the days and weeks subsequent to the 1994 insurrection,
individual activists, human rights groups and other nongovernmental
organisations (NGO), took a keen interest in the issues raised as a
result of the uprising.[3] The Zapatistas worked tirelessly to develop
these networks into meaningful relationships and, as a consequence, such
connections provided benefits for their healthcare system. International
solidarity has unlocked important channels allowing medical resources
and eager activists penetrate the borders of the Zapatista-held
territory. This has significantly aided the support and development of
healthcare services throughout the autonomous region. However,
international solidarity has also brought together âculturally distant
peopleâ (Olesen, 2004, 259), which the Zapatistas hope will encourage
the exchange of political and social ideas. Such exchanges generate new
and different theories and approaches to healthcare. Therefore,
international solidarity enriches the Zapatista movement and its
healthcare system on a variety of levels.
Many international organisations have offered the Zapatista movement a
wealth of material supplies and medical equipment for use within their
healthcare network. These resources have improved the delivery of
healthcare for communities and âhave boosted autonomous health projectsâ
(Villarreal, 2007). Numerous central clinics, which lie at the heart of
the healthcare service have been financed and constructed with the
assistance of foreign organisations, including one such clinic in
Guadalupe, Oventic (Villarreal, 2007). Other, smaller regional clinics
also receive investment from solidarity organisations including the
clinic in the municipality of Emiliano Zapata which is acquiring funds
from the Basque solidarity group Paz y Solidaridad (Kozart, 2007). It is
clear that foreign capital penetrates deep into the heart of Zapatista
healthcare, supporting important healthcare projects and initiatives
that help grow and sustain autonomy for the movement. The âwater
projectsâ is one such initiative that assists communities to secure
better quality water. Numerous groups of activists travel to Chiapas to
work specifically on these projects which involve the construction of an
amateur plumbing network that connects natural lakes and reservoirs
directly to man-made water tanks in communities (Ryan, 2011). Zapatistas
and activists cooperate together and using basic materials, such as PVC
piping and concrete, construct plumbing systems that connect isolated
villages to sources of clean water (Ryan, 2011). As a result, the
Zapatistas learn to construct, manage and repair their basic yet
sufficient plumbing system which ensures a daily supply of fresh water
into the heart of the community. In learning to manage their water
supply, communities improve the health of their inhabitants while slowly
building their independence (Ryan, 2011).
Moreover, solidarity extends beyond the offerings of financial
investment and material supplies, and extends to include the
participation of many activists within the healthcare system itself.
Many volunteers travel to Chiapas to train health promoters or
administer vaccinations to community residents, among other healthcare
activities. The Zapatistas formed an unlikely yet advantageous alliance
with medical students attending the Autonomous Metropolitan University
in Mexico D.F. These recently qualified graduates participate in the
Zapatista healthcare system, learning new techniques and concepts in
healthcare. The Zapatistas and their healthcare system benefit
enormously from such support, receiving a steady annual influx of
enthusiastic medical graduates eager to administer urgent healthcare to
remote communities. The students are rewarded, however, with the
opportunity to discover a new and âdifferent way of practicing medicineâ
(Cuevas, 2007, 13). Undoubtedly, this challenges their current concepts
around healthcare. They may, based on their personal experience of
Zapatista healthcare, become crucial advocates for this alternative
approach to medicine and help encourage increased global support for the
movement in years to come. In light of this, one such medical doctor was
so impressed with the Zapatistasâ self-devised âmathematical formulaâŠto
figure out paediatric antibiotic dosingâ, that he uses the same formula
in his California-based health clinic (Kozart, 2007).
Other solidarity networks include activists working in the San Carlos
hospital in Altamirano, where many foreign nurses and doctors from
across the world volunteer with the organisation Doctors for Global
Health (DGH). They work in this clinic to help achieve adequate and safe
staffing levels for the surrounding communities (Capps, 2013). Many of
these doctors and nurses also participate in educating local health
promoters about new and developing medical knowledge (Capps, 2013).
Health promoters can return to their communities with a heightened
awareness of new treatments for diseases and infections which complement
their current medical knowledge and further support their communitiesâ
fight against illness.
It is clear that the efforts invested by the Zapatistas in establishing
a fully independent healthcare system using limited resources have been
rewarded by the significant health benefits achieved throughout hundreds
of Zapatista communities. The Zapatistas have witnessed improvements in
womenâs and childrenâs health. They have also seen the health benefits
of improved hygiene as a result of the role of the health promoter and
their role in educating the community. Autonomous healthcare has ignited
a sense of purpose in the hearts and minds of community inhabitants as
they confidently tackle the health problems of their villages. In
essence, autonomous healthcare has undoubtedly brought lasting health
benefits into the world of the Zapatistas.
Proclaimed as one of the greatest health achievements for the Zapatista
movement, the eradication of both the manufacture and consumption of
alcohol has significantly improved the health of all Zapatistas
(Bellinghausen, 2009, marzo 7^(th)). This no-tolerance policy is
directly linked to the reduction in many illnesses and infections
including âĂșlcera, cirrhosis, desnutriciĂłn y heridas con macheteâ
(Bellinghausen, 2009, marzo 7^(th)). The adoption of such a policy
provides evidence that the Zapatista movement is employing preventative
measures to curtail the negative health effects of excessive alcohol
consumption. Since alcohol was a central element of indigenous
celebrations and festivals its prohibition represented a significant
commitment by the movement, one which lead to better community health.
As their tradition dictated, the indigenous often indulged in a highly
potent, native alcoholic brew distilled from sugarcane and commonly
known as âpoxâ (Ryan, 2011). It was âhighly intoxicatingâ (Ryan, 2011,
178) and gave rise to substantial âsocial problems in the regionâ (Ryan,
2011, 178). Women were often bartered in return for alcohol and social
relations between the genders often amounted to no more than men
treating women like âdomestic animalsâ (Arsenault, 2011). Now, with
their complete rejection of alcohol, the Zapatistas can claim a
significant improvement in gender relations, with women now challenging
âthe traditional orderâ (Holloway & PelĂĄez, 1998, 64) of gender roles in
communities. Removing alcohol from Zapatista life has both improved
health and âsoften[ed] human relationsâ considerably (Zibechi, 2013
September 5^(th)).
Improving gender relations has afforded many indigenous women greater
access to healthcare services and studies show this has improved womenâs
lives. As Holloway and PelĂĄez (1998) note, all too often, women
experienced the harsh realities of poverty and poor health
disproportionately. Today, 63% of all expectant mothers receive direct
care from their local health promoter while only 35% of pregnancies are
properly assisted in non-Zapatista communities. This leaves many women
from pro-government communities more vulnerable to complications
associated with childbirth (Arsenault, 2011; Thompson, Date N/A, The
Melbourne Globalist). Autonomous healthcare is having a positive effect
on womenâs and childrenâs health. In regions where there were previously
significantly high rates of death during childbirth, there has now been
a period of eight years or more where no maternal deaths have been
recorded (Thompson, Date N/A, the Melbourne Globalist). With the greater
availability of local midwives and the basic medical knowledge provided
by the health promoter, Zapatista women are now safely giving birth in
their own communities, with a dramatically reduced risk of death. In
addition to this, cancer screenings and sexual health examinations take
place more frequently, further improving the quality of womenâs lives
(Bellinghausen, 2009, febrero 26^(th)). As with women, the improvement
in childrenâs health is also noteworthy. Zapatistas now actively
prioritise childrenâs vaccinations ensuring that as many children as
possible receive the necessary immunisation. Health promoters are also
trained to detect the symptoms associated with sepsis and jaundice in
newborn infants and through the use of visual media, foreign
organisations are teaching health promoters to identify and treat such
illnesses (Shaahinfar, 2014).
