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Title: Basic Income & Billionaire preppers Author: Andrew Flood Date: March 30, 2017 Language: en Topics: universal basic income, preparation, crisis, Capitalism Source: Retrieved on 13th August 2021 from http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30127
Our global society is broken. Donald Trump & Brexit are symptoms along
with the rise of the far right elsewhere in Europe. In an old pattern,
fundamental economic crisis often results in society becoming very much
more brutal for most people. In the age of nuclear weapons this current
crisis could be our last. And with a somewhat longer countdown to
disaster we are also facing climate catastrophe.
The crisis is fundamental rather than temporary because there are two
underlying factors that are irreversible. The first is the end of the
era where the environmental costs of growth could be mostly discounted
in the belief that dilution would neutralise pollution. For much of the
industrial revolution the poisonous effluent dumped into the ecosystem
had only local severe effects with the vast oceans and atmosphere
diluting the pollutants enough that global effects were minor. This is
no longer the case with climate change being the most talked about of
several examples where the pollution generated by growth can no longer
be absorbed without serious global consequences.
Capitalism depends on constant growth and constant growth generates
pollution. The stock market boom following Trump taking power is a
direct effect of him tearing up environmental protection legislation,
profits will increase because business will have to cover less of the
environmental cost. Our children will pay the bill for this short lived
boom for shareholders.
The second fundamental aspect is automation. For much of human history
the amount that could be produced was very closely related to human
effort. In a given set of conditions the only way to produce more was to
spend more human hours in production. At times of empire building this
drove incredible cruelty as expansion was dependent on conquest, robbery
and enslavement of populations who were then worked so hard that their
death rate greatly exceeded the reproduction rate.
The wealth that the European powers built the industrial revolution on
was generated in precisely this way, resulting in the deaths of hundreds
of millions of people around the planet as overwork and underfeeding
left them vulnerable to disease and starvation. But the industrial
revolution also changed what had been a simple relationship between the
amount produced and the amount of human labour required. New machines
started to allow a single worker to do the work that once would have
required 5, 10, 50 or 100. This process was not independent of the
environmental problem above but rather a cause of it as fossil fuels
provided almost all of the replacement muscle that drove the machines.
In todayâs networked age we are seeing a change that will have a bigger
impact than the industrial revolution on human society. As machines have
become smarter the need to have a worker guiding their actions has
shrunk and shrunk. We have reached the stage where very complex
operations like driving a car on a busy road â that humans can only
legally do after a period of intense study â can now be done far better
by computers. It will take a while for production and the legal system
to catch up but essentially we are already at the point where taxi
drivers, bus drivers and lorry drivers are hanging on to those jobs by
their fingernails. Retail stores including fast food restaurants are
replacing check out workers with machines. Banks and insurance companies
are removing the ability of customers to call into branches or talk to a
humans on the phone, again people being replaced by machines.
Trump & Brexit were driven by the false idea that it was migrants who
were âtaking jobs.â Actually it is robots and realistically as smart
automation escalates there are very few jobs that will not be replaced.
A tiny number of new jobs will be created but the low and unskilled
workers most affected by automation are locked out of those jobs by lack
of access to education.
In the early period of the industrial revolution we saw a very, very
much weaker version of this as textile workers found that a machine like
the âSpinning Jennyâ allowed a single relatively low paid unskilled
worker to replace dozens of skilled spinners. They resisted, with some
initial success. There are several lessons from that period.
Perhaps most importantly is that although the replacement workers
operating the Spinning Jenny replaced dozens they were considerably
worse off than any worker they replaced. The combination of deskilling
and lack of ownership by the worker of the machines that produced
allowed the extreme ruthlessness of early capitalism that saw children
working 12 hour days for pennies in extremely unhealthy conditions that
killed many of them. The capitalist got rich, the replacement worker was
poorer than any of the 10 or 20 they replaced. In fact thatâs how the
capitalist got rich, suddenly they had the same amount of goods from the
labour of one worker that they previously had to pay 20 for.
Secondly skilled workers were aware of exactly what was happening and
not only managed to organise against this but put up a really strong
fight. Under the brutal dictatorship that existed at the time that
executed and transported those that resisted they had to be very
secretive. This means we donât know the fine detail of how they
organised that resistance. But we do know that well organised, armed and
large groups of workers who we know as the âludditesâ mobilised over
relatively long periods of time to rise up and smash the machines. And
that it took the deployment of considerable military force over a period
of years to put them down.
