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Title: Super Position
Author: David Graeber
Date: October 8, 2012
Language: en
Topics: superability, science fiction, review
Source: Retrieved on 16th September 2020 from https://thenewinquiry.com/super-position/

David Graeber

Super Position

I.

Let me clarify one thing from the start: Christopher Nolan’s Batman: The

Dark Knight Rises really is a piece of anti-Occupy propaganda. Nolan,

the director, claims the script was written before the movement even

started, and that the famous scenes of the occupation of New York

(“Gotham”) were really inspired by Dickens’ account of the French

Revolution.

This is probably true, but it’s disingenuous. Everyone knows Hollywood

scripts are continually being rewritten while movies are in production,

and that when it comes to messaging, even details like where a scene is

shot (“I know, let’s have the cops face off with Bane’s followers right

in front of the New York Stock Exchange!”) or a minor change of wording

(“let’s change ‘take control of’ to ‘occupy’”) can make all the

difference. Then there’s the fact that the villains actually do attack

the Stock Exchange. Still, it’s precisely this ambition, the filmmaker’s

willingness to take on the great issues of the day, that ruins the

movie.

It’s sad, because both Batman Begins and The Dark Knight had moments of

genuine eloquence. In the first films of the trilogy, Nolan has some

interesting things to say about human psychology, and, particularly,

about the relationship between creativity and violence. The Dark Knight

Rises is more ambitious. It dares to speak on a scale and grandeur

appropriate to the times. And in doing so, it stuttered into

incoherence.

II.

Dark Knight Rises offers an opportunity to ask some potentially

enlightening questions about contemporary culture. What are superhero

movies really all about? What could explain the sudden explosion of such

movies—one so dramatic that it sometimes seems that comic book-based

movies are replacing sci-fi as the main form of Hollywood special

effects blockbuster, almost as rapidly as the cop movie replaced the

Western as the dominant action genre in the ‘70s?

Why, in the process, have familiar superheroes suddenly been given

complex interiority: family backgrounds, ambivalence, moral crises and

self-doubt? And why does the very fact of their receiving a soul seem to

force them to also choose some kind of explicit political orientation?

One could argue that this happened first not with a comic-book

character, but with James Bond. Casino Royale gave Bond psychological

depth for the first time. By the very next movie he was saving

indigenous communities in Bolivia from evil transnational water

privatizers. Spiderman, too, broke left in his latest cinematic

incarnation, just as Batman broke right.

In a way, this makes sense. Superheroes are a product of their

historical origins. Superman is a Depression-era displaced Iowa farm

boy; Peter Parker, a product of the ‘60s, is a smartass working-class

kid from Queens; Batman, the billionaire playboy, is a scion of the

military-industrial complex that was created, just as he was, at the

beginning of World War II. But again, in the latest movie, the subtext

became surprisingly explicit (“You’re not a vigilante,” says the police

commander, “you’re an anarchist!”): particularly in the climax, where

Spiderman, wounded by a police bullet, is rescued by an outbreak of

working class solidarity as dozens of crane operators across defy city

orders and mobilize to help him. Nolan’s movie is the most ambitious,

but it also falls the most obviously flat. Is this because the superhero

genre does not lend itself to a right-wing message?

III.

Let’s start at the beginning, by looking specifically at the comic book

stories where the TV shows, cartoon series and blockbuster movies

ultimately came from. Comic-book superheroes were originally a

mid-century phenomenon, and like all mid-century pop culture phenomena,

they are essentially Freudian.

Umberto Eco once remarked that comic book stories already operate a

little bit like dreams: the same plot is repeated,

obsessive-compulsively, over and over; nothing changes; and even as the

backdrop for the stories shifts from Great Depression to World War to

post-war prosperity, the heroes, whether they are Superman, Wonder

Woman, the Green Hornet, or the Mighty Thor, seem to exist in an eternal

present, never aging, always the same.

The plot is almost always some approximation of the following: a bad

guy, maybe a crime boss, more often a powerful supervillain, embarks on

a project of world conquest, destruction, theft, extortion, or revenge.