With the wider availability of autonomous healthcare, 84% of Zapatista
communities receive important vaccinations against diseases such as
malaria (Castellanos, 2014). In pro-government communities that figure
stands at only 75%, meaning that fewer of these community inhabitants
have access to necessary vaccines despite the promises of State
healthcare (Castellanos, 2014). A greater disparity is apparent between
pro-government communities and Zapatista villages with regard to the
treatment of tuberculosis (TB). Currently, 32% of Zapatista inhabitants
suffer TB while in larger portions of pro-government communities, a
remarkable 84%, continue to experience this respiratory infection
(Castellanos, 2014). It is clear, as these figures demonstrate, that
Zapatista healthcare has a profound impact on the quality of the lives
of the many indigenous who attend autonomous healthcare services
regularly. Currently, 74% of Zapatista communities now have access to
toilet facilities and this has lead to a vast improvement in personal
hygiene (Arsenault, 2011). Only 54% of pro-government communities can
claim access to toilet facilities in their homes (Arsenault, 2011). This
provides clear evidence of the positive impact the health promoter has
in educating communities around health and hygiene. It also suggests
that the Zapatista communities have an appetite for knowledge and are
willing to learn all that is necessary to protect their health. Once
again, the Zapatistas firmly believe in the concept that prevention is
better than cure and they are working to further promote preventative
techniques to secure the health of the Zapatista population
(Bellinghausen, 2009, marzo 7^(th)). By protecting the health of current
generations, the Zapatistas are safeguarding the impending growth of the
rebel organisation into the future. This evidence suggests that
Zapatista healthcare helps to support and sustain wider autonomy.
As result of autonomous healthcare, communities are now in control of
their healthcare services and together they decide on local healthcare
policy and the appointment of a suitable health promoter. Therefore, it
is only natural that these communities develop a self-confidence and
empowerment not felt before the widespread introduction of autonomous
healthcare. Autonomous healthcare, according to Wilson (2008),
âempower[s] the individuals involvedâŠultimately build[ing] capacity of
the community as a wholeâ (Wilson, 2008, 29). In times of medical
crisis, the community can draw on its own strength and engage its
limited medical expertise to combat the problem. This power and control
strikes confidence directly into the heart of the community and further
strengthens their resolve for greater independence. Prior to the advent
of Zapatista healthcare, these communities suffered under the weight of
disease and illness but now they embody a capacity to control, contain
and even eradicate disease and infection. In the face of limited
resources, Zapatista healthcare has mobilised the community to action to
become âthe best medicine for illnessâ (Edinburgh Chiapas Solidarity
Group, 2010).
As autonomous healthcare continues to develop, it is confronted with
challenges for the future. These challenges present in a variety of
forms. The high-intensity workload of the health promoter, the
aggressiveness of the government and paramilitary groups and the
reliance on international solidarity are three substantial concerns the
movement faces for the future. It will be argued that these three
challenges impose limitations on the continued development of the
healthcare system.
As mentioned previously, the health promoter is a valued and esteemed
player in the overall structure of the healthcare system, attending
directly to the medical needs of the community with limited resources.
It is a demanding task by its very nature, made more so by the difficult
balance promoters must maintain between their professional duties as
amateur medics and their responsibilities to the community as
Zapatistas. Depending on the remoteness of a community there may only be
one available health promoter to serve an entire community, meaning that
the health promoter must be available twenty-four hours a day (Edinburgh
Chiapas Solidarity Group, 2010). In such circumstances, resources are
few and the nearest ambulance may be five hours away, leaving the health
promoter in a vulnerable and isolated position (Villarreal, 2007).
Health promoters work in difficult conditions and often without access
to electric power. They must medically attend to patients of both
genders and of varying age that present to them with an entire spectrum
of diseases, illnesses and infections.
When not on duty as health promoters, their time is consumed by domestic
chores and working to provide support for their families. This results
in the health promoter working very long hours. The emerging risk is
that following time spent looking after the health of the community
alongside attending to their domestic and agricultural chores, the
health promoter may begin to feel demoralised, undervalued and little
appreciated. The position requires steely dedication in the face of slow
political and social change and, in light of this, the health promoter
may become disillusioned and weakened in spirit. It is widely understood
that communities support health promoters during their time in this
position, tending their fields and feeding their animals. However,
regardless of such support, the promoter remains solely responsible for
the health of the community. Since the health promoter is a pivotal part
of the healthcare system, the wellbeing of this individual should be of
paramount concern for the Zapatistas. Protecting the healthcare worker
will enhance the esteem associated with the position and will guarantee
the interest of applicants into the future.
The Mexican government and paramilitary groups remain a constant threat
to the healthcare system. Although the government is no longer
conducting an extensive military campaign in Chiapas, their more recent
strategy involves offering a number of alternative health programmes to
the people of Chiapas. These initiatives include the provision of a
variety of healthcare services designed to entice indigenous people away
from their support for Zapatista healthcare and the rebels. In essence,
the government is capitalising on the slow political and social changes
taking place throughout the autonomous-held territory, luring families
and whole communities away from autonomous healthcare with promises of
money and other basic necessities. These government programmes include
âOportunidadesâ and âPROGRESAâ, among others. While many rebels affirm
their loyalty to the Zapatista movement, many more question their
allegiance and defect, viewing their acceptance of federal programmes as
âpersonally moving toward a better futureâ (Barmeyer, 2008, 507).
Regardless of whether defectors receive better standards of healthcare
or not, the truth remains that as more ârebelsâ grow impatient with the
pace of change, they renounce their loyalties, undermining the support
base of the Zapatistas, and this stunts the possibilities for future
growth in healthcare.
In line with such government social initiatives which are aimed at
dismantling the social fabric of the Zapatista movement, paramilitary
groups also continue to operate within the Chiapan jungles. Their
attacks can be brutal and devastating. In May 2014, paramilitary
organisations were actively continuing with their violent campaigns.
During one encounter, in the Caracol of La Realidad, one paramilitary
organisation attacked a village, killing an education promoter and
destroyed a local health clinic and school (Hayat, 2014; Knoll, 2014).
For the Zapatistas, this was an attack on their independence, because
for them the school, the health clinic and the promoter were all
âsymbols of the movementâs autonomyâ (Hayat, 2014). Many of the
communities find difficulty in enjoying the fruits of their labour when
important assets that symbolise their autonomy are sabotaged (The
Occupied Times, 2012). Due to the presence of such paramilitary groups,
many women fear bringing food to their husbands in the fields or washing
clothes in local rivers and lakes (The Irish Times, 1995). They are
afraid of the constant threat of rape (The Irish Times, 1995). The
inculcation of this fear is intended to paralyse the movement and to
beat down the political strength and will of the Zapatista people
(Knoll, 2014).
International solidarity, as stated previously, has been instrumental in
supporting the development of healthcare for the rebels. The provision
of medical supplies and the steady arrival of activists and medical
professionals into the region have created a reliable foundation of
support for Zapatista healthcare. Nevertheless, as their healthcare
system is focused on developing greater independence, it tends to reach
a point of development at which the benefits of solidarity begin to be
lost. It is difficult to see how a system reliant on neo-liberal
orthodoxies can support and sustain a system based on antipodal
ideologies, indeed on the basis of revolution itself. The movement has
made great efforts to reduce its dependency on medical supplies and
equipment provided by foreign organisations. Currently, the aim is to
supplement imported medical supplies with traditional medicines.
However, the movement is in a phase of transition between both. The
Zapatistas must continue this momentum of change within their healthcare
system if autonomy is to be realised. Many of the foreign organisations
providing medical supplies and support to the Zapatistas rely heavily on
voluntary contributions. These organisations also support many other
projects throughout the world. However, due to the nature of their
funding and the varied demands on the organisations, the availability of
supplies can fluctuate greatly leaving projects which have started,
unfinished. This leaves many communities with reduced resources and less
infrastructure than originally promised. The only way for the Zapatistas
to continue to support their healthcare system is to more efficiently
manage the transition between their dependency on imported supplies and
their newfound support for traditional medicine. Wilson (2008) asserts
that, if the Zapatista movement is to achieve autonomy, it must increase
its efforts to unlock the potential of traditional medicines.
In conclusion, Zapatista autonomous healthcare has proven successful, in
many respects, in reducing disease and promoting community independence.
This approach to healthcare empowers communities to access resources and
knowledge which have opened up unparalleled opportunities for survival
amongst remote and isolated indigenous communities. The work of the
health promoter, alongside the benefits of global solidarity, have both
contributed to the successes and achievements of Zapatista healthcare.
