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Title: Forward to Technological Slavery Author: Ted Kaczynski Language: en Topics: Ted Kaczynski, unabomber, technology, anti-technology, anti-civ, Industrial Society and its Future, publishing Source: https://www.wildwill.net/blog/2017/04/26/ted-kaczynskis-forward-to-technological-slavery/
I have to begin by saying that I am deeply dissatisfied with this book.
It should have been an organized and systematic exposition of a series
of related ideas. Instead, it is an unorganized collection of writings
that expound the ideas unsystematically. And some ideas that I consider
important are not even mentioned. I simply have not had the time to
organize, rewrite, and complete the contents of this book. The principal
reason why I have not had time is that agencies of the United States
government have created unnecessary legal difficulties for me. To
mention only the most important of these difficulties, the United States
Attorney for the Eastern District of California has formally proposed to
round up and confiscate the original and every copy of everything I have
ever written and turn over all such papers to my alleged “victims”
through a fictitious sale that will allow the “victims” to acquire all
of the papers without having to pay anything for them. Under this plan,
the government would even confiscate papers that I have given to
libraries, including papers that have been on library shelves for
several years. The documents in which the United States Attorney has put
forward this proposal are available to the public: They are Document 704
and Document 713, Case Number CR-S-96-2S9 GEB, United States District
Court for the Eastern District of California.
At this writing, I have the assistance of lawyers in resisting the
government’s actions in regard to my papers. But I have learned from
hard experience that it is unwise to leave everything in the hands of
lawyers; one is well advised to research the legal issues oneself, keep
track of what the lawyers are doing, and intervene when necessary. Such
work is time-consuming, especially when one is confined in a
maximum-security prison and therefore has only very limited access to
law books.
I would have preferred to delay publication of the present book until
I’d had time to prepare its contents properly, but it seemed advisable
to publish before the government took action to confiscate all my
papers. I have, moreover, another reason to avoid delay: The Federal
Bureau of Prisons has proposed new regulations that would allow prison
wardens to cut off almost all communications between allegedly
“terrorist” prisoners and the outside world. The proposed regulations
are published in the Federal Register, Volume 71, Number 63, pages
16520–25.
I have no idea when the new regulations may be approved, but if and when
that happens it is all too possible that my communications will be cut
off. Obviously it is important for me to publish while I can still
communicate relatively freely, and that is why this book has to appear
now in an unfinished state.
The version of “Industrial Society and its Future” that appears in this
book differs from the original manuscript only in trivial ways;
spelling, punctuation, capitalization, and the like have been corrected
or improved here and there. As far as I know, all earlier versions of
“Industrial Society and its Future” published in English or French
contain numerous errors, such as the omission of parts of sentences and
even of whole sentences, and some of these errors are serious enough so
that they change or obscure the meaning of an entire paragraph. What is
much more serious is that at least one completely spurious article has
been published under my name. I recently received word from a
correspondent in Spain that an article titled “La Rehabilitación del
Estado por los Izquierdistas” (“The Rehabilitation of the State by the
Leftists”) had been published and attributed to me. But I most certainly
did not write such an article. So the reader should not assume that
everything published under my name has actually been written by me.
Needless to say, all writings attributed to me in the present book are
authentic.
I would like to thank Dr. David Skrbina for having asked questions and
raised arguments that spurred me to formulate and write down certain
ideas that I had been incubating for years.
I owe thanks to a number of other people also. At the end of “The Truth
About Primitive Life” I have thanked by name (and with their permission)
several people who provided me with materials for that essay, and some
of those people have helped me enormously in other ways as well. In
particular, I owe a heavy debt of gratihlde to Facundo Bermudez,
Marjorie Kennedy, and Patrick Scardo. I owe special thanks to my Spanish
correspondent who writes under the pseudonym “Último Reducto,” and to a
female friend of his, both of whom provided stimulating argument; and
Ăšltimo Reducto moreover has ably translated many of my writings into
Spanish. I hesitate to name others to whom I owe thanks, because I’m not
sure that they would want to be named publicly. For the sake of clarity,
I want to state here in summary form the four main points that I’ve
tried to make in my writings.
1. Technological progress is carrying us to inevitable disaster. There
may be physical disaster (for example, some form of environmental
catastrophe), or there may be disaster in terms of human dignity
(reduction of the human race to a degraded and servile condition). But
disaster of one kind or another will certainly result from continued
technological progress.
This is not an eccentric opinion. Among those frightened by the probable
consequences of technological progress are Bill Joy, whose article “Why
the Future Doesn’t Need Us”[1] is now famous, Martin Rees, author of the
book Our Final Century,[2] and Richard A. Posner, author of Catastrophe:
Risk and Response.[3] None of these three is by any stretch of the
imagination radical or predisposed to find fault with the existing
structure of society. Richard Posner is a conservative judge of the
United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. Bill Joy is a
well-known computer wizard, and Martin Rees is the Astronomer Royal of
Britain. These last two men, having devoted their lives to technology,
would hardly be likely to fear it without having good reason to do so.