The hero is alerted to the danger and figures out what’s happening.

After trials and dilemmas, at the last possible minute the hero foils

the villain’s plans. The world is returned to normal until the next

episode when exactly the same thing happens once again.

It doesn’t take a genius to figure out what’s going on here. These

“heroes” are purely reactionary, in the literal sense. They have no

projects of their own, at least not in their role as heroes: as Clark

Kent, Superman may be constantly trying, and failing, to get into Lois

Lane’s pants, but as Superman, he is purely reactive. In fact,

superheroes seem almost utterly lacking in imagination: like Bruce

Wayne, who with all the money in the world can’t seem to think of

anything to do with it other than to indulge in the occasional act of

charity; it never seems to occur to Superman that he could easily carve

free magic cities out of mountains.

Almost never do superheroes make, create, or build anything. The

villains, in contrast, are endlessly creative. They are full of plans

and projects and ideas. Clearly, we are supposed to first, without

consciously realizing it, identify with the villains. After all, they’re

having all the fun. Then of course we feel guilty for it, re-identify

with the hero, and have even more fun watching the superego clubbing the

errant Id back into submission.

Politically speaking, superhero comic books can seem pretty innocuous.

If all a comic is trying to do is to tell a bunch of adolescent boys

that everyone has a certain desire for chaos and mayhem, but that

ultimately such desires need to be controlled, the implications would

not seem especially dire, especially because the message still does

carry a healthy dose of ambivalence. After all, the heroes of even the

most right-leaning action movies seem to spend much of their time

smashing up suburban shopping malls, something many of us would like to

do at some point in our lives. In the case of most comic book

superheroes, however, the mayhem has extremely conservative political

implications. To understand why requires a brief digression on the

question of constituent power.

IV.

Costumed superheroes ultimately battle criminals in the name of the

law—even if they themselves often operate outside a strictly legal

framework. But in the modern state, the very status of law is a problem.

This is because of a basic logical paradox: no system can generate

itself.

Any power capable of creating a system of law cannot itself be bound by

them. So law has to come from somewhere else. In the Middle Ages, the

solution was simple: the legal order was created, either directly or

indirectly, by God. God, as the Old Testament makes abundantly clear, is

not bound by laws or even any recognizable system of morality, which

only stands to reason: if you created morality, you can’t, by

definition, be bound by it. The English, American, and French

revolutions changed all that when they created the notion of popular

sovereignty—declaring that the power once held by kings is now held by

an entity called “the people.”

“The people,” however, are bound by the laws. So in what sense can they

have created them? They created the laws through those revolutions

themselves, but, of course, revolutions are acts of law-breaking. It is

completely illegal to rise up in arms, overthrow a government, and

create a new political order. Cromwell, Jefferson, and Danton were

surely guilty of treason according to the laws under which they grew up,

as surely as they would have been had they tried to do the same thing

again twenty years later.

So, laws emerge from illegal activity. This creates a fundamental

incoherence in the very idea of modern government, which assumes that

the state has a monopoly of the legitimate use of violence (only the

police, or prison guards, have the legal right to beat you up). It’s

okay for police to use violence because they are enforcing the law; the

law is legitimate because it’s rooted in the constitution; the

constitution is legitimate because it comes from the people; the people

created the constitution by acts of illegal violence. The obvious

question, then, is: how does one tell the difference between “the

people” and a mere rampaging mob?

There is no obvious answer.

The response, by mainstream, respectable opinion, is to try to push the

problem as far away as possible. The usual line is: the age of

revolutions is over, except perhaps in benighted spots like Gabon or

Syria, and we can now change the constitution, or legal standards, by

legal means. This of course means that the basic structures will never

change. We can witness the results in the US, which continues to

maintain an architecture of state, with its electoral college and two

party-system, that—while quite progressive in 1789—now makes us appear,

in the eyes rest of the world, the political equivalent of the Amish,

still driving around with horses and buggies. It also means we base the

legitimacy of the whole system on the consent of the people despite the

fact that the only people who were ever really consulted on the matter

lived over 200 years ago. In America, at least, “the people” are all

long since dead.