Threats remain, however, and these challenges will only persist if not
confronted. The health promoters are under pressure due to their
increasingly demanding tasks while the paramilitary movements continue
to sabotage Zapatista healthcare resources. To confront these obstacles
is to give Zapatista autonomy a chance to grow on the back of an
expanding and evolving healthcare system. Healthcare, controlled by the
community, is proving its worth. However, autonomous healthcare is only
one of a long list of twelve Zapatista demands announced by the rebels
in 1994. Any attempt to understand the role of healthcare in the wider
development of Zapatista autonomy must take account of this context.
Therefore, attention will now turn to an investigation of the Zapatista
autonomous education system.
Vision
This chapter seeks to provide a thorough analysis of the Zapatista
autonomous education system, known as, el sistema educativo autĂłnomo
revolucionario Zapatista de LiberaciĂłn Nacional (SEARZLN). It also seeks
to examine the role that Zapatista education plays in the movementâs
efforts to develop autonomy, including political, social and cultural
independence. The Zapatistas desire independence, not from Mexico as a
country, but from the broad neo-liberal models of development pursued by
the government. To facilitate analysis of the many dimensions of
Zapatista education policy, this chapter will be sub-divided into
smaller, more manageable sections. First it will detail a brief history
of education in Chiapas and will outline the reasons why the indigenous
people view autonomous education as desirable. Second, an exploration of
the structure of Zapatista education will be undertaken, underlining the
distinctive characteristics of this form of education. At this point,
attention will be drawn to the pedagogical theories of the Brazilian
educationalist Paulo Freire. His approach to education forms the basis
of revolutionary education in general and, therefore, this chapter will
examine the application of his methods within the everyday context of
Zapatista education. In addition, careful and extensive consideration
will be given to the crucial role the education promoter performs in
this autonomous education system. Finally, this chapter will discuss the
challenges confronting this education system, challenges that may, in
certain respects, limit plans for its development in the future.
In January 1994, the Zapatista movement made a clear and determined call
for better educational services in Chiapas. More specifically, it
insisted on greater access to and improved quality in local, State-run
education. Along with the demand for the provision of healthcare, the
Zapatistas maintained that education was largely inaccessible for
Chiapan communities and was often of poor quality. Such was the neglect
of educational provision in Chiapas that many indigenous âno conocĂan lo
que era un libroâ (MartĂnez, 2007). From the perspective of many in
Chiapas, the government was failing in its duty to provide a suitably
balanced education system that worked to accommodate the linguistically
diverse and wide ranging cultural needs of the Chiapan indigenous
community.
Education in Chiapas was of a low standard and many of the statistics
that follow substantiate this claim. According to Rovira (2000), 30% of
children in Chiapas did not attend school while 6.5% of the Chiapan
population were considered illiterate (Vargas-Cetina, 1998). Other
critics, however, placed the illiteracy rate in Chiapas much higher,
arguing that roughly 18% of the stateâs population lacked any form of
basic education (Schools for Chiapas, Date N/A). Regarding the state of
education in Chiapas, the figures published revealed the bleak reality
of the state of education in Chiapas, which looked even worse when set
against the national average at 7.5% (Vargas-Cetina, 1998). These
statistics indicate the difficulty many in Chiapas had in accessing
basic-level education in the state. In addition, further statistics
released highlight the underperformance of those who have access to
basic schooling. Only 10% of indigenous children complete primary level
education in Chiapas. In direct contrast, 54% of children nationally
attain the same standard of education (Barmeyer, 2008). Many indigenous
young people over the age of 15 years who discontinue their education at
an early stage, fail, on average, to achieve an educational level higher
than 7^(th) Grade. It is clear that the low level of educational
attainment of many indigenous young people is directly related to the
significantly high drop-out rate amongst under qualified indigenous
youth (Schools for Chiapas, Date N/A). The statistics previously
referenced to date, highlight a break down in the relationship between
the young indigenous people of Chiapas and State education. This points
towards a federal education system that is both unresponsive to and
unreflective of the diverse cultural needs of the indigenous population.
The 1910 Revolutionary Constitution of Mexico prescribes that all
Mexicans shall have the right to âfree and universal primary educationâ
(Reinke, 2004, 485). In accordance with this, national education is
founded on the basis of three principles, education is free; education
is mandatory and education is secular (Reinke, 2004). There is also a
State provision that guarantees, in theory, that every village and town
in Mexico with twenty children or more in residence will have immediate
access to local education (Reinke, 2004). However, from the perspective
of the indigenous people in Chiapas, the realities of national education
are different. Many of the indigenous of Chiapas were confronted with
the issue of educational accessibility and were also concerned about the
quality of education offered in the region. For this indigenous
minority, national education was failing to uphold the âvalues and
knowledge of ethnic groupsâ (Vargas-Cetina, 1998, 141). There are a
variety of different ethnic minorities in Chiapas and each has specific
cultural and linguistic needs in education. For example, there are
roughly eighteen minority languages spoken in Chiapas and 70% of the
indigenous population admit to using one of these minority languages as
their first and only language (Vargas-Cetina, 1998). However, Barmeyer
(2008) contests such a low estimate suggesting that at least 83% of the
indigenous population in Chiapas speak these native languages as their
mother tongue. In support of his point, it is known that there are an
estimated 475,000 Tzeltal speakers, 430,000 Tzotsil speakers and 220,000
Châol speakers in Chiapas (Schools for Chiapas, Date N/A). These three
languages are considered the most widely spoken in Chiapas, although
other more localised languages exist (Schools for Chiapas, Date N/A).
The indigenous people have always been eager to prioritise their native
languages in the education system.
In an attempt to satisfy the demands of the indigenous, the government
introduced âbilingual and biculturalâ education to Chiapas (Baronnet,
2008, 115). Due to a lack of sufficiently qualified teachers and other
key resource issues, it had very limited success with such initiatives
(Barmeyer, 2008; Vargas-Cetina, 1998). A significant concern was that
many State teachers were unwilling to commit themselves for longer than
a couple of months at a time to working in Chiapas, making it almost
impossible to sustain these programmes (Barmeyer, 2008). As part of
these government programmes, inexperienced State teachers spent many
hours travelling between different communities, navigating difficult and
challenging terrain in order to teach and, as a result, it was only
natural that some schools went unattended for many days and weeks
(Vargas-Cetina, 1998). Teachers argued that there was a consistent lack
of communal support for their efforts in the region (Barmeyer, 2008). In
fact, many of the social programmes operated in Chiapas were also
employed in urban schools, underlining the superficiality of the
governmentâs commitment to accommodate the education demands of the
indigenous population. The government failed to adequately incorporate
the requests of this local indigenous population into the framework of
federal education. It was clear that State priorities lay elsewhere,
particularly in terms of education. These claims are supported by
figures for the spending committed to Programa Cañadas. Out of a total
budget of 386 million pesos, a meagre 3% was invested in educational
services for the communities in the Las Cañadas region of Chiapas
(Barmeyer, 2008; Thompson, Date N/A, the Melbourne Globalist). Critics
argue that the remainder of this budget was allocated to fund
electrification and other infrastructure projects to improve mobility
for units of the Mexican army stationed in Chiapas in order to contain
the spread of the Zapatista movement (Barmeyer, 2008). Many indigenous
people were convinced that the governmentâs national education agenda
was unfocused, particularly with regard to the matters raised by the
indigenous community.
On the basis of the evidence adduced thus far, the concerns voiced by
the indigenous people about national education policy were justified.
The government was preoccupied with a unified national plan for
education. As Toscana (2013) writes, education in Mexico was focused
simply on economics so that schools were turned into factories that
churned out employees ready for the jobs market. It is argued by many
that the national education agenda amounted to a policy of
âhomogenization and centralizationâ (Baronnet, 2008, 113). From the
perspective of many indigenous in Chiapas, the government was promoting
both cultural and economic âhomogeneityâ (Reinke, 2004, 493), in its
pursuit of a single national culture of industrial growth. It was argued
that the country was on course to create a âunified Mexican identityâ,
one that served âglobal and economic efficiencyâ (Reinke, 2004, 491).
