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Title: The CNT in the Workplace Author: CNT Date: 1996 Language: en Topics: workplace struggles, anarcho-syndicalism, CNT, Libertarian Labor Review Source: Retrieved on September 7, 2005 from https://web.archive.org/web/20050907112137/http://www.syndicalist.org/archives/llr14-24/20g.shtml Notes: From Libertarian Labor Review #20, Summer 1996
This is the second installment in a three part series about the
Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo, the Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalist
union. It is translated from the pamphlet, Anarcosindicalismo, Basico.
The CNT presently has about 35,000 members.
The CNT members in a workplace are collectively known as the Union
Section. The union section functions by means of assemblies, in which
the concrete problems of the union are addressed. In the struggle with
the employer, the union section must achieve freedom of action,
propaganda, affiliation and defense of affiliates, the right to hold
assembly, and the right to sign contracts on the union’s behalf. Such is
the legal environment today, and the state of the union movement, that
the CNT has to fight day by day to attain former rights now endangered,
since the employers refuse to recognize the anarcho-union, due to its
tactic of boycotting the union elections.
The union elections were an invention of the employers and the UCD
government of the time at the end of the 1970s, to regulate the
reawakened labor movement. After the death of Franco and the collapse of
his vertical [government-dominated] unions, the country was shaken by a
series of strikes and mass protests in which the protagonists were
primarily, the people themselves, and in order to cope with this
situation unionism was institutionalized.
The largest unions, the UGT and CCOO and the rest, with the exception of
the CNT, accepted a system of bargaining by means of a new invention:
the enterprise committee. The enterprise committee is chosen by means of
a secret ballot between candidates representing the unions. As soon as
the enterprise committee is chosen, the employer discusses agreements
only with it. The union elections are held, more or less, every three to
four years. After the elections, the government announces the results.
Only those unions which exceed 10% of the votes are given representation
to sit and discuss and negotiate with the government.
The elections are always won by UGT-CCOO, who number approximately
200,000 members. Other unions like Basque Workers Solidarity (ELA-STV),
the USO, the Galician inter-union, or unions of sanitary professions,
etc. obtain smaller results (between 7,000 and 3,000).
The government evaluates these vote figures in order in order to give
economic subsidies and to professionalize the unionists who work in its
facilities. Also the employer by means of collective bargaining,
subsidizes the enterprise committees and occasionally sits some of its
members on its board of directors. It is necessary to make clear that
the CNT does not accept subsidies, neither from the State nor the
employer, since these are the organizations which must be combatted, and
the CNT does not want to lose its independence to confront them.
The acceptance of a system of privileges, subsidies, and union
institutionalization, has after more than a decade led to the practical
disappearance of the idea of the union as a social transformer, because:
the workplace only the committee makes decisions during its mandate.
candidates, who always win in an individual and secret vote.
subject to any discipline. They represent you although you don’t want
them, they negotiate in your name without your permission, they don’t
call assemblies if they don’t want them, they limit what you can discuss
or agree on with the employer, etc.
The CNT rejects the principle of authority, and therefore,
representatives with unchecked power. If the CNT were to enter into the
system of union elections, executive delegates, paid functionaries and
government subsidies, it would reproduce exactly that which it is trying
to abolish. The price which the CNT pays for maintaining some
consistency (total consistency and purity does not exist), was to
experience two organizational splits by persons who preferred to
conform, rather than face the difficulties of making progress by
anarcho-syndicalist action, and instead to build a union based on
elections-subsidies-officials. These splitters formed what is today the
Confederacion General del Trabajo (CGT).
In practice, the CGT, while having gained greater freedom, to have
available funds to pay its functionaries, it has obtained insignificant
electoral results (0.67% in the last elections with some 1,620 delegates
in the enterprise committees). According to the laws elaborated by the
mass sociologists Friedricksen-Hoffman, in a democratic election by
ballot-box, the candidates most reactionary always win. (First principle
of secret voting.) If by some heavenly miracle it should gain a higher
representation, in the course of its mandate it would turn reactionary.
(Second principle of secret voting.) And if, incredibly, at the end of
their mandate it would remain progressive it is certain that the next
election would not repeat the results, and it would be relegated to
third or fourth place. (Third principle of secret voting.)
If in order to accomplish something it is necessary to vote it should
always be by raising hands in assembly. The results are always different
and more beneficial in general, according to anarcho-syndicalist ideas.
Another difficulty for the CNT is that its union sections, although
legal, do not have any rights if they don’t participate in the
elections. Therefore these rights must be won day by day by the section.
