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Title: Everywhere and Nowhere Author: Kevin Tucker Language: en Topics: anti-civ, primitivism, green, technology Source: Retrieved on December 26th, 2013 from Kevin Tuckerâs Facebook page
âIn order to rationalize our industrial-military complex, we have to
destroy our capacity to see clearly any more what is in front of, and to
imagine what is beyond, our noses.â â R.D. Laing [1]
âThereâs no light at the end of the Carpal Tunnel.â â Bob Black [2]
Technology is about taking. It always has been and always will be.
Whether weâre talking about relatively regional civilizations or our
global civilization, the irrigation canals of Cahokia or the tanks of
the U.S. Army, technology is about a system that always requires more.
More fuel, more resources, more operators, more consumers, more
attention, more devotion: more everything and anything.
And that excess comes from somewhere. Somewhere and everywhere there are
ânecessary evilsâ (work, rent, bills, war), but we overlook them. We see
it as give and take: we work, they give us toys, we spend more hours
working to make more money to buy things that are supposed to save us
time, we pour into this system, this technological system, so that we
can get stuff in return. So that we can take part in history in the
making: we can internalize the Machine and its Progress. It becomes our
pride, it gives us meaning while it takes it away, and it becomes our
basis for identity.
Technology is power materialized. Without taking and giving something
very real, that is things you can see, feel, hear, and smell, the
domesticators would have never been able to enact the power their gods
only spoke of. Like god, technology became something to fear and love.
It became another thing to turn to so that we donât see, feel, hear, and
sense the world of and around us. From the steel plow to self-heating
coffee mugs, we become absorbed by the technological system.
And weâre blinded by the halogen light. The larger the system, the less
able we are of seeing the consequences. We donât see where the taking is
or where the losses are. But we donât have to look far for either. We
just have to learn how to look and step back to see outside of the mass
produced visions of the domesticators, to walk away from the 24-hour
neon crucifix, power locks and heated seats to understand the nature of
the machine: it must grow and it must absorb or eliminate everything
that stands before it.
Through this absorption, our communities, our world and our being are
what is being taken away. We are absorbed into something larger than our
selves, larger than our bioregionally rooted minds and cultures, and
drawn into the fate of a self-destructive culture.
On April 12, 1893 in the arid lands of southern Africa, the
technological system laid one of many monuments to its own efficiency. A
camp of 90 Witbooi women, children and some men was sleeping as the sun
arose. As they slept the colonizing German army crept up to deliver
their final compromise in the struggle over the land that those Witbooi
and their ancestors had lived on for thousands of years: a struggle
immersing from two cultures who would have never known about each other
only decades before.
In a matter of 30 minutes, 16,000 rounds were fired from 200 rifles,
laying the entire camp to rest.[3] The Gatling gun, in its 32^(nd) year
of existence, made colonization a much faster and more efficient ordeal.
The expanding German Empire and the globalizing European civilization
which spawned it needed more resources. And more must always come from
somewhere. On that day, the âsomewhereâ was in southern Africa, which
today remains one of the largest suppliers of such technological
necessities as gold and diamonds. The 90 Witbooi killed just happened to
stand in the way.
That same year the motion picture made its premiere.
Take and give.
If anyone is familiar with the consequences of technology, the ones we
are psychologically incapable of comprehending, they are those who have
historically lived without it. That is earth based cultures, the
gatherer-hunters, the small scale horticulturalists, and minor
pastoralists.
These are societies who are no stranger to tool use (like most animals).
But tools are different. Made from stone, wood, bone, and hide, they can
be and are by necessity, mechanically simple. They require skill and
knowledge over resources. A knapped flint blade leaves behind smaller
pieces of flint, not industrial waste. This kind of tool use is
reflective of their cultures which can face any amount of ecological and
social turbulence, but are lasting.
