💾 Archived View for library.inu.red › file › peter-werbe-cuba.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 13:30:57. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content

View Raw

More Information

➡️ Next capture (2024-07-09)

-=-=-=-=-=-=-

Title: Cuba
Author: Peter Werbe
Date: 2016
Language: en
Topics: Cuba, travel, Fifth Estate, Fifth Estate #396
Source: Retrieved from Fifth Estate, Vol. 51, No. 1, #396 Summer 2016

Peter Werbe

Cuba

On March 15, our last day in Cuba, my wife and I boarded the Hershey

Electric Railway in Casablanca, across the harbor from Old Havana, for a

57-mile trip to the town of Matanzas. We were flying back to Toronto

from the airport near that city the next morning after eight days on the

island.

The line was built a century ago by the U.S. candy manufacturer to bring

sugar from the fields to Havana harbor, and is the only remaining train

of what was once the most developed rail system in Latin America.

The train is shown in guide books painted a sparkling green and white.

Though clean and on time, it turned out to be a slow-rolling, rusting

rattletrap that bounced and shook, jolted and clanked through a four

hour trip, longer than it took on our flight home.

Once outside the country’s capital, it was like being transported back

to the 19th century. Men on horseback, oxen plowing fields, and

campesinos getting on and off the train with sacks of produce, many of

who seemed to know one another—and, no cars to be seen.

All of this was far from the tsunami of tourism and foreign investment

now hitting the island, finishing what wall certainly be Cuba’s complete

re-integration into the international economy. And, try as the island’s

central planners might to control the process, it will be on the world

market’s terms, not theirs.

We left Havana just days before U.S. President Obama arrived with his

mealy mouthed platitudes about democracy and promises of “normalization”

of diplomatic relations. And, before the Rolling Stones played for an

outdoor audience of 1.2 million people on the city’s famed Malec6n

coastal roadway. That’s ten percent of Cuba’s population!

We were in Cuba with a tour group that had flown from Toronto to the

resort city of Varadero, 50 miles from Havana. We boarded a bus for the

capital with a Cuban guide aboard who quickly announced with great pride

that the verdant space adjacent to the beach resorts would soon have “a

world class golf course." This presaged what we were soon to realize,

that many parts of the island were being quickly redesigned for tourism.

IN A LITTLE MORE THAN A YEAR, the island has gone from pariah status (in

the American view), to a bucket list vacation destination with potential

toursts all wanting to visit “before they put in the MacDonald’s.”

Construction of Golden Arches throughout the island are surely high in

that company’s planning, and a thousand other companies see massive

economic potential in a population thirsting for the stuff of the modern

world they’ve been missing.

Most people considering a Cuba trip now are drawn by the romantic notion

of a nation stuck in the past with its 1950s cars, crumbling Spanish

colonial architecture, rum drinks, salsa music, and jazz. That’s all

there, but the infrastructure of Havana is being overwhelmed by the

influx of tourists.

There aren’t enough hotel rooms, prices are rising, and what is

described in a recent Wall Street Journal headline as “The American

Invasion" means that Cuban eyes are increasingly aimed at income from

tourists just as in all other vacation islands, and as it was before the

1959 Revolution.

Everything on the island is ramping up to accommodate the influx of

tourists. American companies will manage hotels, new ones are being

built, Havana has become a restaurant destination city, and undoubtedly

staffs are being lectured on how to give a crisp, “Sí senor” in the

manner Americans expected before the Revolution.

Havana harbor has been designated as “port secure” by the U.S.

government, meaning that Carnival Cruise Line ships will soon be

disgorging 5,000 passengers into the narrow streets of Old Havana for

their two-hour “I visited Cuba* jaunt. There are reports of five-hour

waits for luggage at the city’s Jose Marti airport and three hours to

get through Cuban customs.

The improbable victory of Castro’s guerrillas is still the lens through

which everything is viewed by the Cuban ruling circles and most

certainly by leftist visitors who are desperate to hold onto the island

as being the last vestige of the idea that their socialism has a real

world existence.

However, the country is being roiled by immense social and economic

changes so that the concepts they employ of ‘The Revolution" (which has

receded into an historic event rather than something ongoing), and

phrases such as “The Cuban People," or calls to support the Revolution

or Cuba are hopelessly dated, and obscure more than they reveal.

The accomplishments of the Revolution, which overthrew a corrupt,

U.S.-backed torture state, are well known. Cuba's universal health

system, high literacy rate, organic agriculture, and other innovative

social programs are extolled endlessly by visiting leftist tourists

almost as a liturgy to assure themselves that it is here that socialism

works. What almost none of them address, however, is that the country is

bureaucratically managed by a single-party state which ruthlessly

suppresses opposition of any type.

