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Title: Reconnecting Traditional Links
Author: Bas Umali
Date: 2013
Language: en
Topics: Malaysia, Philippines
Source: *Pangayaw and Decolonizing Resistance: Anarchism in the Philippines.*
Notes: All notes in this article by the editor. Edited by Gabriel Kuhn.

Bas Umali

Reconnecting Traditional Links

Background: the Sabah crisis, also known as the “Lahad Datu standoff,”

occurred in March–April 2013, when 235 militants claiming to belong to

the “Royal Security Forces of the Sultanate of Sulu and North Borneo”

occupied an area in the Lahad Datu district of the Malaysian state of

Sabah. They had arrived by boat from the island of Simunul in the

southern Philippines, sent by Jamalul Kiram III (1938–2013), who claimed

to rule over the Sultanate of Sulu, which has not been officially

recognized since 1986. After a six-week standoff, Malaysian security

forces regained control of the area, killing sixty-five of the

occupiers.

—the editor

---

The Tausūg by tradition are warriors. They have a history of resisting

invasion with violent confrontation. They are known for being tenacious

and would not easily back down in asserting their autonomy. Way back,

during Spanish and American colonization, the Tausūg were among the

fiercest enemies of the imperialists. During the Philippine-American

War, the Americans invented the .45 caliber handgun and made it standard

for its cavalry due to the .38 caliber handgun not being able to stop

the oncoming Tausūg warriors, who were wrapped in cloth to prevent

hemorrhage caused by bullets. Currently, Tausūg warriors are also

involved in the armed struggle for autonomy in the southern part of the

Philippines.

With this background, one could easily assume that the Tausūg came to

occupy Sabah in order to settle the Sabah conflict by claiming parts of

the island through armed confrontation. It could be assumed that through

their long experience of combat they acquired the ability to prevent

casualties on their part. Their experience in war instructs them not to

attack the enemy where it has great military advantage and not to

provoke an enemy powerful enough to crush them.

Based on public statements by Sultan Kiram III, however, they came to

Sabah peacefully to claim the area as a part of their ancestral domain.

They went there to establish their physical presence through nonviolent

means and to join the thousands of so-called Filipinos already staying

there. They did not attack and only prepared to defend themselves

against hostile elements. Aside from historical links, the Kirams also

possessed documents that reinforced their claims.

The Malaysian government intentionally sent a wrong signal to the public

when it announced that the Tausūg “invaded” Sabah. It was a threatening

statement to legitimize their military operations against the Tausūg and

against the poor people of Lahad Datu and the surrounding communities.

Worse, the Malaysian government issued a statement branding the Tausūg

as terrorists, which provided the justification to slaughter them.

The Malaysian government overreacted and deployed tanks, helicopters,

and even submarines. Since the crises has broken out, sixty-three deaths

and ninety-seven arrests related to the occupation have been reported.

Just like the with the Spratly Islands,[1] it is widely believed that

Sabah has oil deposits. The Malaysian government is surely aware of

this, so it is plausible to think that it is not the “invasion” that

worries them most.

On behalf of the Filipino people, Benigno Aquino III, the current

president, issued an order contradicting the interests of the indigenous

Tausūg’s claim by ordering them to back down. He should be reminded that

before the Spaniards came, the communities of the archipelago were part

of a macrosociety tied together by kinship and trade—not only in

Mindanao but also in the Visayas and on Luzon. The Philippine

archipelago was tightly linked to Malacca, Indonesia, Malaysia,

Thailand, and other communities in Southeast Asia. As the imperialists

divided the Southeast Asian region, they disconnected these links and a

network that had been established throughout a long indigenous process.

The current crisis is therefore a manifestation of a deeply rooted

complexity that cannot be resolved by enforcing a nationalist framework

and by coercing people into recognizing systems that are alien to the

communities of the archipelago.

Traditionally, we were not bound by the limits of nation-states; the

lifestyles of our ancestors were as fluid as the tide of the oceans that

connect us. In fact, the families of Lakan Dula, Rajah Matanda, and

Rajah Sulayman that formerly occupied Manila, Tondo, Bulacan, Sulu, and

Borneo were linked by affinity and consanguinity.[2]

Sultan Kiram III and his followers have already been found guilty; the

Malaysian government does not heed calls for a ceasefire and conducts

more military raids instead. The Philippine government’s only effort is

to offer a mercy ship, which is an insult to the direct action and

courageous deeds of the Tausūg.

We do not agree with waging war, and we condemn those who cause

hostilities; we condemn the Malaysian government for its decision to

launch an all-out offensive despite calls for a ceasefire.

We also condemn the Philippine government because of its incapacity to

handle the conflict. Its insensitivity and insincerity became clear when

Benigno Aquino III asked the Tausūg to go home. Instead of preparing a

lawsuit against Kiram, a dialogue could have been arranged to hear the

Tausūg’s side. The government could have offered assurances it would

explore all possible venues like the United Nations. That way, the

betrayal of the Tausūg could have been avoided.

We understand the sensitivity of the issue, and we fear an escalation

and an even bigger military confrontation. Careful negotiation is

needed. The political advisers of PNoy, as Benigno Aquino III is known

by many, are perhaps convinced of the inferiority of the Philippine

military. But no one is talking about a war. The Philippine government

has plenty of peaceful options in dealing with the Malaysian government

without putting the Tausūg in an undignified situation.

Seeking a long-lasting solution to this conflict is beneficial to many

of us, as the thick layers of animosity and hatred caused by hundreds of

years of coercion and exploitation have already claimed thousands of

lives. Respect for self-determination and the recognition of the

tradition of self-organizing are meaningful ways to start finding peace

and development.

The organizational arrangement of the Tausūg in a sultanate is surely

not perfect; it is characterized by social stratification and an unequal

distribution of wealth. Leaders enjoy the same privileges as corporate

leaders and other beneficiaries of hierarchical institutions. Changing

these hierarchical systems is always a focus of our work and the desire

of many communities aspiring to attain freedom and prosperity. But

asserting rights over indigenous space and autonomy is a radical step

against the hegemony of the nation-state. This is the most important

aspect of the occupation of Sabah.

[1] The contested Spratly Islands in the South China Sea are claimed by

various countries: China, Taiwan, Brunei, Malaysia, Vietnam, and the

Philippines.

[2] Lakan Dula (c. 1503–1575), Rajah Matanda (1480–1572), and Rajah

Sulayman (1558–1575) were precolonial political leaders in the

archipelago that was to become known as the Philippines.