That is, are lasting so long as they arenât destroyed by another
culture. One which, as one Huaorani man put it: âkilled by destroying
the source of all lifeâ.[4] From flourishing through thousands of years,
these are cultures faced most recently with the threat of extermination
at the hands of a techno-industrial civilization reaching back less than
two centuries. Ethnocide, or culture-death, for the Huaorani is just one
cost âfor the sake of enough oil to meet U.S. energy needs for thirteen
daysâ.[5]
Thirteen days, one country for one culture.
It would be worse if it werenât an isolated case. Indigenous communities
throughout Northern America face ethnocide, removal, and genocide to
make way for coal, uranium, copper, gold, silver, bauxite, molybdenum,
and zeolite mines, oil and natural gas, logging, dams, and their homes
are turned into locations for power plants and waste sites.[6] Trains
and guns were once used to exterminate buffalo herds to deprive plains
Indians, now toxic waste turn fish into carcinogens, global warming
melts ice sheets and drowns polar bears, and lead contamination from
strip mines makes ground water lethal.
You have the same story throughout the world. Before urban development
stretched into the Amazon, colonization came through road building to
clear land for ranchers and to harvest rubber trees, bringing in logging
and mining, and, more recently massive hydro-electric dams.[7] What
started in Asia, Northern Africa and Europe spread throughout the world
as technology became more advanced and continually required more to
carry on: to carry on the process of growth and expansion. It moves,
uprooting communities along the way, leaving processed and domesticated
grains, morality and clothing, and steel tools in its wake.
Taking and giving. Rising and falling.
Destroying to produce nothingness.
And for what? What are the benefits of this great and mighty system that
can turn the earth into another thing, another consumable and rejectable
object?
We try to justify what weâve gotten from the process. And so called
radicals have even tried to save those positives from the rest of the
technological system. But while they agree that colonization and
destruction like that talked about above is horrid and, they believe,
unnecessary elements of a technological society, they ignore the reality
of technology: it destroys in far more ways than one.
Some of the worst damage wrought by the technological system is what it
does to our minds. As the ever expanding boundaries of the technological
reality spread out and connect with more people, the more we become
enmeshed in the system, and the more isolated we become.
Humans, like all animals, are bioregional and communal by nature. We
need community and the way earth based cultures live promotes this.
Technology is about isolation: the system demands specialization. To
produce a âlabor savingâ technology like steel tools, iron must be
mined, the ore must be smelted and it must be reshaped into something
useful. Those doing the mining, smelting, reshaping, or those involved
in the shipping or distributing of the materials or the finished
product, or those doing the bartering or selling of that product, arenât
likely to be the ones putting it to use if it is a plow or something
used directly in the production of food. There is a new distance that is
created and the person selling those tools isnât going to see the same
amount of destruction that the miner will see on a daily basis or notice
the consequences of that mine like someone directly involved with
providing food will. Nor will they necessarily know about the use of
other steel tools in clearing out more land for more mines.
That kind of disconnect is inherent in the system. And the psychological
disconnect is the same. In earth based communities, culture is shaped
over hundreds and thousands of years and is inseparable from the lack of
mediation from the earth and from each other. These cultures have
adapted responses and methods for dealing with any problems that are
likely to arise.
Letâs look at warfare. Warfare is something particular to domesticated
societies, whether they are earth based or not. Nomadic gatherer-hunters
lack warfare because they are freer from concepts of territoriality and
without dependence on rooted gardens or storehouses, can simply move,
split up or merge with surrounding camps during times of ecological
hardship. There is little to be staked out and defended and, even more
importantly, with looser kin and social relationships between bands,
even less to defend against. Kin based identity becomes more important
only when gardens and storehouses and their surrounding hunting
territory arise. That is, when people become rooted to a particular spot
to the point that its use by others is competitive rather than
collective.
As societies settle, or become domesticated, scarcity becomes a problem.
The more dependent a society becomes on particular plants, animals, or
weather patterns, the more they have to fear. If a horticulturalist
village expands and its neighbors are expanding or arenât moving, then
eventually there will be a problem.