Two different and polarising agendas emerged with regard to the role of
education in Mexican society. Many of the indigenous population believed
that persistent engagement with national education in Chiapas would
bring about the assimilation of future generations of indigenous youth
to Mexicoâs modernising economy. Many raised concern over Mexico âlosing
sight of [its] own diversityâ (Vargas-Cetina, 1998, 139). It was
suggested in some quarters that national education had a âhidden agendaâ
(Vargas-Cetina, 1998, 141), whereby many indigenous people would become
âSpanish-speakingâ (Vargas-Cetina, 1998, 143) Mexican citizens, losing
all cultural and linguistic ties to their heritage. Federal education
was confronted with accusations by indigenous critics suggesting that it
was attempting to eliminate the history of the pueblos indios and
instead, promote âlos intereses transnacionalesâ (Garrido, 2004).
According to one interview conducted with a Zapatista official working
in autonomous education, âla historia oficial siempre deja fuera algunas
cosas que no se quiere que el pueblo sepaâ (MartĂnez, 2007). After much
protest, it was apparent that national education no longer met the needs
of indigenous communities in Chiapas.
Prior to the emergence of the Zapatista movement from the jungles of
Chiapas, the situation of education was critical for many indigenous
communities throughout the state. The establishment of autonomous
education, however, transformed these bleak prospects. Today, indigenous
communities protect and celebrate their linguistic traditions and
cultural heritage. The governmentâs failure to properly fund an
education system responsive to the cultural needs of the indigenous
people left an insatiable appetite amongst communities in the region to
support the development of a new and alternative education system. From
the perspective of many indigenous people, the government was no longer
an acceptable provider of educational services in Chiapas. In light of
such government failures, a community-centred approach to education
remained the only viable alternative available to local indigenous
villagers. Thus, Zapatista autonomous education was born.
Today, the structure of the autonomous education system consists
primarily of two levels. At the lowest level is primary school education
and above this lies second level education. As previously noted, there
are between 1,100 and 1,111 Zapatista communities across the
autonomous-held territory in Chiapas. In each Zapatista community, the
rebels confirm that there is direct and immediate access to primary
level education for all Zapatista children (Zibechi, 2013, September
5^(th)). A Zapatista classroom is often described as a multi-level
classroom, a direct reflection on the variation in ages that attend
Zapatista schools. Many communities only have a single classroom
available that is designed to accommodate the educational needs of the
entire local population. Some argue that this lack of infrastructure
results from local resourcing issues. For instance, there may be a lack
of important educational infrastructure and equipment including school
materials and classroom facilities (Andrea, 2013). For others, it is
simply a consequence of the size of the local community, as many
villages are small and remote, reducing the need for large scale
classrooms. Some communities claim ownership of old and derelict
buildings that are within close proximity to the community. One such
classroom, for example, is operated in the living-room of an old, local
mansion that was formerly a hacienda during colonial rule (Zibechi,
2013, September 5^(th)). More commonly, however, communities construct
classroom facilities in the heart of their villages. These classroom
structures are often rudimentary, consisting of small shacks furnished
with wooden benches set down on an earthen floor. An example of a school
of this nature can be found in the hamlet of Las Gardenias (Barmeyer,
2008). The Zapatistas openly declare that classroom location is not a
key concern and often classes are delivered to children âin a house or
under a treeâ (Howard, 2007). In communities fortunate to be able to
provide more than a single classroom, an appropriate method for
organising children into their prospective classrooms must be
established. Conventional approaches to classroom segregation do not
apply in Zapatista communities. Instead, Zapatista children are divided
and separated based on their age but more so on their perceived level of
knowledge (Howard, 2007). In the wider context of autonomous education,
however, this method of segregation is largely redundant because many
Zapatista communities are small, rural and isolated with insufficient
population numbers to require more than one classroom facility.
The unique purpose of autonomous education is to empower communities and
allow them take control over their diverse educational needs. Zapatista
communities come together to construct and administer an education
curriculum sensitive to their linguistic and cultural needs. In light of
this, community inhabitants in town hall style meetings gather together
to share opinions and views about how best to develop local education.
Many schools offer core subjects such as mathematics, history, the
Spanish language and Zapatismo. The latter is designed to teach students
the importance and significance of the Zapatista struggle (Barmeyer,
2008). The Zapatistas maintain a central focus on teaching local history
to their students because this creates opportunities for indigenous
communities to accentuate the local historical traditions of the
surrounding region. That said, history is taught from a much broader
national and international perspective too. The local, native indigenous
language is prioritised over the Spanish language with all lessons
delivered to students in their local vernacular. Community inhabitants
regularly gather together to identify specific concerns and shared
problems and then work together to build an education system that
promotes solutions to these problems. In short, the Zapatistas promote
education as a practical tool that encourages the realisation of
practical solutions to community problems. This stands in stark contrast
to the argument put forward by Toscana (2013) who claims that federal
education should teach children only what is easy to teach and not what
they need to learn. Instead, Zapatista students regularly attend lessons
in agriculture and environmental sustainability, learning about viable
farming techniques which help protect the environment and assist in
maximising local farmersâ limited agricultural resources (Howard, 2007).
Nowadays, young farmers are learning to plant vines in their fields as a
way of suffocating and reducing the spread of weeds on their lands. It
is a practice that returns nutrients to the soil and makes ready the
fields for consecutive agricultural seasons. Prior to the introduction
of this unique farming method, many farmers failed to protect their
fields and often burned weeds, thus eliminating all possibility of
âenriching the ground with nutrients and nitrogenâ (Barmeyer, 2008, 520)
Education of this kind is a means of safeguarding and securing the
growth of vital crops which are important for supporting community
inhabitants and their local economies (Baronnet, 2008). The financial
return from selling surplus crops helps to sustain local education
including the purchase of necessary materials. As the evidence
undoubtedly suggests, Zapatista autonomous education lies at the heart
of the community and promotes the knowledge and skills that allow
âvillagers to live and work in their communities in a better more
efficient wayâ (Barmeyer, 2008, 520).
Over the years, autonomous education has expanded its reach throughout
the region and, as a result, the rebels have started to develop a second
tier in the education system. This slow and steady commitment to advance
their education system demonstrates the important and respected position
that education holds in the wider project of Zapatista autonomy.
However, it still remains significantly underdeveloped. While primary
education is available in all Zapatista communities, there are only five
secondary schools in operation across the region, one constructed in
each Caracol (Andrea, 2013). Figures released in 2001 indicate that 37%
of all Zapatista students are now steadily progressing towards second
level education (Thompson, Date N/A, the Melbourne Globalist).
Nevertheless, according to Barmeyerâs (2008) observations, primary
school remains the only educational service that is available in all
indigenous communities in the autonomous territory. However, despite its
rudimentary infrastructure and under-resourced classrooms, autonomous
education is a finely tuned system designed precisely to deliver the
objectives the Zapatistas expected of it.
The unique and unconventional pedagogy of the Brazilian educationalist
Paulo Freire is loosely incorporated into the fabric of Zapatista
autonomous education. The Zapatistas declare that they do not strictly
adhere to the exacting principles of Freireâs theory of education but do
stress that they absorb key ideas and approaches into their unique
educational framework (MartĂnez, 2007). In short, Freireâs theory of
education influences and guides Zapatista education from a clearly
defined distance. Freire was largely concerned with grand ideas such as
the purpose of education and its application within the classroom
environment. Freire believed that current, conventional theories of
education damage its potential. In contrast, he confronted the
established orthodoxies that surround mainstream education and
challenged the conventional wisdom of many who operate within such
educational frameworks.
Freire developed his âproblem-posingâ approach to education in response
to prevailing theories and approaches that failed, he argued, to realise
its potential within the classroom. Freire further argued that education
was suffering a ânarration sicknessâ (Freire, 1996, 52), by virtue of
which the narrative of the classroom was under the control of the
teacher and not the student. Such a conventional approach was described
by Freire as the âbanking conceptâ of education and he openly
disapproved of its use in the classroom. He posited that under this
approach, students do not properly engage in classroom discourse but
instead, surrender to it. Such a method involves students recording,
memorising and repeating information without ever understanding the
nature of the narrated content (Freire, 1996). It is considered a very
mechanical approach to learning, grounded in the idea that knowledge is
a gift bestowed by educators, who are considered to know everything,
upon students who are considered to know nothing (Freire, 1996). As this
approach dictates, students are never expected to contribute their
unique perspectives to the wider classroom narrative but instead must
âmemorise the contents narrated by the teacherâ (Freire, 1996, 61).