We’ve gone, then, from a situation where the power to create a legal

order derives from God, to one where it derives from armed revolution,

to one where it is rooted in sheer tradition—“these are the customs of

our ancestors, who are we to doubt their wisdom?” Of course, a not

insignificant number of American politicians make clear they’d really

like to give it back to God again. For the radical Left and the

authoritarian Right the problem of constituent power is very much alive,

but each takes diametrically opposite approaches to the fundamental

question of violence.

The Left, chastened by the disasters of the 20^(th) century, has largely

moved away from its older celebration of revolutionary violence,

preferring non-violent forms of resistance. Those who act in the name of

something higher than the law can do so precisely because they don’t act

like a rampaging mob.

For the Right, on the other hand—and this has been true since the rise

of fascism in the ‘20s—the very idea that there is something special

about revolutionary violence, anything that makes it different from mere

criminal violence, is so much self-righteous twaddle. Violence is

violence. But that doesn’t mean a rampaging mob can’t be “the people,”

because violence is the real source of law and political order anyway.

Any successful deployment of violence is, in its own way, a form of

constituent power.

This is why, as Walter Benjamin noted, we cannot help but admire the

“great criminal”: because, as so many movie posters put it, “he makes

his own law.” After all, any criminal organization does, inevitably,

begin developing its own—often quite elaborate—set of internal laws.

They have to, as a way of controlling what would otherwise be completely

random violence. From the right-wing perspective, that’s all that law

ever is. It is a means of controlling the very violence that brings it

into being, and through which it is ultimately enforced.

This makes it easier to understand the often surprising affinity between

criminals, criminal gangs, right-wing political movements, and the armed

representative state. Ultimately, they speak the same language. They

create their own rules on the basis of force. As a result, they

typically share the same broad political sensibilities. Mussolini might

have wiped out the mafia, but Italian Mafiosi still idolize Mussolini.

In Athens, nowadays, there’s active collaboration between the crime

bosses in poor immigrant neighborhoods, fascist gangs, and the police.

In fact, in this case it was clearly a political strategy: faced with

the prospect of popular uprisings against a right-wing government, the

police first withdrew protection from neighborhoods near the immigrant

gangs, then started giving tacit support to the fascists. For the

far-right, then, it is in that space where different violent forces

operating outside of the legal order interact that new forms of power,

and hence of order, can emerge.

V.

What does all this have to do with costumed superheroes? Well,

everything. Because this is exactly the space that superheroes, and

super-villains, also inhabit. An inherently fascist space, inhabited

only by gangsters, would-be dictators, police, and thugs, with endlessly

blurring lines between them.

Sometimes the cops are legalistic, sometimes they’re corrupt. Sometimes

the police themselves slip into vigilantism. Sometimes they pursue the

superhero, sometimes they look the other way, sometimes they help.

Villains and heroes occasionally team up. The lines of force are always

shifting. If anything new were to emerge, it could only be through such

shifting forces. There’s nothing else, since, in the DC and Marvel

universes, neither God nor The People really exist.

Insofar as there is a potential for constituent power then, it can only

come from purveyors of violence. The supervillains and evil masterminds,

when they are not merely indulging in random acts of terror, are always

scheming of imposing a New World Order of some kind or another. Surely,

if Red Skull, Kang the Conqueror, or Doctor Doom ever did succeed in

taking over the planet, there would be lots of new laws created very

quickly, although their creator would doubtless not himself feel bound

by them. Superheroes resist this logic. They do not wish to conquer the

world—if only because they are not monomaniacal or insane. As a result,

they remain parasitical off the villains in the same way that police

remain parasitical off criminals: without them, they’d have no reason to

exist. They remain defenders of a legal and political system which

itself seems to have come out of nowhere, and which, however faulty or

degraded, must be defended, because the only alternative is so much

worse.