Thereâs an ecological term for this: carrying capacity. Carrying
capacity is how much life can be supported by any given bioregion at any
particular time. But itâs more than an ecological concept; itâs the
reality that every living being must answer to if they push too far. And
that does happen from time to time. It doesnât have to be a major issue,
but some human societies created a larger problem because storing and
domesticating foods bends carrying capacity. That makes a village
possible where a band had previously only camped before.
This is not without consequence. The bioregion and what is grown or
taken from it becomes a resource and others are competitors. And this
begins the cycles of war that characterize domesticated societies.
Though domesticated, small scale horticultural and pastoral societies
are still earth based; they are still without a technological system
such as metal tools, irrigation and urbanization. The kind of social and
ecological stresses they feel are hardly abstract: there are too many
mouths to feed on too little land. War, in the form of raids or battles,
is the initial response, and becomes a primary occupation of the culture
at large. A preference for male warriors leads to higher rates of female
infanticide, revenge for lives lost in battle spur raids, and the result
is less mouths to feed and the occasional shattering of villages into
new places or to be absorbed by other villages.[8]
You see this happening over and over again in horticultural and pastoral
societies from South America through North America, Africa, Eurasia,
Polynesia, and Micronesia.
Brutal as it might sound, this is the culture that these societies have
grown into and the one they have and will continue to fight to maintain.
But weâre kidding ourselves when we think that this is somehow an
archaic arrangement. As the death toll in Iraq has well passed 20,000
lives lost, we should consider the words of a more open U.S. President
Jimmy Carter in response to attacks in 1980 on what he called one of the
âvital interests of the United States of Americaâ, the Persian Gulf and
its oil: attacks âwill be repelled by any means necessary, including
military force.â[9] Thatâs a response that the U.S. and other oil hungry
countries have surely not backed away from. We could just as easily
point to villages bulldozed and fenced off in Mexico that force a move
and dependence on Maquilladoras, or sweat shops with company stores and
their debt, or to the plight of the eastern Cougar, or to any number of
the places mentioned earlier.
The eternal somewhere, nowhere and everywhere: the shit fields of the
technological system.
At least the warring horticulturalists know whose blood is on their
hands.
But we have more in common with the horticulturalists and pastoralists
than their cycles of warfare: they too have suffered the consequences of
modern technology.
The mediation, the distance and isolation of technology is about more
than just pulling us away from the rest of the world. It is about
uprooting our community and bioregionally defined being from its very
essence. The result is a blood thirsty, unchecked insanity. Like Joseph
Conradâs Col. Kurtz, we destroy because nothing is stopping us.
Technology turns our hearts to the darkness it creates.
For artic hunters, like the Inuit, technology turned the vitally
communal seal hunts into a solitary act where the only companionship a
hunter has is with his gun and outboard motor. He returns to smaller and
smaller camps, in many places even the dogs are replaced by snowmobiles.
Community disappears and culture becomes a warped mirror of what it once
was.[10] Depression reigns, canned foods bring the highest rate of
diabetes in any human population, and the tools that one artic hunter
used can be seen on display in places like the Carnegie Museum of
Natural History in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Where the bastard
godchildren of industrialists can see relics of the community theyâre
searching for, but never able to see.
The gun, the imported food in steel cans, the outboard engine and its
oil.
Harpoons, dog sleds, community, seal skin kayaks.
Giving and taking.
The Carnegie Museum built its altar to the gods of Progress on soil
stained in the blood of the technological system. Like the artic, it is
the place where culture was and is being killed by forced relocation and
an influx of technology. But unlike the artic hunters, the lives of the
Monongahela were not lost to any direct trade. They were
horticulturalists, like the Erie to the north, the Susquehannocks to the
east and the nations of the Haudousaunee to the Northeast.
Like the other horticulturalists weâve looked at already, there was a
rough pattern of affinity and warring that created a rather static state
of existence throughout what would be called the northeastern United
States. You had these cycles of war, kept in check by a degree of
inefficient weaponry and the lack of mediation that the faceless warfare
technology makes possible.