Freire links the âbanking conceptâ of education intimately with the
notion of oppression. He characterises this link by stressing that
depositing information into the minds of students inevitably limits
their creative powers. As a consequence, students become passive
individuals and simply adapt to the world around them rather than
actively shape it (Freire, 1996). The studentsâ potential to learn is
strictly confined to the narrative which is offered by the teacher and
little else penetrates this discourse. The banking concept of education
offers little more than the âoppressive depositing of information by
teachers to their studentsâ (Micheletti, 2010, 1). In short, in the eyes
of Freire, education of this kind damages the transformative potential
of the human condition.
In accordance with his problem-posing approach to education, Freire
breaks with conventional models of education. His problem-posing
approach to education dismantles the hierarchy of teacher and student
characteristic of the banking model of education. (Freire, 1996). As a
result, a new relationship emerges between the student and the teacher
which dramatically changes the style and form of interaction between all
participants in the classroom. Educators committed to this alternative
approach must entirely disassociate themselves from the depositing of
information and replace it with the âposing of the problems of human
beings in their relations with the worldâ (Freire, 1996, 60). This is
described as a style of teaching that relies on active dialogue in the
classroom with educators no longer confining their lessons to responding
to the demands of standardised curriculums (Smith, 2002). The
problem-posing method responds directly to the needs of the student and
to the studentsâ desire to think for themselves and to overtly
communicate their thoughts and ideas. Such interaction inspires a more
liberated form of education because the student is engaged in âacts of
cognitionâ and not in the âtransferral of informationâ (Freire, 1996,
60). An education of this nature, as Smith (2002) writes, has âthe power
to transform realityâ (Smith, 2002). Students are encouraged to take
control of the classroom narrative and to think critically for
themselves on their own terms. Adhering to these principles unleashes a
new dimension to teaching and learning. For the first time, students are
actively encouraged to âcontemplate their own realitiesâ and in doing
so, to unearth the power to âimagine otherwiseâ (Micheletti, 2010, 2).
As Freire imagined, students now hold the seat of power in the classroom
and they are not hindered by the burden of an authoritarian teacher who
is bound by an imperious curriculum (Micheletti, 2010). The classroom is
transformed into a space which encourages students to work âwith each
otherâ (Smith, 2002). This, according to Freire, is the âkey to human
progressionâ (Micheletti, 2010, 2).
The Zapatistas, much like Freire, are keen proponents of organising and
educating from below, at the level of grassroots, and their education
system incorporates a number of âemancipatory education techniquesâ to
support such objectives (Baronnet, 2008, 117). In light of this, it is
clear that Freireâs theory of education provides an important foundation
for Zapatista education. Many researchers agree that a Zapatista
classroom is a place of liberation, allowing students the freedom to
critically think about the social, political and cultural reality that
surrounds them. The Zapatistas encourage students to âhacer una critica
de la situaciĂłn actualâ and prompt them to ask important questions such
as âÂżpor quĂ© son tan pobres?â (MartĂnez, 2007). Just as Freire predicted
in his critique of educational practice, the life experiences of the
student inform the narrative of the class and this encourages dialogue
between all participants, including the teacher (Spencer, 2009).
Zapatista students are not confined to a classroom discourse dictated by
others. Instead, they experience a classroom environment that promotes
critical thinking and encourages them to engage with their unique and
individualised perspectives. By removing authority from the teacher and
promoting equality between all participants, students become reflective
and inquisitive actors who are naturally stimulated to debate and
challenge the current realities of their impoverished existence
(Spencer, 2009). Students reflect on fundamental issues such as
indigenous poverty and they learn to question why their indigenous
communities remain in such destitution. Zapatista education encourages
students to engage with and learn from their immediate environment and
from the âelements that configure their daily lifeâ (Zibechi, 2013,
September 5^(th)). The rebel movement invites Zapatista youth to begin
their political and cultural socialisation at an early stage in their
lives. In this way, the movement values the participation of its youth
in the political and social dimensions of the organisation (Baronnet,
2008). Young Zapatistas, for example, learn about the importance of
sustainable agricultural techniques for communities and their small
economies. The Zapatistas transform their community into a classroom so
that young children learn more than just literacy and numeracy (Rico,
2014). For the Zapatistas, it is crucial that their children learn the
important skills which help them contribute to their communityâs
development (Rico, 2014). Education of this nature promotes the
fundamental importance of the community in the life of the child and
directly encourages students to take responsibility for their
communityâs development in the future. Autonomous education erodes the
notion that the individual is more important than the community. As
Freire demonstrates, this form of education is vital for the childrenâs
development because as they are âincreasingly posed with problems
relating to themselves in the worldâŠ[the students] feel increasingly
obliged to respond to that challengeâ (Freire, 1996, 62). By encouraging
their students to develop a greater awareness of themselves in the
world, the Zapatistas ensure that all children are actively âimmersed in
the construction of a social and political realityâ (Rico, 2014). As the
evidence overwhelmingly suggests, autonomous education is powered by the
local community, and the control that villagers exercise over education
policy allows them to better manage their overall struggle (Andrea,
2013). Undoubtedly, such local management of educational services
inspires a sense of confidence and âself-esteemâ (Barmeyer, 2008, 520)
amongst community inhabitants. As history confirms, the indigenous are
constantly interacting with the changing world around them and the
Zapatistas designed an education system that helps all participants to
manage this challenge. Autonomous education empowers the indigenous
people to voice their concerns and challenge their impoverished
circumstances rather than simply accept them without protest. This
community- based approach to education also provides them with a
platform which allows them to embrace and accentuate their local,
indigenous heritage and all that it entails. The State, critics argue,
largely undervalues indigenous language and culture in education. In
short, autonomous education creates a space of âchange and resistanceâ
(Rico, 2014). Such change and resistance is of the essence of community
independence and indigenous mobilisation and it is clear from this that
education lies at the heart of the Zapatistasâ drive for autonomy.
When examining autonomous education, it is important for one to refer to
the indigenous communities who live outside the Zapatista territory.
Many observers of the Zapatista movement have noted that the indigenous
uprising of 1994 brought about a momentous transformation and
âre-signification of what it means to be indigenousâ in modern-day
Mexico (Castellanos, 2014). For pro-Zapatista communities these âsudden
cultural changesâ were experienced within the protective political and
social framework of the Zapatista movement (Castellanos, 2014). Today,
autonomous education encourages communities to celebrate their
indigenous identities and welcomes the âre-evaluation of their culture
[and] their languageâ (Castellanos, 2014). However, the reality for many
indigenous communities who live outside the sphere of influence of the
Zapatista movement is different. Observers such as Barmeyer (2008) argue
that the children of indigenous communities attending State education
have experienced problems related to alcohol abuse, discrimination,
corporal punishment and sexual abuse by government teachers. Families
feel anger and frustration because State education is âshaming them for
being indigenousâ and State-employed teachers accuse them of speaking
âuna lengua de perrosâ, a demeaning reference to the childrenâs use of
native indigenous languages (Rico, 2014). According to Castellanos
(2014), alcohol abuse is prevalent in many pro-government communities
and such high levels of consumption are linked to significantly high
rates of suicide amongst young indigenous teenagers. It is claimed that
many indigenous young people in these communities resort to excessive
levels of alcohol consumption as a means of coping with the
discrimination they experience in school. It is estimated that, on
average, six attempted suicides take place each month amongst this
cohort of young indigenous people living in pro-government communities
(Castellanos, 2014). In contrast to this bleak reality, it is widely
accepted that, through autonomous education, the Zapatista rebels have
âsheltered Zapatista youth from the social changesâ which have so
severely impacted on those of whom are living outside the protective
frameworks of the Zapatista movement (Castellanos, 2014).