When a section begins to function, that is to say, when two or three
members at whatever workplace decide that they are fed up beyond
endurance, they have to obtain:
become in tune with them. To win simple demands and thus create a
sympathy towards the section. These questions should be resolved by a
direct approach, by speaking directly to the boss, supervisor, etc. If
this doesn’t work, the union should intervene with its classical arsenal
(negotiation-pres-sure-boycott-sabotage-strike etc.), and if for
whatever reason these don’t work, or if the balance of forces are
impossible, or if it would be necessary to spend more energy than we are
ready for, you can seek a judicial settlement through the legal
representative of the union (the local union secretary).
employer. Legalization does not assume an establishment of any guarantee
nor right. But it permits that in some cases, the union could call a
legal strike and other activities, and to retain a lawyer.
the other, in 99% of the cases, the enterprise committee and the rest of
the unions which collaborate with it. It is necessary to augment the
contradictions and to not let any pass. But we do not ever lose sight
that the real enemy is the employer, and that the other unions can have
members and militants with good intentions.
the center. If one does not exist, then the union should promote its
creation. One way or the other, the section should elaborate its plans
for safety on the workplace, and the prevention of sicknesses, and
accidents.
economic plans, redundancies, organizational structure, management
salaries, habits and characteristics of the boss... This serves, over
all, to anticipate anti-union plans, and also for the hypothetical
self-management of the workplace.
issues, explaining the views of the CNT. The point always is emphasized
that it is the workers who must decide in the assemblies.
collective representation of the workers, that is to say, that the
representatives elected by the assembly have the right to negotiate,
which today is solely in the hands of the Enterprise Committees.
these as the CNT, to win agreement with our proposals. To reject the
taking of secret votes. The secret vote is always reactionary. In the
assembly when the vote is open, the people can count for themselves, so
that nothing can be hidden, they lose their fear and gain a common
sentiment which can see things clearly.
CNT section, the section would respect the decision if it does not
violate CNT principles, but we would not agree to it if it does, and we
would always defend our positions.
the Enterprise Committee or the institutionalized union is very evident,
it would be time to plan to overthrow the Committee, and propose that it
be replaced by direct representation of union sections and by workplace
assemblies.
presence, on the strike committee. It is necessary that the decision to
strike be decided by a majority in the general assembly, and that at
that same assembly a strike committee is named which would be in charge
of relations between the assembly and the employer. This is the only
case under the existing labor law, where the employer is obligated to
talk with the representatives of the assembly. [Otherwise the employer
need only talk to the Enterprise Committee, which is not bound by the
decisions of the worker assembly. — Translator’s note]
we are a union, which organizes workers, and therefore we have our own
positions.
that the decisions of the assemblies would be respected.
manipulated. If the employer and the other unions see that they are
losing their positions, they will send into the assembly all their
forces: the Enterprise Committee, the union sections of the
collaborationist unions, the foremen, the supervisors, etc. The CNT
union section will be accused of lacking representation, of not giving
alternatives, of being terrorists and so forth. This will come about,
sooner or later, according to the balance of forces and the will to
resist. This struggle will not be easy.
The section names a person who coordinates with the union and its
committee, another who represents it in dealings with the employer, and
another who handles funds. In case of problems which exceed the
abilities of the section, recourse is taken to the union, which is the
center of life of the anarcho-union, and which sustains the section. In
the same way, the union can request the aid of the section. The
positions follow the same pattern as in the union, and it is recommended
that these responsibilities be rotated throughout the entire section.
There are places of the “submerged economy”, temporary work, etc. There
are places in which employment hangs by a thread, wages are poor,
working conditions are unhealthy, and the employers dismiss without a
thought any who raise their voice. It is advantageous for the section to
request the aid of the union so that pressure can be exercised by people
upon whom repression can’t fall. In these workplaces direct action often
produces better results, because judicial means is almost always
unhelpful, except to demonstrate a firing has been due to anti-union
repression. It is necessary to make clear that to function as a union in
a workplace, does not require an all or nothing approach. It includes a
trial period. A dismissal for union activity, is a dismissal to
eliminate a radical, it is the only case in which the employer is
required to reverse, (if you can prove it). The majority of the previous
recommendations are also valid here, even better, because at times there
exist no other unions.
In the case in which different unions of the CNT, (construction,
metalworking, food services, public services, etc.), exist within the
same city, these join together in what is called a Local Federation
(F.L.) which coordinates itself by means of a committee. This committee
has the same duties as the union committee and the same attributes. The
local committee therefore is an organism of relations, administration
and development of accords which have been mandated to it. In no case is
it an executive group.
The local committee is chosen in a Local Plenary Meeting of Unions, a
meeting of the different local unions (Oficios Varios [General
Industries], Health, Construction...) with mandated delegations, limited
to written instructions taken previously in their respective assemblies.
This assembly of delegations names a general secretary and treasurer.
The rest of the responsibilities: press, education, archives, legal,
etc. are covered by a person from each union branch.
The Local Plenary Meeting of Unions makes decisions within local limits.
For this it is necessary that the unions hold their respective
assemblies and come to agreements beforehand. The Local Plenary Session
is convoked by petition of a union to the local committee.
What happens if there is only one General Industrial union in a
locality? The union in question can gather with other nearby localities
and form a district federation, with the same attributes as a local
federation.