That changed in the early 1600âs.
The growing, stratified technological system of Western Europe was
expanding and needed more resources. Sadly the invention of quicker
transportation over water made it possible for the dense populations of
cod in the Atlantic coast to be caught, stored and sold in shops in
Britain. The fishers began setting up inland camps where they met local
Algonkians: a people with no technology, but a sudden interest in what
these fishers had to offer. The fishers took an equal interest in the
furs of the natives and set in motion one of the most tragic stories of
our history: the American Fur trade.
The new steel tools and other mass produced junk of Empire flooded into
Algonkian hands at the expense of a demand for furs that the natives had
neither known nor had to deal with before. The rough boundaries and
alliances of a quickly declining era were radically altered by the
demand for trapping grounds and another resource war took place. But
unlike past wars, there was a new element: the gun.
The gun, like the trades, created a new kind of society where power was
granted by property and trade alone and where age old affiliations and
kin networks were tossed aside to recreate a mirror of European
politics. A new kind of political economy emerged as European nations
used the natives as pawns for their own ongoing territorial battles. The
Iroquoian Empire was created by the British in 1677 to stake a rightful
claim of discovery against the French. While Europeans battled this out,
it was native blood being spilled.
Technology is the key factor: the age old system of alliances and war
kept things in check, but there was no precedent for the kind of damage
technology could inflict. There was never a reason to create checks
against a technology that never existed before and so the natives had no
way to realize or cope with the nature of technology until it was far
too late. Too late came quickly: by 1660, every Iroquois who could own a
gun did. And in a war of the Iroquois against the Susquehannock over
access to central Pennsylvania into Ohio for trapping, the Erie and
Monongahela were wiped out between 1630 and 1680.
They never had to meet a European to fall victim to the consequences of
their technological system.[11]
And for the Iroquois themselves, the dependence on the new technology
caused a break up in bands into smaller kin groups and warrior sects.
The loss of culture and community allowed the missionaries that followed
in the footsteps of the fishers to finish the civilizing that guns and
steel tools had started.
This unfolds over and over again throughout the world where cultural
traditions clash with the technology of modernity. For the notorious
Amazonian horticulturalists, the Yanomami, access to steel tools became
the primary motivation for the warfare that won them the title of âthe
Fierce Peopleâ and became the subject of sociobiological arguments for
aggressiveness as the basis for humanity. No doubt, the irony of the
situation has still never fully come to light.[12]
And that clash has taken on more literal terms.
The Maori of New Zealand are one example. Their culture is the product
of a system of fishing, hunting, and horticulture that created a heavy
dependence on surplus. Social stratification was firmly rooted in a
highly divided society where kings and religions leaders could not even
be touched by impure hands or tools. Like any society where the
socio-political elite are untouchable, the same will apply for their
gods.
In the early 1800s, muskets became a normalized part of the Maori
warfare complex. But, like with the Iroquois, that distribution was
never equal. Politicians would take powerful Maori warrior-chiefs on
world tours and school them in the European political-war system. In one
case, one Maori chief got 300 guns with ample ammo from a sympathetic
British commander resulting in the death toll of over 2,000 enemy Maori
with an equal number taken as slaves from a 3 month campaign.[13]
But before the guns were even efficient in themselves, they pulled on
the traditional culture and ideas of gods for their power. As
anthropologist Andrew Vayda observed, guns gave advantage in warfare
ânot so much because of the numbers killedâŠas because of the panic
affected as a result by killing any of them.â He continues: âwhen
defenders heard the noise of the guns without, as far as they could see,
having been struck, they concluded that supernatural forces were at
work.â[14]
This is an important point. As I said earlier, the warfare of earth
based cultures was never faceless. The changing pattern of affiliations
and war still had enemies, but they were known enemies. The consequence
of killing was rooted in cultural understandings of what happens to the
dead and how they are to be avenged. But what constitutes killing is
also culturally defined. If someone is killed by a spear, arrow or
through witchcraft, everyone knows what is going on and what is going to
happen. You respond in kind.