The education promoter is an important figure who plays a central role
in the Zapatista education system. Often the sole representative of
autonomous education in Zapatista communities, the education promoter is
responsible for maintaining the unique and unconventional standards of
this educational service. In order to be first considered for this
position, a prospective education promoter must fulfil a number of
pre-conditions set down by the Zapatista movement. To begin with,
education promoters must demonstrate their ability to speak both native,
indigenous languages and Spanish. For the Zapatistas, bilingual
promoters are crucial in maintaining the prominence of native languages
in the education system without renouncing important ties to the Spanish
language. Promoters must prove oral and written proficiency in both
languages. However, if individuals fail to meet these linguistic
requirements, they must demonstrate enthusiasm for learning all the
languages necessary to take up the position (Baronnet, 2008). Besides
testifying to their linguistic competency, education promoters must
indicate their complete availability for the position (Baronnet, 2008).
In addition, the Zapatistas require that their education promoters be
morally irreproachable and provide evidence of their former political
and social activism within the movement (Baronnet, 2008). In essence,
education promoters are important representatives of autonomous
education and because the Zapatistas believe deeply in their education
system, they must have full confidence in the ability of their education
promoters to successfully and faithfully carry out their duties (Schools
for Chiapas, Date N/A).
Once accepted, education promoters begin an intensive period of
training. Some of them may already have completed basic second level
education before commencing their training, however, this is not always
the case (Schools for Chiapas, Date N/A). According to MartĂnez (2007),
education promoters are trained in a secondary school facility in the
Caracol of Oventic, one of the first second level institutions to be set
up in the region. During the process of training, new education
promoters are often taught by older, more experienced promoters who
share their personal knowledge and experience of the position with the
new recruits (Howard, 2007). International organisations from Europe and
the United States collaborate in providing this formal training for
education promoters. Such organisations include the Schools for Chiapas
Project, which is a key advocate of Zapatista autonomous education. This
organisation supports educational development within the Zapatista
region but also plays a key role in disseminating the rebelâs
educational values globally through its website. Once their training is
complete, education promoters begin their duties in the communities and
work on a ârotary basisâ for a number of years (Schools for Chiapas,
Date N/A). As of 2007, there were 147 active education promoters
attending to 1,726 Zapatista students across the autonomous region. Now,
the movement is witnessing the third generation of education promoters
pass through the ranks (Howard, 2007).
In more recent years, the Zapatista movement has been selecting
education promoters from amongst the large cohort of young indigenous
adults now emerging within the movement. Generally, education promoters
have an average age of twenty two years, however, in certain cases,
education promoters can be as young as fifteen years. The selection and
training of such young individuals for the position is not a coincidence
but the result of a strategic decision. Young promoters speak Spanish
more fluently than their elders and are more likely to be bilingual. In
addition to this, they adapt better to the movementâs strategy of
embracing new technologies. However, apart from such obvious reasons,
encouraging young people to assume the role of education promoter allows
the movement to keep faith with the key principles of its education
philosophy.
For the Zapatista movement, a blend of inexperience and naivety is
desirable in an education promoter. These unusual qualities, it is
believed, assist the education promoter in teaching according to the
principles of autonomous education. Education promoters do not operate
like a conventional teachers. Instead, they carry out their teaching
duties in direct contravention of conventional norms. As mentioned
previously in this chapter, students within mainstream education submit
and âsurrender to their teachersâ (Toscana, 2013) Conventional teachers
are accused of directing and channelling their students towards
particular educational outcomes with little regard for their opinions
and perspectives (Micheletti, 2010, 1). Conventional teachers in
mainstream education dictate and dominate the discourses of the
classroom and define the boundaries of knowledge in accordance with
their individual perspectives. On the other hand, autonomous education
places education promoters in a much different role within the
classroom. Education promoters do not look upon their students as âunos
ignorantesâ (MartĂnez, 2007) but instead encourage them to ârealizar
unos estudiosâ (MartĂnez, 2007). Freire argues that the real problem of
education must begin with the resolution of the âteacher-student
contradictionâ (Freire, 1996, 53). He further states that reconciling
such a contradiction requires the promotion of equality between both
parties in the classroom. The education promoter assumes responsibility
for ensuring that such equality exits by creating an environment in
which âno one teaches another, nor is anyone self taughtâŠpeople teach
each otherâ (Freire, 1996, 61). Education promoters play a central role
in assisting their students to develop a broader awareness of the world
around them. They also encourage their students to critically think
about key issues such as poverty and indigenous neglect. The promotersâ
youthful inexperience guarantees that, as is not the case with
conventional teaching methods, the narrative of the classroom is
entirely under the control of the students. Promoters encourage the
exploration of studentsâ ideas and perspectives on the concerns they
have about politics and society. It is clear that the education promoter
leads an education system that allows a unique space within which
participants may reflect upon their world âin order to transform itâ
(Freire, 1996, 60).
It must be acknowledged that promoting young individuals to positions of
such great importance can place limitations on the development of the
Zapatista movement. Regardless of the benefits that young and
inexperienced education promoters bring to the system, certain concerns
need to be highlighted. The Zapatista movement must remain careful not
to undervalue the advantages of experience, particularly that of the
many elders who live in their communities today. Baronnet (2008)
provides encouraging evidence to suggest that the Zapatista movement is
working to blend the experience of older Zapatista rebels with the
inexperience of young Zapatista adults throughout all levels of the
rebel organisation. Many young Zapatistas work together with village
cadres or elders in areas such as education. In order to create a
successful education system, the Zapatista movement must continue to
promote cooperation between former and newly appointed education
promoters. This allows young promoters to build on the success of those
who went before them, thus strengthening the foundations of autonomous
education in the process.
There are a number of challenges which test the future sustainability of
autonomous education. One concern relates to the role of the education
promoter and how difficult this position is for any one individual, in
the community, to undertake. This task is made more onerous by a second
omnipresent threat: the presence of the Mexican military and that of
clandestine paramilitary groups throughout Chiapas. The visibility of
State troops and the covert operations of paramilitary militias in the
region test the Zapatista rebels to their very limits and create a
hostile environment. Finally, critics argue that autonomous education
distances the Zapatista movement from the wider political and social
world, alluding to the potential of this education system to isolate the
Zapatista indigenous. Certain observers are concerned that autonomous
education is unbalanced and biased in favour of the Zapatistas
themselves. To successfully develop autonomous education, the Zapatistas
must address these concerns before they permanently limit its future
progress.
As discussed at length earlier in this account of autonomous education,
many young Zapatista adults are increasingly selected as education
promoters. However, these young adults are in their early twenties, an
age at which many start to consider raising their own families.
Instantly, a conflict emerges between duty and fulfilling personal
ambitions. During the training of a number of education promoters, â50%
broke off their training within the first yearâ (Barmeyer, 2008, 521).
The reason cited, according to Barmeyer (2008), was that many of these
education promoters felt the desire to start their own families and
therefore could no longer commit to the intensive training programme.
The Zapatistas require a steadfast commitment to the position of
education promoter and for many this commitment presents difficulties
for their personal lives. The communities work to support the promoter
as best they can in their everyday duties, helping with both domestic
and agricultural chores. Community residents also provide food, clothing
and other necessities to education promoters (Schools for Chiapas, Date
N/A). Regardless of such support, large numbers of prospective education
promoters fail to commit to the job because of the gruelling demands
imposed upon them. As a consequence of this, the Zapatista movement may
risk having a shortage of applicants for the future. Undoubtedly, this
would significantly damage the future development of Zapatista education
because many remote communities would be deprived of education promoters
and would, therefore, lack access to basic education. To avoid such
shortages, communities can reassess the support which they currently
provide for education promoters and neighbours can find new ways to
alleviate their workload. Failing to recognise this issue may leave
Zapatista students in successive years receiving an inconsistent
education because current resources cannot meet future demands. A
constant and steady recruitment of promoters is needed to maintain the
development of autonomous education.