This happened in Britain during the Napoleonic wars. Historian Eric
Hobsbawm has pointed out that although that war was a life and death
struggle for the British ruling class at one point they had more troops
deployed putting down the luddites than fighting Napoleon. The luddite
movement smashed thousands of machines and was successful in slowing
down the rate at which their wages and conditions were destroyed but
over a couple of decades the employers imposed the new machines and with
them the new and brutal working conditions and low wages.
Machines replaced some skilled workers in Britain bit by bit over
decades,the luddite resistance of the 1810âs was followed 20 years later
by the Captain Swing riots against the introduction of agricultural
threshing machines. Todays automation is affecting a very, very much
larger percentage of the planetâs population over a very much shorter
span of time. Left to âmarket forcesâ and state repression we can expect
something very much more severe but also involving far more people.
There is in fact a strong argument this is already in progress, the Arab
spring of 2011, Occupy and other moments of resistance are driven in
part by mass youth unemployment. Occupy is a well documented response to
the capitalist crisis, in the case of the Arab Spring Cairo based
Dorothea Schmidt of the International Labour Organization looked at the
forces âthat brought these mostly young people onto the streets. An
extremely high youth unemployment rate of 23.4 per cent in 2010, is one
major but not the only cause for these popular uprisingsâ Rising food
prices related to the impact of climate change on production was also
key in the Arab spring. The uprisings that started the revolution in
Algeria and Tunisia were directly caused by rising food prices and riots
in response, elsewhere they were an often mentioned backdrop.
Drought, in part from climate change, was a significant factor in the
forces leading to the Syrian revolution and extremely brutal Civil War
that still rages on. Satellite measurements show that the
Tigris-Euphrates basin is losing groundwater at a faster rate than
anywhere else in the world, except Northern India, due to poor rainfall
and over extraction in particular by Turkey which has reduced water flow
to Iraq by 80% and Syria by 40%.
From 2006 the drought in Syria was causing tens of thousands of farmers
to abandon their land and move to the cities, adding to youth
unemployment. One academic study concluded that this water crisis in
Syria âcontributed to the displacement of large populations from rural
to urban centers, food insecurity for more than a million people, and
increased unemploymentâwith subsequent effects on political stability. â
This causal factor has also been mentioned in studies of activists from
the region. In Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War the
authors say âThe situation was made worse by the severe drought plaguing
much of the country since 2006. Rural areas such as the Jazeera (in the
east) and the Hawran (in the south) were particularly hard-hit. By 2010
the drought had pushed between two and three million Syrians into
extreme poverty, destroying the livelihoods of around 800,000 farmers
and herdersâ. The also noted other familiar causes âneo-liberal reforms
were accompanied by the dismantling â by cutting subsidies â of the
economic safety net for the poor. Inequality grew, until 50 per cent of
the countryâs wealth was concentrated in the hands of 5 per cent of the
population. High unemployment, underemployment and low wages made it
harder and harder to make ends meet. In 2004, just over 30 per cent of
the population (5.3 million people) lived in poverty, rising to 62 per
cent in rural areas ⊠Youth unemployment stood at a staggering 48 per
cent, with young women four times more likely to be unemployed than
young menâ
Revolution in Rojava, which often takes a sharply different perspective
on the Syrian conflict to Burning Country, also talks about the same
causal factors pointing out that âIn 2012â13, long-predicted water
shortages became a realityâ and points to the difficulty supplying water
now presents to the revolution. âWheat and cotton are Serekaniyeâs main
crops. Water for irrigation must be pumped from 200â500 meters below the
surface, and the pumps need to be powered by electricity, which has been
cut offâ
When you are in world changing historic events itâs often hard to see
that is the case. Instead things appear disconnected and driven by
individuals, group and ideology. Taking a step back for a moment and we
begin to see how climate change and unemployment although driven from
Silicon valley, the Ruhr and Shanghai has first disrupted regions which
are comparatively economically marginal like Syria, Egypt and Iraq. We
can see how the tumult that has spread out from there has then precisely
shaped conditions in Silicon valley and the Ruhr as ârefugee panicâ
politics started to shape domestic politics. True the automation that is
most visible in those regions is the automatic mass killing of the
helicopter gunship and the remotely operated or autonomous drone, again
linking us back to the US. The political shocks are not separate but
part of the same crisis and can only get much worse as the crisis
escalates.
There is no going back. We can delay things by smashing the machines as
the taxi drivers of Paris have fought Uber. The experience of the
Luddites (and indeed of print workers and dockers last century) tell us
such a fight is not futile. In the short term it can protect wages and
conditions, allowing that generation to raise their children in relative
comfort but those children donât inherit those well paid jobs.
History tells us that the market driven quest for profit will create
replacement machines and will station soldiers to guard them. And today
we are at the edge of that moment when those soldiers will no longer be
humans whom we can call on to revolt but will be machines themselves.