Technology, being outside of the realm of direct experience and
relationships, challenges this. The pastoral/horticultural Nuer of Sudan
now know this too well. Guns flooded their culture as Nuer boys and men
were drafted as soldiers in the SPLA, the Sudanese Peopleâs Liberation
Army. That is, as a part of a violent nation-state turned ethnic war
created by European nations battling for control over the region. The
guns, not surprisingly, brought an extreme upsurge in Nuer homicide and
the loss of culture. Not necessarily through killing alone, but because
the technology is so alien to their long standing cultural
understandings of the world: ones patterned by hundreds of years of
bioregional and ecological influence.
Nuer responses and accountability for homicide were a part of their
elaborately outlined spiritual world. It involved consequences for the
deceased, the murderer and their cattle. But this was all tied to one
thing: the Nuer concept of killing. The death of Nuer, by other Nuer or
outsiders, had no place in their cosmology: there was no understanding
of where this left the living or the dead. Like the Iroquoian warriors,
this opened the door for the missionaries.[15]
Souls lost to the machine, taken again by the god that built them.
Genocide, ethnocide, omnicide: is it shocking to know that Sudan is one
vital source for the Nile River? That is, the land the Nuer live on is
the primary source for the most valued resource in northeastern Africa:
water.[16] The very building block of life becomes another resource,
another reason to take lives. All for industry. All for Progress. All to
feed the Machine.
From the view of the modernizers and the technocrats, you have to give
to take. And this is what we and those being taken from are told we are
all seeing.
The necessary evils. The broken eggs of Progress.
And ultimately the salvation of the Machine.
Itâs easy to look at these things and see them as a tragic misconception
or faults of indigenous societies to stop their complacency in their
ethnocide and genocide. We can look at these âdownsidesâ of technology
in use or ignore the relationship between all of this and the necessary
expansion of the technological system.
But if we think that we are any different or any more prepared to deal
with technology, then Stanley Milgram proved us wrong.
Milgram was a social psychologist with a particular interest in
obedience. His interests led to what would become one of the most
controversial experiments and analysis of the last century. The
experiment brought in random people who were, as they would believe,
going to give another experimental subject a series of electrical shocks
as dictated by the conductor of the experiment. The person receiving the
shocks was an actor who would respond how any person would if given the
relative amount of electrocution: from initial reactions along the lines
of âwhat is going on hereâ to protests to agonizing screams. What
Milgram found was shocking: nearly all the subjects would give strong to
extremely intense shocks before they would refuse to give them as told
and twice as many would carry on if the actor was further away, but
could still be heard.[17]
The experiment was focused on obedience to authority, but there are two
things in particular that apply to this subject: the authority granted
to the experimenter through their technology and the disconnection
between the person giving the shocks and the screams of the victim
through the technology.
You donât need a lab to remind ourselves of how powerful these things
are. When some technology exists, it is treated as something that just
is and always will be. In a fatalistic sense, it is accepted as a part
of reality. Genetic engineering, for example, gets its share of protest,
but little to no outrage, even as diseases have nearly doubled in the
short period since theyâve become widely used. We could look even closer
to everyday technologies like sewage systems and garbage. We donât think
about what happens when we can simply toss things to the curb or in a
dumpster. We donât have to think about how the psycho-active sedatives
that are so widely taken are being pissed out and run back into the
water supply with no method of filtration for them. That goes back into
the rivers, lakes, streams and oceans and finds its way back into the
soil. Nor are we confronted with the consequences of household
chemicals, like fertilizers, insecticides and fungicides which anyone in
most countries could go to the store and pick up and spray outside at
anytime. Nor do we think about the coal plants, strip mines, nuclear
power plants and the carnage they reap when we flip on a switch.
We can wonder and be philosophically opposed, but these things are all
just there. And their presence alone grants them a kind of authority
that comes with the fatalistic view thatâs been instilled in our minds.
The necessary evils haunt us into inaction. They are the electric
lullaby.