The Mexican government, the military and smaller paramilitary movements
pose a considerable threat to the Zapatista movement and its education
system. State education continues to operate alongside autonomous
education in Chiapas and the government offers financial incentives to
families who attend federal schools in return for their political
loyalty.[4] These social programmes often divide communities and make
political and social unity within the autonomous region unattainable.
Under certain schemes, the government increases annual payments to
indigenous families the longer they continue to enrol their children in
State schools. Politically, the government employs a policy of
divide-and-rule and is slowly regaining control inside the autonomous
territory. The tactics employed by the government to increase its
control in the area creates difficulties for the development of
autonomous education.
In addition to the Mexican governmentâs clandestine political tactics in
Chiapas, State troops and paramilitary movements present challenges for
the Zapatistas and their education system. State military personnel
continue to operate numerous checkpoint facilities on the border of the
autonomous region. The army has been accused, on numerous occasions, of
harassing young Zapatista children at military checkpoints. On their way
to school, some Zapatista children must pass through military
checkpoints and, in the process, their school bags are searched (Rico,
2014). This is one form of harassment that takes place, however, other
more serious cases of abuse occur. Many young adolescent girls
experience more brutal forms of intimidation and harassment.
Soldiers often yell expletives at Zapatista women as they pass through
military checkpoints and in more extreme instances, young Zapatista
women have allegedly been raped by military personnel at these same
checkpoints (McCaughan, 1995). Gender violence, not unique to Chiapas,
is at crisis level across Mexico. As more women achieve access to
education and employment, they are populating arenas that were
originally and exclusively male dominated. In addition to these forms of
harassment and violence, paramilitary movements have been operating
throughout the jungles of Chiapas attacking many Zapatista communities.
There are, according to Higgins (2001), an estimated twenty-one
anti-Zapatista paramilitary groups operating in Chiapas. In 2014,
paramilitary movements orchestrated attacks on communities and the
constant presence of these groups significantly threatens the
development of Zapatista education in the region. In early 2014, an
education promoter was assassinated by members of one such paramilitary
group and his body was later discovered with two gunshot wounds and a
laceration from a machete (Knoll, 2014). This same paramilitary
organisation was also responsible for the sabotage of Zapatista
community infrastructure, including the local school building. The
Zapatistas openly declare that such attacks are government-led
offensives âaimed at dismantling their autonomous self-governed
communitiesâ (Knoll, 2014). These paramilitary movements attack whole
communities with the intention of destroying the infrastructure that
supports the political and social development of the Zapatistas.
Moreover, these often violent offensives test the loyalty of many
Zapatista supporters. In the face of harassment, intimidation and
extreme violence, it is difficult for the Zapatista movement to continue
the development of their education system. The rebelsâ resilience is
tested to the extreme because these attacks are specifically designed to
âdebilitar el proyecto de educaciĂłn autĂłnomoâ (Bellinghausen, 2011).
Finally, criticisms have been voiced regarding the style and form of
Zapatista autonomous education. Some have argued that Zapatista
education is insular in nature. According to this view, in their defence
of indigenous culture and tradition, the rebels have been inclined to
over accentuate their heritage to a point where it promotes a biased
view of the world. Critics stress the need to establish a balanced
education system which favours the importance of culture and tradition
while also encouraging the acquisition of modern skills amongst its
students. However, certain critics of Zapatista education find great
difficulty in applying its structures and theories in contexts outside
Chiapas (MartĂnez Espinoza, 2008). While Zapatista education is
attempting to incorporate modern skills into its educational framework
especially in the area of agriculture, it is crucial for the rebels to
maintain a healthy balance between tradition and modernity. As Reinke
(2004) observes, it is an ongoing challenge because the Zapatistas must
âdevelop modern skills within the framework of local practicesâ (Reinke,
2004, 494). Educational success for the Zapatistas would ensure the
âcoexistence of both the traditional and the modernâ (Reinke, 2004,
494). The Zapatista movement must continue to correctly balance
tradition with modernity in education if the rebels are to avoid
becoming an irrelevant and isolated political force.
To conclude, the Zapatista autonomous education system is a cornerstone
of Zapatista autonomy. The unique pedagogy of this education system
emphasises the importance of community values for Zapatista children.
From the evidence provided, it is clear that community residents unite
together to devise education policy for their children. They design the
style of curriculum to be offered in the local school house and select
and appoint the education promoter to teach the chosen subjects. Such a
community oriented approach to education guarantees that indigenous
culture and language remain a priority on the education agenda in
Zapatista communities. As a result, autonomous education plays a
fundamental role in supporting the future development of Zapatista
autonomy. With the continued presence in Chiapas of the Mexican military
alongside violent and clandestine paramilitary groups, the growth of
autonomous education has never been a more necessary counterforce.
This thesis has been concerned with an analysis of both Zapatista
healthcare and education systems. The objective of this analysis has
been to show that healthcare and education are community oriented
services and are constructed and developed by the communities for the
communities. Healthcare and education are embedded within the fabric of
these remote communities and this supports the wider argument that
autonomous education and healthcare services are important for the
development of Zapatista autonomy. As stated at the beginning of this
study, it is contended here that autonomous healthcare and education,
more than any other organ of Zapatista autonomy, lie at the heart of
Zapatista communities. As a result, they form a solid foundation of
support for the growth of Zapatista autonomy. The findings of this
study, thus open up further pathways for investigation which will
provide evidence to support such claims.
Chapter One set out to examine Zapatista healthcare with the aim of
underlining the crucial role community participation plays in the
structure and delivery of this basic service. The community is involved
in all aspects of healthcare. All the individual components of community
healthcare, including the health promoter and the healthcare committee,
orbit the community inhabitants, who form its nucleus. The healthcare
committee and the health promoter respond directly to the decisions of
community inhabitants. Under the community mandate, the local healthcare
committee drafts proposals that set out the nature of medical services
available for community members. Such healthcare proposals reflect the
needs of all inhabitants. The community also exercises authority over
the health promoter, who is appointed from amongst the community
inhabitants to deliver basic medical services in line with the drafted
healthcare proposals. In every instance, the community is central to
healthcare, deciding on the nature of the medical services available and
who from amongst the community inhabitants is best suited to deliver
such services. At every stage, the community occupies the seat of power
in local healthcare politics and, therefore, healthcare is a community
service âin the hands of the peopleâ (Cuevas, 2007, 6). As previously
stated, this thesis is concerned with uncovering the link that unites
such a community-focused approach to healthcare with wider Zapatista
autonomous development. The key to this link lies firmly with the
notions of community control, ownership and empowerment that inform this
method of healthcare.
In order to satisfy the medical needs of its inhabitants, a community
must work off its own initiative, since, as it stands, no other external
body supports the construction and development of community healthcare
more than the community itself. The higher levels of Zapatista
government do not exert the same degree of authority over healthcare as
the individual communities. The values of control, empowerment and,
ultimately community independence are directly reflected in the
structure of Zapatista healthcare. As outlined above, the health
promoters are often the sole providers of medical services to the
community and they rely entirely on basic supplies and limited medical
knowledge to perform their duties. The position of the health promoter
is indicative of the independent control that the communities exercise
over the healthcare system. The health promoter is a local community
representative who brings medical knowledge into the heart of many
remote communities, affording residents the opportunity to be treated
for illnesses within the confines of their community. The health
promoterâs role is not only reactive but he/she also educates the
community in areas of hygiene and nutrition in order to empower its
members to safeguard their health for the future. Through the health
promoter, communities are educating themselves about how to curtail the
spread of epidemics and overcome disease and illness. The promoter
tackles healthcare on two distinct levels, ensuring that disease and
illness are attended to but also demanding that inhabitants learn to
maintain good health and avoid unnecessary illness that results from
poor hygiene. Communities do not just self-medicate but they also
self-educate. Assuming complete responsibility for all aspects of
healthcare management is the essence of community independence.
All communities strive to reintroduce the use of traditional medicines
and medical knowledge into current community healthcare structures.
Communities gradually disengage from external healthcare support as they
progress toward a greater emphasis on locally sourced traditional
medicine and increase their reliance on the knowledge of village elders.