They aren’t fascists. They are just ordinary, decent, super-powerful

people who inhabit a world in which fascism is the only political

possibility.

VI.

Why, might we ask, would a form of entertainment premised on such a

peculiar notion of politics emerge in early to mid-20^(th) century

America, at just around the time that actual fascism was on the rise in

Europe? Was it some kind of fantasy American equivalent? Not exactly.

It’s more that both fascism and superheroes were products of similar

historical predicament: What is the foundation of social order when one

has exorcised the very idea of revolution? And above all, what happens

to the political imagination?

One might begin here by considering that the core audience for superhero

comics is adolescent or pre-adolescent white boys. That is: boys who are

at a point in their lives where they are likely to be both maximally

imaginative and at least a little bit rebellious, but who are being

groomed to eventually take on positions of authority and power in the

world, to be fathers, sheriffs, small business owners, middle

management. What do they learn from these endless repeated dramas? Well,

first off, that imagination and rebellion lead to violence. Second,

that, like imagination and rebellion, violence is a lot of fun; thirdly,

that violence must ultimately be directed back against any overflow

imagination and rebellion lest everything go askew. These things must be

contained! This is why, insofar as superheroes are allowed to be

imaginative in any way, their imagination can only be extended to the

design of their clothes, their cars, maybe their homes, their various

accessories.

It’s in this sense that the logic of the superhero plot is profoundly,

deeply conservative. Ultimately, the division between Left- and

Right-wing sensibilities turns on one’s attitude towards the

imagination. For the Left, imagination, creativity, by extension

production, the power to bring new things and new social arrangements

into being, is always to be celebrated. It is the source of all real

value in the world. For the Right, it is dangerous, and ultimately evil.

The urge to create is also a destructive urge. This kind of sensibility

was rife in the popular Freudianism of the day: the Id was the motor of

the psyche, but also amoral; if really unleashed, it would lead to an

orgy of destruction. This is also what separates conservatives from

fascists. Both agree that the imagination unleashed can only lead to

violence and destruction. Conservatives wish to defend us against that

possibility. Fascists wish to unleash it anyway. They aspire to be, as

Hitler imagined himself, great artists painting with the minds, blood,

and sinews of humanity.

This means that it’s not just the mayhem that becomes the reader’s

guilty pleasure, but the very fact of having a fantasy life at all. And

while it might seem odd to think any artistic genre is ultimately a

warning about the dangers of the human imagination, it would certain

explain why, in the staid ‘40s and ‘50s, everyone did seem to feel there

was something vaguely naughty about reading them. It also explains how

in the ‘60s it could all suddenly seem so harmless, allowing the advent

of silly, campy TV superheroes like the Adam West Batman series, or

Saturday morning Spiderman cartoons.

If the message was that rebellious imagination was okay as long as it

was kept out of politics, and simply confined to consumer choices

(clothes, cars, and accessories), this had become a message that even

executive producers could easily get behind.

VII.

If the classic comic book is ostensibly political (about madmen trying

to take over the world), really psychological and personal (about

overcoming the dangers of rebellious adolescence), but ultimately

political after all, then the new superhero movies are precisely the

reverse. They are ostensibly psychological and personal, really

political, but ultimately psychological and personal.

The humanization of superheroes didn’t start in the movies. It actually

began in the ‘80s and ‘90s, within the comic book genre itself, with

Frank Miller’s Dark Knight Returns and Alan Moore’s Watchmen—what might

be called superhero noire. At that time, superhero movies were still

working through the legacy of the ‘60s camp tradition. One might say the

new spirit reached its cinematic peak in Batman Begins, the first of the

Nolan trilogy. In that movie, Nolan essentially asks, “what if someone

like Batman actually did exist, in the real world? What would it

actually take to make someone want to dress up as a bat and attack

criminals?”

Unsurprisingly, psychedelic drugs play an important role. So do severe

mental health issues, and a history of association with bizarre

religious cults. It is curious that commentators on the movie never seem

to pick up on the fact that Bruce Wayne, in the Nolan films, is

borderline psychotic.