The forces the US has deployed over much of the planet still require
infantry but most of the ongoing killing is already being carried out by
human-machine hybrids that were science fiction two decades ago.
There is a third factor worth mentioning, this one isnât irreversible or
new but rather a pattern of history. Thomas Pikettyâs âCapital in the
21^(st) Centuryâ may have been too technical to be completed by many of
its readers but it provided a clear illustration that the wealth gap was
rapidly increasing. And more importantly a warning that at a certain
point the effects of that gap on society made it almost impossible to
reverse without major warfare.
One measure of the escalating wealth gap is how many of the super rich
hold the same wealth as the poorest half of the planetâs population. A
decade back you could fit them in a big jet plane like a 737, there were
about 350 of them. A few years back that number had shrunk to about 50,
a coach-load. A couple of years ago it had shrunk to a small bus-load.
The latest Oxfam figure is that it is now a single car load, if you cram
the 8 of them into a SUV. Half of American adults have seen no increase
in real wealth since 1980, for the top 1% wealth tripled in the same
period and the increase was much greater for the top 0.1 and 0.01%.
There are already examples in Mexico and Johannesburg and elsewhere of
what happens when the incredibly rich and the incredibly poor are
crammed into the same urban landscapes. Itâs an urban landscape of
mansions surrounded by high walls, razor wire, CCTV cameras, attack dogs
and âshoot to killâ security. Those inside live in constant fear of
those starving outside and as a consequence increasingly brutal regimes
of repression and murder become normalised.
Apple is now the largest corporation on the planet, a corporation whose
business model is built on removing elements of choice and control from
their users in the belief that the CEOs know best. For an increasing
number of us, access to news and communications is overwhelming filtered
through Facebook algorithms. In the last decades a psychological science
of manipulation has developed where the goal has been to influence our
unconscious minds against both rational thought and better instinct.
Trumpâs idiotic neuro-linguistic programming where everything is
fantastic, bad or fakenews seems to have been enough to reach into the
fear centres of a sizeable minority of the population. The Economist
reported that the best single predictor for a Trump voter was poor
health, indeed what other than sickness makes us vulnerable to hucksters
preying on our fears? Increasing insecurity in the workplace and
subjecting welfare payments to various tests adds to creating a constant
situation of stress in many peopleâs lives that makes them vulnerable to
the politics of fear and scapegoating.
The tech elite form a tiny, tiny percentage of the worldâs population
but now hold in their hands an enormous percentage of the worldâs
wealth. The 8 people who own as much wealth as half the world include
Bill Gates (1), Carlos Slim (4), Jeff Bezos(5), Mark Zuckerberg (6) and
Larry Ellison (7). Those five are all rich from the technological
revolution of the last decades.
Gates, the richest of them, has become a sort of benevolent dictator.
Having made an enormous fortune he is now claims to be distributing that
pile to those he considers to be the most deserving poor. This has made
him personally responsible for the life and death of millions of people
on the planet, in particular the children he has chosen to save though
funding inoculation programs. The stated goal is to prevent 11 million
deaths by 2020.
We can be grateful with regard to Bill that a lucky dice roll meant that
this Pharaoh has chosen a benevolent old age â no doubt with an eye to
how he is remembered â but history is littered with examples of the rich
and powerful who were not. How long do we want to gamble on that dice
roll. Larry Ellison for instance spent 130 million on his latest super
yacht and 500 million on buying the island of Lanai.
Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos was named the worldâs worst boss by the
International Trade Union Confederation in 2014 as representing the
âinhumanity of employers who are promoting the American corporate modelâ
There have been several exposés of the terrible conditions of poorly
paid Amazon warehouse workers, one reminder of the costs of automation,
but as a New York Times article showed conditions for White Collar
workers are also terrible in Amazonâs ârace to the bottomâ
A lot of scientists are aware of these crisis. Stephen Hawking for
instance has warned several times of the consequences of automation and
the futures which lie before us. But is there a way out? Are we doomed?
Our methods of political discussion and decision making remain trapped
in technologies that are hundreds of years old because the limits that
imposes suits those who have wealth and power. That is illustrated by
the complete ease with which complex cross border financial transactions
can be instantly completed. Yet the parliamentary system alongside them
is still at the equivalent point as when those transactions involved
meetings in particular dockside coffee shops to decide how the risk
would be divided on ship voyages that would take two years to return.
The parliamentary system remains as is because a process that involves
the selection of a few to represent the views of millions without being
subject to mandate or recall is a system where those few can be bought.
