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Title: Letter from Paris Author: CrimethInc. Date: November 25, 2015 Language: en Topics: France, Paris, letter, CrimethInc., From The Trenches Source: Retrieved on 2nd December 2020 from https://crimethinc.com/2015/11/25/letter-from-paris
We received the following report from the group that produced the French
version of To Change Everything, Pour Tout Changer. They describe the
situation in Paris before and after the attacks of November 13: the
intensification of xenophobic discourse, the repression of homeless
refugees, the declaration of a “state of emergency” as a way to clamp
down on dissent, the preparations for the COP 21 summit at which
demonstrations are now banned, and what people are doing to counter all
this. It offers an eyewitness account from the front lines of the
struggle against the opportunists who hope to use the tragedy of
November 13 to advance their agenda of racism and autocracy. With
demonstrations forbidden and the COP 21 summit around the corner, what
happens in Paris will set an important precedent for whether governments
can use the specter of terrorism to suppress efforts to change the
disastrous course on which they are steering us.
The attacks that took place in Paris several days ago, tragic as they
are, are unfortunately not an isolated event. The capital city of France
was simply another target in a string of bombings in Suruç, Ankara, and
Beirut; it represents the continuation and expansion of the strategy
ISIS initiated in the Middle East.
In France, these attacks exacerbate a political context that was already
fraught. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001 and the
participation of the far-right party Front National in the second round
of the 2002 presidential election, the political discourse has taken an
increasingly conservative tone. For example, Nicolas Sarkozy, as
Ministre de l’Intérieur from 2002 to 2007 and President from 2007 to
2012, openly adopted some arguments, topics, and symbols that were
previously only used by the Front National. These discourses of
“identity” and “security” have especially stigmatized Arabic and Muslim
communities. In 2010, for example, a law was passed stipulating that it
was forbidden to cover your face in public places in France. While not
explicitly directed at those wearing a niqab or hijab, it resulted in
more controls targeting Muslim women.
During this same time period, law enforcement groups were given new
equipment such as Flash-balls (supposedly non-lethal anti-riot weapons)
and Taser guns. The national DNA file, used since 1998 to collect the
DNA of sexual offenders and abusers, has been extended to every person
convicted of an offense. The “Plan Vigipirate,” a governmental
anti-terrorism security plan established in 1995 after several bombing
attacks in France, was also updated three times between 2002 and 2006,
and more recently in 2014 under current President François Hollande.
For years, refugees have been fleeing their countries to escape death,
military conflicts, and constant political instability. Until last
summer, the French government and its European counterparts didn’t care
about the refugee issue—witness the countless tragic deaths of people
trying to cross the Mediterranean sea. In Paris, several groups of
refugees have been living on the streets in precarious conditions for
months.
Nevertheless, due to accelerating waves of immigration, the French
government started to change its policy, taking part in the European
political initiative “Welcome Refugees.” This was more of a political
move than an expression of solidarity. During this period, refugees and
migrants, left alone by authorities, began to create their own camps in
several locations in Paris. They received some assistance from NGOs,
collectives, activists, and others concerned about their difficult
situation.
However, refugees faced aggressive state repression, as they still do.
They are regularly harassed by police who intimidate, beat, evict, and
arrest them or destroy their camps. In June 2015, the fascist group
Génération Identitaire (Identity Generation) attacked a refugee camp in
Austerlitz with stones and bottles. The Austerlitz camps were removed by
the authorities in September.
At the end of July, another group of refugees and migrants decided to
squat an old and abandoned high school in the 19^(th) district of Paris:
the Lycée Jean Quarré. Collectives and activists came to offer help;
together, they began organizing demonstrations to defend refugees’
rights. On the morning of October 23, police evicted the squat. Some of
the migrants who occupied it have been relocated to centers or shelters
in the suburbs or even further outside Paris. Others remained without a
place to sleep, so they camped in front of the Hotel de Ville, the City
Hall of Paris.
The day after the eviction, demonstrations were planned at the same time
in England and in France under the slogan of “Freedom for the three
migrants imprisoned in England—Papers and housing for all—Freedom of
movement, no borders.” At the end of the demonstration, some refugees
were determined to block the streets until the Mayor found a solution to
relocate everyone. They occupied a major intersection for approximately
45 minutes. Then, as usual, police showed up in riot gear. After
discussing the possible consequences, the participants shifted to
occupying a nearby theater. As they were forcing the doors, the police
charged in a surprisingly disorganized and chaotic manner. Some
demonstrators continued to confront the police as they were pushed back
to a main street.
