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Title: NFTs Suck for Labor Author: Eric Fleischmann Date: November 16th, 2021 Language: en Topics: crypto, labor theory of value, Laurance Labadie, commodity Source: Retrieved on 1/1/22 from https://c4ss.org/content/55526 Notes: Post-publication edits noted in original
Itâs best to start this piece off by admitting that I am not
particularly tech-savvy. I am a cheerleader for open-source,
peer-to-peer, decentralized, appropriate, etc. technology, but,
otherwise, I am only about as knowledgeable about this stuff as your
average zoomer.[1] However, some things in the technological and digital
world appear quite obvious to me. For example, the latest cancerous
offshoot of the private property regime has arrived: the NFT (a term you
may have recently come across on the Internet). An abbreviation for
ânon-fungible token,â these tokens, as Robyn Conti and John Schmidt
describe for Forbes, areâŠ
a digital asset that represents real-world objects like art, music,
in-game items and videos. They are bought and sold online, frequently
with cryptocurrency, and they are generally encoded with the same
underlying software as many cryptos.
Although theyâve been around since 2014, NFTs are gaining notoriety now
because they are becoming an increasingly popular way to buy and sell
digital artwork. A staggering $174 million has been spent on NFTs since
November 2017.
They are called ânon-fungibleâ because, unlike conventional
cryptocurrencies, they cannot be traded/exchanged for one another. In
its basic function, NFTs allow someone to purchase the rights to the
original version of a piece of media and then, by means of blockchain
(decentralized lists of records maintained through networked
cryptography), they can be authenticated as the actual owner regardless
of how many times and in what ways it has been shared.
The conventional left-labor critique of this phenomenon is obvious:
private property is fundamentally anti-social and so any expansion of
private property into the digital realm will produce primarily negative
ends. However, the broader critique of intellectual property pre-dates
the Internet by decades and has primarily been the domain of the
individualist anarchists and mutualists. The great individualist
Benjamin Tucker writes:
[T]he patent monopoly, which consists in protecting inventors and
authors against competition for a period long enough to enable them to
extort from the people a reward enormously in excess of the labor
measure of their services, â in other words, in giving certain people a
right of property for a term of years in laws and facts of Nature, and
the power to exact tribute from others for the use of this natural
wealth, which should be open to all. The abolition of this monopoly
would fill its beneficiaries with a wholesome fear of competition which
would cause them to be satisfied with pay for their services equal to
that which other laborers get for theirs, and to secure it by placing
their products and works on the market at the outset at prices so low
that their lines of business would be no more tempting to competitors
than any other lines.
And this line of thinking is continued into the 20th Century by Laurance
Labadie, who writesthat some of the main ârestrictions to free
production and distribution are patents, copyrights, and tariffsâ and
into the 21st Century by Carson, who writes that âenclosure, via
âintellectual property,â is why Nike can pay a sweatshop owner a few
bucks for a pair of sneakers and then mark them up to $200. Most of what
you pay for isnât the actual cost of labor and materials, but the
trademark."[2] And as such, IP works, as all monopolies do, to restrict
free production and voluntary exchange and thus artificially shift the
price of goods above the cost of production; the market equilibrium of
the labor theory of value as it is presented in modern interpretations
by Laurance Labadie and Carson.[3] These two thinkers write,
respectively, that âit may be said that, granting free competition, that
is, free and equal access to the means of production, to the raw
materials, and to an unrestricted market, the price of all articles will
always tend to be measured by the effort necessary for their production.
In other words, labor as a factor in measuring value will become
predominantâ and that â[i]n an economy of distributive property
ownership . . . time-preference would affect only laborersâ calculations
of their own present consumption versus their own future consumption.
All consumption, present or future, would be beyond question the result
of labor.â
But why is intellectual property and its effect on pricing being
discussed here? NFT ownership is âenforcedâ through blockchain, not by
the government, right? Itâs not actually copyright or anything? Correct,
NFTs are not the same as copyright or any other kind of IP. David
Lizerbram & Associates write that NFT ownersâŠ
have the right to own, sell, lend, or otherwise transfer the NFT itself.
They donât (unless they own the copyright) have the right to make or
sell copies of the digital art, to transfer the copyright in the work,
or to create derivative works based on the original.
The âright to make copiesâ bit is messy in the digital world. For
example, if I buy an NFT, and then I post it to Instagram with the
message âCheck out this cool NFT that I just bought!â, thatâs creating
many more digital copies. But this is true for all kinds of visual art
these days, and the artist is free to go to Instagram and file a
copyright takedown notice, requesting that the post be removed. My
ownership of the NFT wouldnât make that request invalid unless I also
owned the copyright.