[Read more]
The first future is the default one, what happens if we do nothing and
just allow the invisible hand of the market to rule. Itâs the process of
the last 40 years, unleashed by the neoliberal bloodletting that started
literally with the dictator Pinochet in Chile and developed under Reagan
and Thatcher. Under this future the wealth gap becomes even more
extreme, the powerful become even more fearful of the rest of us and we
increasingly fight each other for the reduced resources that are allowed
to trickle down to the jobless majority. At best we hope for benevolent
pharaohs like Gates rather than self obsessed ones like Bezos or
Zuckerberg so that we are at least allowed to survive rather than starve
or die in the resource civil wars. But perhaps there is no hope at all
if the worst climate change models play out and a positive feedback loop
results in run-away warming.
The second is the one that an increasing number of the elite are turning
to because they also arenât that keen about the world of fear and
helicopter gunships that also lies in their future. Economist Mark Blyth
has a nice line on this that âthe Hamptons are not a defensible
positionâ. The Hamptons being the super rich zone on the beaches above
New York where billionaire New Yorkers have their weekend mansions.
Perhaps in recognition of the indefensible nature of this strip of land
an hour from the millions in New York it has recently emerged that
several tech billionaires have bought large landholdings in New Zealand
where they are building luxury bunkers. New Zealand being sparsely
populated and a long way from anywhere else being judged to be the
safest available bolt hole if the shit really hits the fan as a result
of the future they are building.
The New Yorker published a long read on these super wealthy âpreppersâ
in which they quote LinkedIn billionaire Reid Hoffman. What he had to
say deserves a lengthy extract he ârecalls telling a friend that he was
thinking of visiting New Zealand.
âOh, are you going to get apocalypse insurance?â the friend asked.
âIâm, like, Huh?â Hoffman told me.
New Zealand, he discovered, is a favored refuge in the event of a
cataclysm. Hoffman said, âSaying youâre âbuying a house in New Zealandâ
is kind of a wink, wink, say no more. Once youâve done the Masonic
handshake, theyâll be, like, âOh, you know, I have a broker who sells
old ICBM silos, and theyâre nuclear-hardened, and they kind of look like
they would be interesting to live in.â â
Hoffman then estimates half of his fellow Silicon Valley billionaires
have acquired some sort of âapocalypse insurance,â hideaway in the U.S.
or abroad saying âThe fears vary, but many worry that, as artificial
intelligence takes away a growing share of jobs, there will be a
backlash against Silicon Valleyâ. âIâve heard this theme from a bunch of
people,â Hoffman said. âIs the country going to turn against the
wealthy? Is it going to turn against technological innovation? Is it
going to turn into civil disorder?â
It would be a pretty miserable world to live in even if you were one of
the wealthy few gazing out at the chaos from behind electric fences.
Evan Osnos, the author of the New Yorker piece, visited the Survival
Condo Project, a fifteen-story luxury apartment complex built in an
underground nuclear missile silo in Kansas and was told ââItâs true
relaxation for the ultra-wealthy,â he said. âThey can come out here,
they know there are armed guards outside. The kids can run around.â The
apartments, all of which have been sold, cost 3 million dollars for a
full one and come with the assurance that in a crisis you will be picked
up anywhere within 400 miles by an armoured truck to be brought to the
silo. The truck has a heavy machine gun mounted on it just in case the
mob gets in the way. There are also armed guards and a sniper tower
protecting the compound although the view from deep underground has to
be provided by LED screens acting as windows that show a live view of
the Prairie above or if the owner prefers a pine forest or even a busy
New York street scene!
That gun-toting fear ridden underground existence sounds a little bit
miserable, something many of the super rich recognise. And how certainly
safe is flight anyway? The same New Yorker piece talked to a ex
investment banker Robert H. Dugger who reported on a dinner party
conversation of one such group of billionaire preppers where on hearing
of plans to fly to safety in the event of a mass rebellion a guest asked
âAre you taking your pilotâs family, too? And what about the maintenance
guys? If revolutionaries are kicking in doors, how many of the people in
your life will you have to take with you?â The questioning continued. In
the end, most agreed they couldnât run.â
Finally the super rich also have to again consider that Climate Change
is such a global threat that sooner or later it might even get them and
their descendants. Of course the poor will die in their droves first,
indeed they already are, but there is a danger of hitting a positive
feedback tipping point where the Earth ends up like Venus, so hot no one
survives.