A few hours after the demo, some refugees and migrants, still without a
place to sleep for the night, occupied the Place de la RĂ©publique, one
of the major squares in downtown Paris. Since that day, they have been
evicted several times and their camps and personal belongings have been
destroyed and seized by the police. Several gatherings took place to
help refugees and defend the square against eviction. The tension was
always high during those actions and police forces were numerous. A few
weeks ago, at one such gathering, an Afghan refugee explained to us that
he and some of his friends have finally received housing for at least
six months. Nevertheless, he also told us that newer refugees who had
just arrived from Germany would sleep outside in the camp that night. On
Friday, November 13, the police evicted the camp again just a few hours
before the ISIS attacks took place in the same district.
At the same time, the authorities have been directing increasing
surveillance towards anarchists and their spaces. Several anarchists
have recently been arrested in the Paris area, demonstrating the
European common political agenda of increasing repression against
anarchists—as we have seen recently, on a larger scale, in Greece,
Spain, and even Czech Republic. Members of La Discordia, a new anarchist
library in the 19^(th) district of Paris that opened in spring 2015,
published an article in October showing that the police were monitoring
and recording their activities. A device was found hidden in a room at
the school facing the library, as its director had agreed to assist the
police in their surveillance.
Meanwhile, the COP 21 was coming up. From November 28 to December 12,
politicians from around the world will gather in Paris to pretend to
discuss environmental issues; several demonstrations and events were
planned by worldwide organizations to oppose this international
masquerade. An appeal to participate to the anti-COP 21 in Paris has
appeared in several languages and Paris is expecting an international
mobilization.
The French government took steps to control and contain popular
opposition even before the November 13 attacks. First, they decided to
close the borders: contrary to ordinary Shengen practice, France will
enforce border controls and refuse some people entry. The government has
also refused visas to foreign activists and members of organizations.
Furthermore, the police administration sent a message to all their
employees at a national level asking them not to take vacations during
the COP 21 in case they need to mobilize everyone against activists and
“black blocks” (French media and politicians still misunderstand black
blocs to be a distinct organization, not a reproducible tactic). In
other words, the authorities fear that this international meeting will
occasion fierce resistance.
As soon as the attacks took place, and especially when people were taken
hostage at the Bataclan, a major venue, Paris became an “urban warfare”
zone: police forces were on alert everywhere along with special forces
and tactical groups, while soldiers, emergency personnel, and firemen
blocked all the streets around the sites of the attacks. Everyone in
these areas was searched, had their IDs checked, and told to leave the
streets and go home. Those who were at bars were forced to stay inside
for hours before police ordered them to leave, some with their hands on
their heads. In the moment, the violence of the images and events let us
speechless, confused, and scared—not only about the attacks but even
more so about what would come next.
Shortly afterwards, President François Hollande made an official
statement on television saying that France was now at war against the
terrorists, against ISIS. Hollande used the same rhetoric and vocabulary
George W. Bush did in his speech after September 11, 2001. Hollande also
explained that France was now increasing its emergency alert level to
just below the ultimate level of war within the French territory. In the
name of the “state of emergency” and in order to reinforce and maintain
national “security,” Hollande asked to deploy about 10,000 soldiers to
help police officers carry out surveillance and control.
The “state of emergency” is a peculiar law passed on April 3, 1955 that
provides civil authorities of a specific geographical area with
exceptional police powers to regulate people’s movement and residence,
close public places, and requisition weapons. It enables the authorities
to take all the decisions they want and to drastically reduce liberties
and freedom. This law was created and used primarily during the war
against Algeria. Between 1955 and 1961, the “state of emergency” was
imposed several times on the Franco-Algerian territory. Later, it was
used in New Caledonia in 1984–1985. Finally, and for the first time in
the French metropolis, the state of emergency was imposed in 2005 after
the uprisings that took place in our suburbs.
Once applied, this state of emergency can take several forms. The
President and prefects can use it to impose curfews on their population.
Car traffic can be forbidden in certain districts or zones at specific
hours. Prefects can determine where people are permitted to go,
establishing restricted areas and safety zones and even forbidding
someone from going to or living in a specific zone if that person is
considered a threat. Indeed, every person considered “dangerous” can be
forced to stay at home without any option of going out, or only allowed
to go out within extremely precise conditions such as being monitored by
an electronic bracelet. Movie theaters, venues, or any other place where
people gather like bars and restaurants can be forced to close. Police
officers can stop and check you without a specific reason—something they
already do anyway—and any opposition can be considered a threat.
Demonstrations, marches, and gatherings can be forbidden; searches and
house raids can be made day and night without warrants; every single
person who contests this situation can be punished with financial
charges or prison according to stipulations built into the “state of
emergency” legislation.
During the three days of national mourning imposed by François Hollande,
the government made their first decisions responding to the attacks.