I gave a suggestion to one enthusiast who was writing about his recent

trip to Cuba that he simply define the country as a police state with

good social services. It wasn't well received.

In fairness, all nations are police states with varying degrees of

harshness. The irony of Obama lecturing the Cuban government about

democracy is lost on most myopic Americans. If there is a comparison

made between the two countries since 1959 of internal repression, police

attacks on demonstrators, assassination of dissidents, framed-up

political prisoners, murders of unarmed citizens, a racist justice

system, capital punishment, a huge inmate population, draconian

sentences, horrid prisons; really, which country comes out looking most

like a police state?

The starkest comparison of the U.S. violation of human rights can be

seen on the island itself in the form of the U.S. Guantanamo prison

complex.

However, both Cuba and the U.S. need to be judged by the standards they

set for themselves. The bedrock principle of socialism is workers

democracy, of which there is none in Cuba.

Las Damas en Blanca, the Women in White, and other democracy reformers

demand parliamentary elections in a multi-party system. The Cuban

leadership probably correctly realizes this would mean the end of their

rule and the dismantling of the tatters of their Revolution if elections

were held.

But the installation of authentic workers democracy would also spell the

bureaucracy’s demise, and without the return to private forms of

capitalism. This subject is taboo in Cuba and among its foreign

apologists as well, some of the latter who defend the dictatorship, but

mostly pretend in their writing that it doesn’t exist.

Like the other so-called socialist states, Cuba’s economy was always

state capitalist, but now with the government’s encouragement of massive

foreign investment, some leftist writers argue that more capitalism

will, in reality, bring about more socialism!

Marxists invented the term state socialism to disguise the capitalist

forms of state ownership, wage labor, and commodity consumption that

have been present in all communist countries. As we have seen in Eastern

Europe and Asia, state socialism quickly and easily morphs into its

private form.

A representative from the Cuban Ministry of Economy and Planning told

our tour group that Cuba is allowing foreign investment in order to

raise its standard of living and deal with a deteriorating

infrastructure. She said there was great pressure from below to make

typical Western commodities available, but insisted that capital

penetration will be controlled and the social services Cubans receive

will not be eroded.

In 2014, the Cuban National Assembly unanimously passed a law

encouraging foreign investment offering steep tax cuts and promising a

climate of investment security. The latter assurance is key.

It means protecting, for instance, a returning AT&T which saw its

property confiscated by the Revolution. The Cuban government now sternly

promises there will be no repetition of this. In other words, the state

guarantees there will be no threat of workers democracy. Isn’t this the

task of all capitalist governments?

AT&T will return, secure from the anarcho-syndicalist unions that Castro

eliminated, a feat neither the Spanish colonial regime nor Cuban

dictators could accomplish.

No doubt, Cuba faces great problems. There is very little national

wealth accumulation and many people are not working, surviving solely on

government subsidies. But Cubans, like everyone else in the world, want

what capitalism offers. Smartphones aren’t a luxury item, but are

considered a necessity for life in the modern world.

The Cuban Revolution’s goal of creating a post-capitalist, socialist

consciousness can be seen in many of its admirable projects despite

bureaucratic distortions, and is still espoused by many of its

stalwarts. But now that competes with a world of iPhones, Gucci

fashions, and Rolexes.

The U.S. embargo, the ongoing explanation for Cuba’s economic failures,

may have acted as an inoculation against the raging demand for stuff

that is currently sweeping the island. One suspects the population,

particularly the young, will abandon the Revolution first chance they

get if they are denied what they desire.

The accentuation of class and wealth disparities is already visible in

upscale restaurants, smartly dressed women, and Chinese luxury Geelys

roaring past 1951 Dodges. When asked about this, the representative of

the economics ministry said it didn’t matter since everyone would still

receive the exact same social services—a stunning avoidance of the

question.

The future of the island may soon be a combination of Jamaica and modern

Vietnam—an economy marked by tourism and foreign corporate looting, as

before the Revolution. And, like Vietnam, a state apparatus which

guarantees the security of capital. The Cuban’s only option was resist

the lure of modernity and very few want that.

Remember the train to Matanzas? The rattletrap? I suspect if I return in

a few years, the old model will be replaced by a shiny, new air

conditioned one. It will roll on tracks that allow a smooth ride of

under an hour.

The passengers will be the same, still poor farmers growing yucca and

raising hogs, but rather than conversing about crops and local news,

they’ll be looking down at their iPhones checking pork belly prices on

the Chicago Futures Exchange, and listening to the Rolling Stones.

This is called progress. What is gained and what is lost?

Peter Werbe, long-time Fifth Estate staff member, says writing this

gloomy report after his fourth trip to the island saddened him. While he

and his group were in Havana, they visited numerous art projects,

museums, heard speakers, walked the streets, danced on roof tops, ate

delicious food, and lots more, as tourists will