So itâs perhaps not surprising that a section of the super wealthy elite
favour reducing the problem created by the escalating wealth divide, as
Dugger says âItâs a reason most of them give money to good causesâ. This
future is the warehousing strategy of introducing a Universal Basic
Income (UBI) for those lucky enough to be born in the already
industrialised zones where most of the super rich live. When the need
for our labour ends rather than leaving us to starve (and perhaps rob
them if not revolt) the elite want to give us enough of an income to
survive on. UBI would involve every citizen or resident (and that
distinction is important) being given a regular unconditional sum of
money in addition to any income received from elsewhere. In most forms
of UBI this is enough money to look after essential needs including
housing and healthcare.
This warehousing may appear more attractive to some of us but it also
moves us inside the borders of fear. It inevitably involves escalating
the slamming of the door on those trapped outside because of where they
happened to be born. Thousands of people have died trying to cross the
EU borders this year without the magic of the right passport. Even as I
type this Iâve received a new notification that dozens of bodies of the
drowned have just been found along the coast of Libya, another ship must
have gone down.
UBI would also do little against the other looming disasters related to
growth and pollution, in particular climate change. It would have some
impact as the super wealthy would be slightly less powerful so
environmental protection laws would be stronger but capitalism and its
need for incessant growth would survive and continue to deepen that
crisis. UBI has also become a cover in many countries for the final
abolition of the welfare state as parties say they will fund it by
abolishing entitlement to services which people will then have to buy.
In countries like Ireland where a welfare system exists mainstream
parties have started to talk about UBI as a way of eliminating
bureaucracy and introducing market competition. In practise that
translated into eliminating yet more jobs â in the public sector â and
replacing only some of them with what would be much more insecure
private sector jobs. UBI was even favourably put forward â as ânegative
taxationâ â by Milton Friedman, the chief economist promoting
neoliberalism who also advised Pinochet on the post-coup destruction of
workersâ gains in Chile.
The third future requires a leap in social organisation that is at least
as big as the leap that was made between the absolute monarchies of the
1600s and the republican democracies that spread from the 1780s. That is
at a planet wide level we abolish inequality of access to resources and
inequality of power. There will no longer be some people who own super
yachts and entire islands while others watch their children die of
starvation. The full environmental costs of growth will have to be
factored into every new development because we will no longer havr a
system where some can use their wealth to evade the consequences while
others are forced to live in the filth generated.
That future has been glimpsed as long as humans have been around.
Arguably we spent our first couple of hundred thousand years in
something quite like it. Gather Hunter societies didnât have a surplus
that could be hoarded and that lack of wealth meant there wasnât much
opportunity for power. Biology placed limitations that today we can
escape, for instance child birth often killed women, but in many
respects they were quite equal societies.
It was only with the creation of agriculture that large surpluses of
food could be produced and hoarded. And that meant that humans could
fight each other to get control of the hoard, and perhaps quite quickly
that translated into those with control paying a segment of the stronger
and more violent section of the population to keep the rest in check. We
spent the last 10,000 years developing that system to the absolute
monarchies and itâs only in the last 200 years we have begun to limit
the power of the hoarders through politics. The danger is that military
automation means they are about to escape those limitations we imposed
through mass organisation.
That third future is now more possible than ever before. We can produce
enough to ensure all our needs, globally, are fulfilled and automation
rather than being a threat can mean that we can end work. From the
agricultural revolution on most of us have had to work long hours for
the hoarders to survive and perhaps had little control over that work.
Automation could mean that the hard graft of paid work vanishes to be
replaced by work for pleasure. The difference between back breaking work
in a field 10 hours a day harvesting potatoes and spending a few hours a
week pottering around in your garden.
Discussion and decision making have also become vastly simpler. Only 40
years ago there was no way for masses of people to communicate with each
other over distances. Discussion was one-to-many only, via radio and TV
or in print media. Today a vast host of online tools allow such many to
many discussions. Issue based voting has also become very much simpler,
even if its major use now is click bait polling by online news sites.
And electronic tallying means that complex polling is now very
straightforward, there is no need to limit decisions to simple yes/no
choices when the full range of options can be polled and counted
instantaneously.
The third future is one without the division into order giver and order
taker or the related one into rich and poor. These would not simply be
huge economic and political transformation, the effect of them would
also would transform in a very deep way what it means to be human. Our
interactions would no longer be governed by fear and power, our
potential to live fully would be released. The mental and physical
labour we performed would be to enrich all those around us rather than a
question of performing repetitive tasks because that alienation from our
own labour is the only way of keeping a roof above our heads.
We are so close that we can almost reach out and touch the world which
earlier people could only imagine. But the window of opportunity to
bring it into being may be short, indeed for the reasons outlined above
it is already closing, We know from history how we can win: through
collective organisation. And today that is easier to do than ever before
in many respects, in particular the access almost all of us have to
global mass communication. The question is are you willing to take the
step and start organising with others to make this dream the future we
will step into