First, they decided to increase their military strikes on ISIS positions
in Syria; they are trying now to form a coalition with the US, Great
Britain, Germany, and Russia to wage a total war against “terrorism.”
Then our Assemblée Nationale, the official building where our deputies
discuss and make laws, voted almost unanimously (551 pros vs. 6 cons) to
extend the “state of emergency.” Now it will last three months, until
February 26, 2016. Of course, it could be extended again after that.
Moreover, the government decided to keep the COP 21 in Paris—at least
its official meeting and discussions—but forbade the demonstrations and
activities organized by anti-COP activists. This can be seen as an
attempt to muzzle the people taking part in the social movement to
counter these meaningless meetings and political negotiations. It is
also interesting to note, considering the three-month extension of the
state of emergency, that in 2016, the construction of the new airport at
Notre Dame des Landes is scheduled to resume—the airport that has thus
far been blocked by the occupation known internationally as la ZAD. The
authorities might try to control the opponents of the airport under this
supposedly “exceptional” law.
During the past few days, the authorities have made some other major
decisions: starting now, our police officers are allowed to keep their
weapons with them even after working hours in the name of national
safety. The government has also asserted a closer surveillance of online
activity. In addition, President François Hollande is trying to add new
elements to the law governing the state of emergency, including policies
such as stripping French citizenship from people recognized as a threat
to national security, or closing mosques preaching a conservative
interpretation of Islam.
In the aftermath of the Paris’ attacks, we are sure to face even darker
days than before between the increasing power of the government, the
crushing of our liberties, and intensifying xenophobic and racist
discourses among politicians and part of the population. Indeed, only a
few hours had passed after the attacks before the first racist attacks
took place in several towns around France. For example, on Saturday,
November 14 in Pontivy, Brittany, while taking part in a demonstration,
members of “Adsav,” a fascist group defending Breton identity, beat an
Arabic man. The weekend following the attacks in Paris, mosques were
tagged with red Christian crosses and racist sentences; some Halal
butcheries have also been targeted. In Marseilles, a Jewish professor
and a woman wearing a headscarf were assaulted.
The attacks also reinforced French nationalism. The “Marseillaise,” the
French national anthem, has been sung during many gatherings since the
attacks; the national flag has been ubiquitous, even on social media
profile pictures. All this nationalist momentum produced a spike in
applications to join the French military, as some recruiters explained
to journalists. All these events offer a great opportunity for the Front
National to increase its influence once more across the French political
spectrum, and to gain more electors during the municipal elections in
December.
It is alarming how readily the majority of the French population accepts
the policies of the “state of emergency” and the restriction of their
movement and liberties. For anarchists and activists, these emergency
measures raise several questions: What will happen if we violate the
state of emergency by demonstrating? How will the police forces react?
Will the government end up using this “exceptional law” to repress
anarchists and other radical activists and carry out mass arrests? One
thing is certain: since the attacks of the past January in Paris, most
of the police forces haven’t been able to take vacations due to a lack
of personnel. Some high-ranking members of the police explain that their
troops are exhausted and on edge, which means that the tension during
future actions including the COP 21 protests will be extremely high.
Nevertheless, it is important to remember that nothing is ever written
in advance. As individuals, we have the capacity to make choices that
could change the current inertia of the world.
On Sunday, November 22, several hundred people gathered in the Place de
la Bastille to express solidarity with refugees and to contest the
“state of emergency” declared by the government, despite the gathering
having been prohibited following the attacks. When we arrived, police
forces were present but were standing back from the increasing group of
activists. We took this opportunity and started walking in the middle of
the road, determined to demonstrate no matter what. Police forces ran
after us, faced us in a line, and tried to turn us away from our
principal objective of taking a major boulevard to reach Place de la
RĂ©publique. Their first attempt failed, as some activists got around the
police line and kept walking on the boulevard, chanting “Solidarity with
all refugees!” There followed a chase between police and activists. At
one time, they succeeded splitting us in two groups, and clashes broke
out as people tried to break through their lines of separation. They
answered with tear gas and truncheon blows. Nevertheless, their attacks
didn’t stop us. In the end, we succeeded in breaking their lines, and
once again we were demonstrating together, heading to our objective.
Finally, after approximately 30 minutes marked by clashes with the
police, we arrived at the Place de la RĂ©publique, which was full of
people who had come on that Sunday afternoon to lay flowers and pay
homage to the victims of the attacks.
The success of this spontaneous demonstration in defying the “state of
emergency” shows that we can still act on our own strength, refusing to
surrender to the general state of fear and to the new laws imposed in
the name of national security. More than ever, we must help and take
care of each other, we must keep organizing, we must stay focused and
continue defying authority. This is what we should keep in mind as the
COP 21 will start in few days in Paris. The struggle continues.