As himself he is almost completely dysfunctional, incapable of forming

friendships or romantic attachments, uninterested in work unless it

somehow reinforces his morbid obsessions. The hero was so obviously

crazy, and the movie so obviously about his battle with his own

craziness, that it’s not a problem that the villains are just a series

of ego-appendages, especially in the first film of the trilogy: Ra’s al

Ghul (the bad father), the Crime boss (the successful businessman), the

Scarecrow (who drives the businessman insane.) There’s nothing

particularly appealing about any of them, but that doesn’t matter:

they’re all just shards and tessera of the hero’s shattered mind. As a

result, there’s obviously a political message. Or so it seems. When you

create a movie out of characters so encrusted with myth and canon

history, no director is entirely in control of his material.

In the movie, Ra’s al Ghul first initiates Batman into the League of

Shadows in a monastery in Bhutan, and only then reveals his plan to

destroy Gotham to rid the world of its corruption. In the original

comics, we learn that Ra’s al-Ghul—a character introduced, tellingly, in

1971—is in fact a Zerzanesque Primitivist and eco-terrorist, determined

to restore the balance of nature by reducing the earth’s human

population by roughly 99 percent. None of the villains in any of the

three movies want to rule the world. They don’t wish to have power over

others, or to create new rules of any sort. Even their henchmen are

temporary expedients—they always ultimately plan to kill them.

Nolan’s villains, in short, are always anarchists, but they’re always

very peculiar anarchists, of a sort that seem to exist only in the

filmmaker’s imagination. They are anarchists who believe that human

nature is fundamentally evil and corrupt. The Joker, the real hero of

the second movie, makes all of this explicit: he is the Id become

philosopher.

The Joker is nameless, has no origin other than whatever he whimsically

invents on any particular occasion, and it’s not even clear what his

powers are. Yet he is, inexorably, powerful. The Joker is a pure force

of self-creation, a poem written by himself. His only purpose in life

appears to be an obsessive need to prove to others first, that

everything is and can only be poetry—and second, that poetry is evil.

VIII.

So here we are back to the central theme of the early superhero

universes: a prolonged reflection on the dangers of the human

imagination, how the reader’s own desire to immerse oneself in a world

driven by artistic imperatives is living proof of why that the

imagination must always be carefully contained.

The result is a thrilling movie, with a villain both likeable—he’s just

so obviously having fun with it—and genuinely frightening. Batman Begins

was merely full of people talking about fear. The Dark Knight actually

produced some. But even that movie begins to fall flat the moment it

touches on popular politics. The end, when Bruce and Commissioner Gordon

settle on the plan to scapegoat Batman and create a false myth around

the martyrdom of Harvey Dent, is nothing short of a confession that

politics is identical to the art of fiction. The Joker was right:

redemption lies only in the fact that the violence, the deception, can

be turned back upon itself. Nolan would have done well to leave it at

that.

The problem is that this vision of politics simply isn’t true. Politics

is not just the art of manipulating images, backed up by violence. It’s

not just a duel between impresarios before an audience that will believe

most anything if presented artfully enough. No doubt it must seem that

way to extraordinarily wealthy Hollywood film directors, but between the

shooting of the first and second movies, history intervened quite

decisively to point that out just how wrong this vision is.

The economy collapsed. Not because of the manipulations of some secret

society of warrior monks, but because of a bunch of financial managers

who, living in Nolan’s bubble world and sharing his assumptions about

the endlessness of popular manipulability, turned out to be wrong. There

was a mass popular response. It did not take the form of a frenetic

search for messianic saviors, mixed with outbreaks of nihilist violence:

increasingly, it took the form of a series of real popular movements,

even revolutionary movements, toppling regimes in the Middle East and

occupying squares everywhere from Cleveland to Karachi, trying to create

new forms of democracy.