And it is the distance that a technological system that makes it
possible for us to go on ignoring all of this. To continue acting like
there are no consequences for our actions while everyday life remains an
on going catastrophe.
Milgram was interested in the study of obedience for a particular
reason: are there evil and good people, or are people just following
orders. What he saw from Hitlerâs concentration camps, Stalinâs gulags,
and, at that time, the ongoing war in Vietnam disturbed him. And what he
learned through interviews with those who took part in this wholesale
destruction of life brings us back to the essence of technology: in
order to inflict pain directly, they had to âcounteranthropomophorizeâ
their victims. That is they had to remove any human qualities from the
people they would be destroying.
And there is another fitting term for this: reification, the process of
turning life into âthingsâ, lifeless objects. This is exactly what the
technological system does, and exactly what the domesticators teach us
to do. We must be disconnected from our being to cause this kind of
destruction. No full being could ever tolerate this loss just as how we
cannot comprehend what is really being lost.
So long as we are plugged in, we will never be able to come to this
understanding.
As the Iroquois and Maori unwittingly took part in the destruction of
their culture, we unwittingly take part in the destruction of life, the
uprooting of communities, and the dismemberment of our being.
This is the technological system. This is the consequence of its
necessary disconnection.
And this is what we are given in return for a wholeness that we can no
longer even contemplate.
It is a whole package that cannot be taken in parts. There is no good
and bad technology: just as there are no consequence-free actions. We
are thrown into a global world that we are psychologically incapable of
understanding, where destruction is out of sight and out of mind.
But our bioregional, communal selves still lurk beneath the machinery.
We are not different. And we canât wait any longer for a nice way to
slowly turn the power off on this system or to try and put it to good
use. The switch will never be willingly flipped.
It is up to us to pull the plug and let the system collapse.
Footnotes:
[1] RD Laing, The Politics of Experience. New Jersey: Pantheon, 1967.
Pgs. 57â58.
[2] Bob Black, Anarchy after Leftism. Columbia: CAL Press, 1997.
[3] Mark Cocker, Rivers of Blood, Rivers of Gold. New York: Grove, 1998.
Pgs. 3â4.
[4] Joe Kane, Savages. New York: Vintage, 1996. Pg. 7.
[5] Ibid, pg. 5.
[6] Ward Churchill, Struggle for the Land. Winnipeg: Arbiter Ring, 1999.
Donald Grinde and Bruce Johansen, Ecocide of Native America. Santa Fe:
Clear Light, 1995.
[7] Linda Rabben, Unnatural Selection. Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 1998. John Bodley, Victims of Progress. Menlo Park: Cummings,
1975.
[8] This can be observed from nearly any ethnography on
horticulturalists and pastoralists. A few cases that have elaborated on
it as such are; Roy Rappaport, Pigs for the Ancestors (Prospect Heights,
IL: Waveland Press, 1984), Kenneth Good, Into the Heart (New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1991), Andrew Vayda, Maori Warfare (New Plymouth, NZ:
Avery Press, 1960) and Warfare in Ecological Perspective (New York:
Plenum Press, 1976), Marvin Harris, Cows, Pigs, Wars and Witches (New
York: Vintage, 1989), and is further elaborated in my book-inprogress,
Catalyst: the birth and death of civilization.
[9] Quoted in Michael Klare, Resource Wars. New York: Henry Holt, 2002.
Pg. 4.
[10] NOVA, Hunters of the Seal [film]. 1978.
[11] Eric Wolf, Europe and the People without History. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1982. Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous
Iroquois Empire. New York: W.W. Norton, 1984.
[12]
R. Brian Ferguson, Yanomami Warfare. Santa Fe: SAR Press, 1995.
[13] Andrew Vayda, Maori Warfare. Pgs. 91â2.
[14] Ibid. Pg. 60
[15] Sharon Hutchinson, Nuer Dilemmas. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1996.
[16] Klare, Resource Wars.
[17] Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority. New York: Harper, 1975.