Regional Confederation
When various unions of a particular geographic entity establish
relations, they form a Regional Confederation of Labor. For example, the
Regional Confederation of Labor of Andalucia-Canarias. The geographical
limits can be modified by the will of the unions, and regions can be
merged (this requires the agreement of both regions), just as they can
divide themselves (if desired by 75% of the unions).
The unions of the Regional Confederation make decisions in common by
means of the Regional Plenary Meeting of Unions. The delegations of the
different regional unions carry the direct responses of agreements taken
by writing at their own assemblies. The Regional Plenary Meeting of
Unions is responsible for deciding all the questions within its
respective geographical limits. To provide coordinative activities, the
plenary meeting names a person who represents the regional
confederation, who acts as general secretary of a regional committee. At
the same time a locality is elected to be to be regional headquarters.
The rest of the secretaries of the regional committee, (treasury, legal,
prisoner-defense...) are elected in a plenary meeting of local unions
where headquarters is located, and each union names a person to carry
out the duties. It is a little complicated, but perhaps an example would
clarify things:
The “Oficios Varios” [General Industrial] unions of Cadiz, Sevilla,
Grenada, Cordiba, Jaen and fifty more from different localities, meet in
the Regional Plenary Meeting and name Juana Perez, from the SOV of
Cadiz, as regional secretary for the Regional Confederation of Labor of
Andalucia Canarias, and designate the Local Federation in Cadiz as
headquarters. The Local Fedration of Cadiz is composed of unions in
Metal, Construction, Graphic Arts, “Oficios Varios,” Public Service,
Chemicals and Retirees.
These unions meet in Local Plenary Meeting and elect the rest of the
secretaries proposing a person from each one of these.
Together these secretaries (General, organization, legal, information,
archives, etc.) form what is called the Permanent Secretariat, which
together with the local secretaries of the region, form the Regional
Committee.
The Regional Committee is an organ of coordination, management, and
administration. It can not make decisions nor agreements. It can only
work on the tasks it has been assigned. It can be recalled at any
moment, by a plenary meeting of the total region which could question
the continuation of the committee. It would have a maximum duration of
three consecutive years and is always followed by a new elected one, it
would have to be approved by a regional plenary meeting afterwards. The
members of the committees can not make proposals to the plenary meetings
and assemblies. It must be made clear that the sovereignty of the
Regional Confederations always rests with the industrial unions.
The functions of the Regional Committee are the same as in the other
committees, except for the greater geographical area that it
encompasses.
The different regional confederations which operate within the borders
of power dominated by the Spanish state, form the National Confederation
of Labor [CNT]. The regional confederations reach agreements in the
National Plenary Meeting of Regions, which delegations attend with
agreements written in their respective Regional Plenary Meetings of
Unions. The National Plenary Meeting of Regions has the capacity to make
agreements within its geographical limits and to name a national general
secretary and a local federation to be the headquarters of the National
Committee.
For example: The confederations of Gallega, Murciana, Astur-leonesa,
etc., meeting in a national plenary of regions elects Belinda Fernandez
of the Metalworkers of Barcelona, as general secretary of the CNT. The
headquarters of the National Committee is relocated to the Local
Federation of unions in Barcelona, which is composed of 32 unions, and
which meets in a local plenary to elect the rest of the secretaries.
These people, Belinda Fernandez and the others elected from Barcelona,
form the Permanent Secretariat of the National Committee of the National
Confederation of Labor. The rest of the National Committee consists of
the general secretaries from each region. The functions of this
committee are the same as those previously explained for other
committees and are bound by the same limitations.
It is done this way to avoid homogeneous committees. Other organizations
elect slates of candidates, factions and programs, build coalitions to
win office and from there gradually promote the politics of the winning
side. According to anarcho-syndicalism, however, committees should have
neither programs nor politics. The direct election on the part of the
unions guarantees the heterogeneity and diversity of the committee. Any
type of representation involves some executive power, but the CNT
minimizes the power in the hands of the more active and informed
individuals.
By means of the CNT Congress. To the congress come the direct
representatives of the unions independently of the region or local to
which they belong, with written agreements from their own previous
assemblies. The congress decides over the general activity of the CNT to
avoid different regional confederations acting against each other. The
congress can also choose a new national committee and decide on as many
matters that seem relevant to the unions. From its foundation in 1910,
the anarcho-union has celebrated seven congresses, the last three since
the death of Franco.
The congress is convoked by the National Committee when there exists
sufficient necessity, when new or contradictory situations have arisen
which require a response. Then it is convoked a year ahead of time, the
convocation is ratified by a National Plenary of Regions, the themes for
discussion are presented and a debate commences within the unions some
seven months before the opening date. The congresses of the CNT are
always very tempestuous. Usually the first sessions deal with technical
matters, how to vote, how the discussions will proceed, which
delegations will be accepted, the reading of greetings. It is also
traditional that the members repeat and defend their agreements to the
point of congestion, which leads to a passionate atmosphere.