Through such healthcare initiatives, communities are moving away from
their dependency on foreign medicine and are expanding the boundaries of
their community independence. In order for the healthcare system to
survive and flourish, it must receive the support of all Zapatista
communities. Widespread acceptance of autonomous healthcare in all 1,111
Zapatista communities makes it an important pillar of Zapatista
autonomous development. The positive benefits to health experienced by
the communities indicate that this approach to healthcare has proven to
be successful. The health of Zapatistas, particularly of women and
children, has significantly improved throughout all communities.
Statistics clearly show the growing numbers of women and children now
surviving childbirth. This would indicate that autonomous healthcare is
highly successful. Its proven success suggests that it has a strong
future of growth with more indigenous communities looking to satisfy
their healthcare needs in this way. As new communities adopt this system
of healthcare, they will discover that their independence grows as their
healthcare system develops. Healthcare, therefore, lies at the heart of
Zapatista autonomy, sustaining its growth and development.
As is the case with healthcare, community education is built on the
values of control, ownership and empowerment. It is these concepts that
link education to the sustainable growth of Zapatista autonomy. Through
the participation of the community which has authority over education,
it operates as an independent entity. Communities independently elect an
education promoter to deliver the community approved curriculum. This
curriculum is centred on the cultural and linguistic needs of the
community while the education promoter is sensitive to the language,
traditions and customs of the inhabitants. In teaching agricultural
techniques to suit the diverse topography of the surrounding area, the
inhabitants are exercising their independence as a community. Not all
1,111 Zapatista communities share similar environments, cultures or
languages, so it is of utmost importance for them to devise and develop
an education system that equips them with skills that reflect their
needs. Communities can, therefore, learn to adapt to their surroundings
in a more informed and efficient way and learn to protect and even
promote their indigenous heritage.
Zapatista education also extends the concept of community independence
to include individual liberation. The theories and processes upon which
Zapatista education is based help to develop, not just community
independence and self-sufficiency, but also to promote individual
liberation. This relates specifically to Paulo Freireâs problem-posing
approach to education, which encourages students to actively participate
in and to construct and shape the narrative of the class. The Zapatistas
believe that politics should operate at grassroots level and they extend
this principle to education, placing the student in charge of the class.
All of this indicates that liberation of the mind is a prerequisite for
liberation of the individual, which helps to realise the ideal of
community autonomy. These concepts are central to Zapatista education.
The Zapatistas promote the notion of independence on both an individual
and a community level. This form of liberation inculcates a confidence
and self-esteem amongst younger generations of Zapatistas to inspire
them to become active members of the movement. That this is what happens
in practice is evident from the large numbers of young Zapatistas who
begin their political socialisation at a young age. For that reason,
education promoters are often young Zapatista teenagers. Ultimately, to
achieve community independence, individual inhabitants must be liberated
to think and speak independently for themselves. In order to achieve
this, education is placed right at the heart of the project of community
empowerment. The successful functioning of this model of education plays
a significant part in driving the growth of Zapatista autonomy.
As the two previous chapters illustrate, healthcare and education are
important elements in the development and sustainability of Zapatista
autonomy. This is reflected in the high levels of community
participation involved in the development and shaping of community
healthcare and education. It is on this basis that this study concludes
that healthcare and education are directly linked to the achievement of
the goal of Zapatista autonomy and, more specifically, support and
sustain its development. However, as outlined earlier, this conclusion
has the potential to open up new avenues for further, wider-ranging
research.
The Zapatista movement places the community at the forefront of
development and such a model of community-based development could have
applications outside Chiapas. Englandâs National Health Service
Executive (NHS) is under new management, seeking to redefine the role of
community in its future development plans.[5] Unlike the Zapatistas, the
NHS committed to a path of development that focused on the âmass
centralisationâ (Donnelly, 2014, May 29^(th); Donnelly, 2014, May
30^(th)) of healthcare services. Now, after many years of attempting to
operate a policy of development that they perceive as no longer
sustainable, this mammoth organisation, with more resources and capital
available than the Zapatista healthcare system, is turning to community
models of healthcare development that will âimprove local community
servicesâ (Donnelly, 2014, May 30^(th)). Many might dismiss Zapatista
healthcare and education as too primitive and rudimentary to be
replicated in a modern, western healthcare system. However, it is their
attitude and approach to the community that defines their development
and ultimately their success. While many developed countries continue to
redefine and rewrite healthcare and education policy to placate a
dissatisfied electorate, Zapatista autonomous healthcare and education
continue to support communities and their development, improving the
quality of indigenous lives and sustaining the growth of Zapatista
autonomy. Confident that healthcare and education help fuel Zapatista
autonomy, the rebels will continue, for years to come, to shout from the
jungles of Chiapas, âÂĄYa Basta!â
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[1] For the purpose of this review, reference to the Mexican political
Left embraces all political parties of the Left, along with their
candidates and grassroots supporters; In short, Mexicoâs parliamentary
and social Left (Semo & Pardo, 2006). The main liberal party in Mexico
is the Partido de la RevoluciĂłn DemocrĂĄtica (PRD). Before 1989, Mexico
did not have a strong parliamentary Left. The Zapatistas oppose the
parliamentary Left in Mexico and ârefuse to be confined to electoral
actionâ (Semo & Pardo, 2006, 85). In fact, the Zapatistas are working to
reach beyond all parameters of the traditional political and social Left
in Mexico, to engage in âanother way of doing politicsâ (Fernandes,
2006, 3345).
[2] The water projects represent a form of national and international
solidarity. In this particular instance, the project involves the
construction of a two-kilometre long PVC piping system, connected at one
end to a natural spring and at the other to a 13,000 litre capacity
cement reservoir in a nearby village (Ryan, 2011). All elements,
including the cement tank structure, will be constructed by local
Zapatista men and international activists working in cooperation (Ryan,
2011). Ultimately, the goal is not just to install a basic yet
sufficient plumbing system in the village, but to train locals to manage
their own water supply; this becomes the âarsenal of their community
autonomyâ (Ryan, 2011, 23). If no major delays or faults emerge, the
plumbing system will take between two and three months to construct and
will serve the community for twenty years (Ryan, 2011).
[3] The rebel movement was surprised by the positive and sympathetic
response of the people of Mexico and the world to their cause (Womack
Jr., 1999). It was âcivil societyâ or national and international
Zapatista supporters and keen observers, that ultimately pressured the
government to call a ceasefire and request dialogue with the Zapatistas
in January 1994 (Womack Jr., 1994). In light of discovering this unique
relationship, the rebel organisation began to more formally organise
their engagements with and responses to wider Mexico and the world. They
established 3,000 strong meetings with invited participants from âcivil
societyâ to encounters such as âThe Zapatista Intercontinental Gathering
for Humanity and Against Neo-liberalismâ in July and August 1996 to
discuss alternative politics and âthe creation of a global network of
strugglesâ (Flood, 2009). They also formed the âConvenciĂłn Nacional
DemocĂĄticoâ (CND), an extremely large assemblage of 6,000 delegates to
offer a âleft perspectiveâ (Stephen, 1995, 88) designed to inspire
political organisation âon a national levelâ in Mexico (Stephen, 1995,
88).
[4] PRONASOL, PROCAMPO and CONASUPO are an example of government-funded
programmes in operation throughout Chiapas. PRONASOL is a programme
designed to develop infrastructure in the region, PROCAMPO; is an
agricultural subsidy available to the indigenous population and,
CONASUPO is a subsidised shop supported by the Secretary of Social
Development (Barmeyer, 2008). Under the PROCAMPO scheme, families
receive an income of 200 pesos per month, the price the government
offers for indigenous political loyalty (Barmeyer, 2008).
[5] Simon Stevens is the new chief executive of the National Health
Service, England. A former health advisor to Tony Blair, he was
appointed in April 2014 and, since then, has been outlining his radical
new plans for healthcare development throughout England. Top of his
policy agenda is to establish ânew models of care to build community
services around small hospitals to meet the needs of an aging
populationâ (Donnelly, 2014, May 29^(th)). Simon Stevens believes in
decentralising healthcare services and empowering small community
hospitals around England to allow patients to be treated with âdignity
and compassionâ (Donnelly, 2014, May 29^(th)) in their local
communities.