Therefore, NFTs do not directlyâat least to a very significant
degreeâalter the price of the goods themselves away from the cost of
production, but they do something similar to the ownership of goods,
artificially creating a market in the production of ownership of things
instead of things themselves. This inflates the value of the certificate
from almost zeroâthe cost of the âproductionâ of the ownership (though
the âper-tokenâ cost of maintaining the blockchain needs systemic
consideration particularly in respect to the environmental externalities
of its overall energy use and carbon emissions and the overall labor, as
will be gestured toward later on, to perpetuate the Internet through
information and technology production)âto the ridiculous price of the
tokenâs speculative resale value as the âoriginalâ version or as part of
an NFT âbrand,â thus creating a sense of value totally detached from the
actual labor required for production. Amanda Yeo explains this
proliferation of âfalseâ value in a hypothetical scenario:
I imagine you stumbling through a post-COVID, post-apocalyptic party,
gripping a half-empty beer and shouting in strangersâ ears over pounding
EDM.
âI own @drilâs pinned tweet,â you declare, pronouncing the @ because
thatâs the person youâve become. âLike, the original. I own it.â
âYou canât own someone elseâs tweet,â replies your unimpressed victim as
they subtly scan the room for friends. âItâs text on the internet.â
You falter. âNo you donât get it â I tokenised it. I got the original.
All⊠Everything else, the retweets, theyâre all just copies. They donâtâŠ
Mine has value.â
You canât explain what this value is, but you paid $2.5 million so there
must be value. The thudding song blasting over the speakers drops its
beat. The beat is always dropping. The beat has never dropped. The beat
dropped 13 years ago.
This is basically like if you actually believed buying an âacre of the
moonâ or a star granted the same value as an actual acre of the moon or
an actual star and you sold it within a community that somehow agreed
with you.
And this rather gross dystopian vision should distinctly worry advocates
of labor. Firstlyâas demonstrated aboveâit adds to a culture,
particularly on the Internet, that does not understand or accept labor
as being a main definer of value; a culture, it should be noted, that is
only disrupted by the direct action of the working class and through
efforts to widen the distribution of the means of production and
investable wealth. [4] This has been an enormous problem since the
advent of the Internet. As the Wu Ming Foundation writesâŠ
Behind the phantasmagory of the Internet lies a set of definite social
relations, and Marx means production relations, exploitation relations.
The net rhetoric hides these relations. It is indeed possible to talk
about the Internet for hours, days, months, touching only marginally the
issue of who owns it, who is really in control of the nodes, the
infrastructure, the hardware. The pyramid of labour â including
slave-like labour â incorporated into the devices we use (computers,
smartphones, ereaders etc.) and as a consequence into the Internet
itself, is even less discussed. Everyday, corporations expropriate
social wealth on the net, and oppress the working class at each corner
of the Earth behind the scenes.
The Foundation goes further to point out that Facebook and other social
media sitesâthe platforms which have been and will continue to be
integral to the proliferation of NFTs (Facebook and Twitter are both
looking to integrate them even further)âare largely the product of its
usersâ surplus labor. In factâŠ
â[y]our whole work is surplus work on Facebook, because you are not
paid. Everyday Zuckerberg sells your surplus workâ-that is to say, he
sells your life (your sensitive data, your navigation patterns, etc.)
and your relations. He makes several million dollars each day, because
he is the owner of the [means] of production, and you are not.
Information is a commodity. Knowledge is a commodity. In fact, it is the
quintessential commodity in Post-Fordism (or whatever you want to call
it).â
But returning to the matter of anti-labor valuation more generally, this
issue appears, from a Marxist perspective, in all market exchangesâsuch
as, obviously, NFT transactionsâin the form of commodity fetishization,
the false belief that the value of a commodity is somehow intrinsic and
the failure to realize its value as an investment of laborâthe
disappearing of social relationships above being the ânetâ version of
this phenomena. But, for individualist anarchists and mutualists, as is
discussed above, this is not, at least to the degree marxists posit, a
condition of market exchange universally, but rather one enabled by an
economic systemâlike capitalismâthat restricts free competition in
production and exchange, and therefore shifts primarily to defining
value through marginal utility. Both groups would, however, likely agree
that NFTs further integrate this problem into blockchain technology.