Joy, Rees, and Posner are concerned mainly with physical disaster and
with the possibility or indeed the likelihood that human beings will be
supplanted by machines. The disaster that technological progress implies
for human dignity has been discussed by men like Jacques Ellul and Lewis
Mumford, whose books are widely read and respected. Neither man is
considered to be out on the fringe or even close to it.
2. Only the collapse of modern technological civilization can avert
disaster. Of course, the collapse of technological civilization will
itself bring disaster. But the longer the technoindustrial system
continues to expand, the worse will be the eventual disaster. A lesser
disaster now will avert a greater one later. The development of the
technoindustrial system cannot be controlled, restrained, or guided, nor
can its eftects be moderated to any substantial degree.
This, again, is not an eccentric opinion. Many writers, beginning with
Karl Marx, have noted the fundamental importance of technology in
determining the course of society’s development. In effect, they have
recognized that it is technology that rules society, not the other way
around. Ellul especially has emphasized the autonomy of technology,
i.e., the fact that modern technology has taken on a life of its own and
is not subject to human control. Ellul, moreover, was not the first to
formulate this conclusion. Already in 1934 the Mexican thinker Samuel
Ramos[4] clearly stated the principle of technological autonomy, and
this insight was adumbrated as early as the 1860s by Samuel Butler. Of
course, no one questions the obvious fact that human individuals or
groups can control technology in the sense that at a given point in time
they can decide what to do with a particular item of technology. What
the principle of technological autonomy asserts is that the overall
development of technology, and its long-term consequences for society,
are not subject to human control. Hence, as long as modern technology
continues to exist, there is little we can do to moderate its effects.
A corollary is that nothing short of the collapse of technological
society can avert a greater disaster. Thus, if we want to defend
ourselves against technology, the only action we can take that might
prove effective is an effort to precipitate the collapse of
technological society. Though this conclusion is an obvious consequence
of the principle of technological autonomy, and though it possibly is
implied by certain statements of Ellul, I know of no conventionally
published writer who has explicitly recognized that our only way out is
through the collapse of technological society. This seeming blindness to
the obvious can only be explained as the result of timidity.
If we want to precipitate the collapse of technological society, then
our goal is a revolutionary one under any reasonable definition of that
term. What we are faced with, therefore, is a need for out-and-out
revolution.
3. The political left is technological society’s first line of defense
against revolution. In fact, the left today serves as a kind of fire
extinguisher that douses and quenches any nascent revolutionary
movement. What do I mean by “the left”? If you think that racism,
sexism, gay rights, animal rights, indigenous people’s rights, and
“social justice” in general are among the most important issues that the
world currently faces, then you are a leftist as I use that term. If you
don’t like this application of the world “leftist,” then you are free to
designate the people I’m referring to by some other term. But, whatever
you call them, the people who extinguish revolutionary movements are the
people who are drawn indiscriminately to causes: racism, sexism, gay
rights, animal rights, the environment, poverty, sweatshops,
neocolonialism…it’s all the same to them. These people constitute a
subculture that has been labeled “the adversary culture.”[5] Whenever a
movement of resistance begins to emerge, these leftists (or whatever you
choose to call them) come swarming to it like flies to honey until they
outnumber the original members of the movement, take it over, and turn
it into just another leftist faction, thereby emasculating it. The
history of “Earth First!” provides an elegant example of this
process.[6]
4. What is needed is a new revolutionary movement, dedicated to the
elimination of technological society, that will take measures to exclude
all leftists, as well as the assorted neurotics, lazies, incompetents,
charlatans, and persons deficient in self-control who are drawn to
resistance movements in America today. Just what form a revolutionary
movement should take remains open to discussion. What is clear is that,
for a start, people who are serious about addressing the problem of
technology must establish systematic contact with one another and a
sense of common purpose; they must strictly separate themselves from the
“adversary culture”; they must be oriented toward practical action,
without renouncing a priori the most extreme forms of action; and they
must take as their goal nothing less than the dissolution of
technological civilization.
[1] Wired magazine, April 2000.
[2] Published by William Heinemann, 2003.
[3] Oxford University Press, 2004.
[4] El perfil del hombre y la cultura en MĂ©xico, DĂ©cima EdiciĂłn,
Espasa-Calpe Mexicana, Mexico City 1982 (originally published in 1934),
pages 104—105.
[5] See Paul Hollander, The Survival of the Adversary Culture.
[6] The process is ably documented by Martha E Lee, Earth First!:
Environmental Apocalypse, Syracuse University Press, 1995.