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Title: In Reply to Kropotkin Author: Alexander Berkman Date: November 1914 Language: en Topics: war, World War I, PĂ«tr Kropotkin Source: *Mother Earth* Vol. IX, No. 9, November 1914, republished in *Anarchy! An anthology of Emma Goldman's* Mother Earth by Counterpoint, 2012. Proofread online source http://www.revoltlib.com/?id=3218, retrieved on November 18, 2020.
We could not of course credit the report that Peter Kropotkin, Our old
comrade and teacher, took sides in the war. It was tragic enough to
witness the Socialists and other radicals of Europe swept off their feet
by the murderous blast that is turning Europe into a human
slaughterhouse. But the attitude of the Social Democrats could at least
be explained to some extent: they have remained good patriots and
believers in the State and authority, with all the prejudices and narrow
attitude of bourgeois morality and nationalism.
But Kropotkin—the clear Anarchist thinker, the uncompromising
revolutionist and antigovernmentalist—he take sides in the European
slaughter and give aid and encouragement to this or that government?
Impossible! We could not believe it—till we read Kropotkin’s own
statement in the Jewish Anarchist weekly—the Fraye Arbeter Shtime—and
the letter reprinted above.
It is a most painful shock to us to realize that even Kropotkin, clear
thinker that he is, has in this instance fallen a victim to the war
psychology now dominating Europe. His arguments are weak and
superficial. In his letter to Gustav Steffen he has become so involved
in the artificialities of “high politics” that he lost sight of the most
elemental fact of the situation, namely that the war in Europe is not a
war of nations, but a war of capitalist governments for power and
markets. Kropotkin argues as if the German people are at war with the
French, the Russian, or English people, when as a matter of fact it is
only the ruling and capitalist cliques of those countries that are
responsible for the war and alone stand to gain by its result.
Throughout his life Kropotkin has taught us that “the reason for modern
war is always the competition for markets and the right to exploit
nations backward in industry.”[1] Is the proletariat of Germany, of
France, or of Russia interested in new markets, in the exploitation of
nations back-ward in industry? Have they anything to gain by this or any
other capitalist war?
In the letter to Professor Steffen, Kropotkin strangely fails to mention
the working classes of the contending powers. He speaks a great deal of
the military ambitions of Prussia, of the menace of German invasion and
similar governmental games. But where do the workers come into all this?
Are the economic interests of the working classes of Europe involved in
this war, do they stand to profit in any way by whatever result there
might be, and is international solidarity furthered by sending Russian
and French workers to slaughter their brother workers in German uniform?
Has not Kropotkin always taught us that the solidarity of labor
throughout the world is the cornerstone of all true progress and that
labor has no interest whatever in the quarrels of their governmental or
industrial masters?
Kropotkin dwells on the menace of Prussian militarism and on the
necessity of destroying it. But can Prussian militarism be destroyed by
the militarism of the Allies? Does not the militarism of a country—of
any country—ultimately rest on the consent of the people of that
country, and has not Kropotkin always argued that the revolutionary
consciousness and economic solidarity of the workers alone can force
capital and government to terms and ultimately abolish both?
Surely Kropotkin will not claim that carnage, rapine, and destruction
advance the civilization of one country as against that of another. He
has always emphasized that real culture—in the sense of social liberty
and economic well-being—rests with the people themselves and that there
is no difference in the true character of government, whatever its
particular form. Indeed, he has repeatedly said that the “liberal”
governments are the more subtle and therefore the more dangerous
enslavers of humanity.
We regret deeply, most deeply, Kropotkin’s changed attitude. But not
even the great European catastrophe can alter our position on the
international brotherhood of man. We unconditionally condemn all
capitalist wars, with whatever sophisms it may be sought to defend the
one or the other set of pirates and exploiters as more “libertarian.” We
unalterably hold that war is the game of the masters, always at the
expense of the duped workers. The workers have nothing to gain by the
victory of the one or the other of the contending sides. Prussian
militarism is no greater menace to life and liberty than Tsarist
autocracy. Neither can be destroyed by the other. Both must and will be
destroyed only by the social revolutionary power of the united
international proletariat.
[1] “Wars and Capitalism,” Ch. I.