But furthermore, it is sometimes argued by those in the neoliberal
center and center-right that IP is essential to protecting ownership of
the products of artistic producersâ labor. The same holds true of
arguments in favor of NFTs, and this is how it has often been presented
to me in my âpart-time workâ as a punk musician. And for leftists and
pro-labor folks, this may appear to be enacting the slogan âlabor is
entitled to all it creates.â Or at the very least it might appear to be
a trick that visual artists, musicians, and writers can take advantage
of to increase their personal profit. Conti and Schmidt argue thatâŠ
[b]lockchain technology and NFTs afford artists and content creators a
unique opportunity to monetize their wares. For example, artists no
longer have to rely on galleries or auction houses to sell their art.
Instead, the artist can sell it directly to the consumer as an NFT,
which also lets them keep more of the profits. In addition, artists can
program in royalties so theyâll receive a percentage of sales whenever
their art is sold to a new owner. This is an attractive feature as
artists generally do not receive future proceeds after their art is
first sold.
The picture is far less rosy than they make it out to be though, and Yeo
outlines very clearly why:
There is the argument that NFTs are good for digital artists, as they
enable them to be paid for their work. Currently, images are easily
taken, duplicated, and spread online, often with no credit given to
their original creator. NFTs enable us to hold one up as the one true
original, giving it value and stimulating the arts industry by enabling
collectors to collect. Surely this is a good use of cryptocurrency?
To that I say: If you want a unique artwork, then commission an artist.
If you want to ensure creators are properly compensated for their
labour, then commission an artist. If youâre concerned about the
viability of the arts industry, then commission an artist.
More than this, NFTs donât even guarantee any money goes to the person
who created the work. As it currently stands, there is nothing stopping
people from simply tokenising other peopleâs work, claiming it and
profiting off it. In fact itâs already happening. There is even a
Twitter account that will tokenise any tweet for you regardless of
whether or not you yourself wrote it â all you have to do is tag it.
Blockchain technology, particularly cryptocurrencies, are becoming more
and more accessibleâand therefore more commonplaceâfor the average lay
person,* with crypto ATMs popping up all over the place and more and
more countries approving the official usage of cryptocurrencies. Jim
Barth explains that, â[i]nitially a fringe movement supported by a small
fraction of early adopters, the use of cryptocurrencies is following the
trajectory of cell phone adoption, online shopping, touchless payment
systems, and other technological and behavioral evolutions. These
innovations started slowly as well before reaching an inflection point
followed by explosive expansion.â He points out further that âmainstream
payments firms, including PayPal, now offer customers the ability to buy
and sell Bitcoins â or fractions of Bitcoins â from their accounts. And
an increasing number of tech companies, including Square Inc., accept
payments in Bitcoins and hold portions of their cash reserves in the
digital currency. Even VISA has jumped into the fray. Coinbase, the
largest U.S. cryptocurrency exchange, will soon offer a VISA debit card
that lets customers spend Bitcoins from their Coinbase VISA accounts.â
So as this popularity grows, the awful and, honestly, stupid reality of
NFTs for visual artists, musicians, writers, and other artistic
producers must be made clear. [5] NFTs suck for labor.
[1] See Kevin Carsonâs The Homebrew Industrial Revolution: A
Low-Overhead Manifesto, Karl Hessâs Community Technology, and E.F.
Schumacherâs Small Is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered.
[2] Here, the forms of IPâpatent, copyright, trademarkâare treated as
amalgamous in their behavior as mechanisms of monopoly.
[3] Economists hate them! Learn this one weird trick!
[4] In the context of the Internet and its technologies, the Wu Ming
Foundation invisions this as a âworldwide alliance between âdigital
activistsâ, cognitive workers, and electronic-industry workers.â
However, â[t]he forms of this alliance, of course, are all to be
discovered.â
[5] The answer for artistic producers is and will always be copyleft and
other strategies of the intellectual and digital commons. Carson
explains, for example, that âfile-sharing has destroyed an enormous
amount of total music industry revenue. But the revenue losses have come
entirely at the expense of the record companies and their profits. The
artists themselves have suffered no significant loss, and in fact have
probably increased sales because of file-sharing.â In my experience as a
punk musician (check out my current projects Consumerist, Manbitesdog,
and Soy.), making my music widely and readily available has only
increased my listening base and encouraged people to buy cassettes,
t-shirts, etc. This is a fairly consistent phenomenon across creative
industries, and I firmly agree with Carson that â[f]ree culture benefits
consumers, it benefits artists, and it benefits the general culture. The
only people who donât benefit are the [parasitic] corporations of Big
Content. Good riddance.â