Constituent power had reappeared, and in an imaginative, radical, and

remarkably non-violent form. This is precisely the kind of situation a

superhero universe cannot address. In Nolan’s world, something like

Occupy could only have been the product of some tiny group of ingenious

manipulators who really are pursuing some secret agenda.

The Batman series really should have left such topics alone, but

apparently Nolan couldn’t help himself. The result is almost completely

incoherent. The plot is convoluted and barely worth recounting. A rival

businessman hires Catwoman to steal his Bruce Wayne’s fingerprints so he

can use them to steal all his money, but really he is being manipulated

by a gasmask-wearing supervillain mercenary named Bane. Bane is stronger

than Batman, but he’s pining with unrequited love for Ra’s al-Ghul’s

daughter Talia, crippled by mistreatment in his youth in a dungeon-like

prison, his face invisible behind a mask he must wear continually so as

not to collapse in agonizing pain. Insofar as the audience identifies

with a villain like that, it can only be out of sympathy. No one in

their right mind would want to be Bane.

Presumably, though, that’s the point: a warning against the dangers of

undue sympathy for the unfortunate. Because Bane is also a charismatic

revolutionary, who after disposing of Batman, reveals the myth of Harvey

Dent to be a lie, frees the denizen’s of Gotham’s prisons, traps almost

its entire police force underground, and releases its

ever-impressionable populace to and sack and burn the mansions of the

1%, dragging them before revolutionary tribunals. The Scarecrow,

amusingly, reappears as Robespierre. Eventually, however, he’s intending

to kill them all with a nuclear bomb converted from some kind of green

energy project. The reason for this remains unclear.

Why does Bane wish to lead the people in a social revolution, if he’s

just going to nuke them all in a few weeks anyway? It’s anyone’s guess.

He claims that before you destroy someone, first you must give them

hope. So is the message that utopian dreams can only lead to nihilistic

violence? Presumably something like that, but it’s singularly

unconvincing, since the plan to kill everyone came first, and the

revolution was a decorative afterthought. In fact, what happens to the

city can only possibly make sense as a material echo of what’s always

been most important: what’s happening in Bruce Wayne’s tortured brain.

In the end, Batman and the Gotham police rise from their respective

dungeons and join forces to battle the evil Occupiers outside the Stock

Exchange, Batman fakes his own death disposing of the bomb, and Bruce

ends up with Catwoman in Florence. A new phony martyr legend is born and

the people of Gotham are pacified. In case of further trouble, we are

assured there is also a potential heir to Batman, a disillusioned police

officer named Robin. The movie finally ends, and everyone breathes a

sigh of relief.

IX.

If there’s supposed to be a take-home message from all of this, it must

run something like: “Yes, the system is corrupt, but it’s all we have,

and anyway, figures of authority can be trusted if they have first been

chastened and endured terrible suffering.” Normal police let children

die on bridges, but police who’ve been buried alive for weeks can employ

violence legitimately. Charity is much better than addressing structural

problems. Any attempt to address structural problems, even through

non-violent civil disobedience, really is a form of violence, because

that’s all it could possibly be. Imaginative politics are inherently

violent, and therefore there’s nothing inappropriate if police respond

by smashing protestors’ heads repeatedly against the concrete.

As a response to Occupy, this is nothing short of pathetic. When Dark

Knight came out in 2008, there was much discussion over whether the

whole thing was really a vast metaphor for the war on terror: how far is

it okay for the good guys (America, obviously) to adapt the bad guy’s

methods? The filmmakers managed to respond to these issues and still

produce a good movie. This is because the War on Terror actually was a

battle of secret networks and manipulative spectacles. It began with a

bomb and ended with an assassination. One can almost think of it as an

attempt, on both sides, to actually enact a comic book version of the

universe.

Once real constituent power appeared on the scene, that universe

shriveled into incoherence. Revolutions were sweeping the Middle East

and the US was still spending hundreds of billions of dollars fighting a

ragtag bunch of seminary students in Afghanistan. Unfortunately for

Nolan, for all his manipulative powers the same thing happened to his

world when even the hint of real popular power arrived in New York.