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Title: The Revolutionary “Haste”
Author: Errico Malatesta
Date: September 6, 1921
Language: en
Topics: practice, social revolution
Source: Retrieved on March 4th, 2009 from http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/malatesta/haste.html
Notes: From UmanitĂ  Nova, n. 125, September 6, 1921

Errico Malatesta

The Revolutionary “Haste”

Let us deal again with G. Valenti’s article republished by the Reggio

Emilia newspaper Giustizia.

Valenti dwells on enumerating all the masses that are indifferent or

hostile to subversive propaganda. Writing about the United States, he

claims that there are 60 (?) million Catholics organized in religious

associations who go to church and pray God, and he invites the

anarchists to go and make propaganda among those 60 millions, if they

want to speed up the revolution. He claims that only 4 and a half

million producers out of 40 million are organized in organizations, the

majority of which, as a matter of fact, are still opposed to socialism;

he also invites trade unionists to start working at organizing workers

in unions, if they really want to speed up the revolution. He claims

that only one million voters out of twenty-five million voted for Debs

in the last polls, he recalls that in the South socialist speakers get

beaten and driven out of towns by mobs intoxicated with patriotism;

finally, he invites communists to go and propagandize their 21 points in

the South, instead of “bugging socialists into accepting them”.

This is all too true and right, if it means that we have to make

propaganda and do our best to win over as many individuals, as many

masses as possible to the ideas of emancipation.

On the other hand, the argument is completely wrong if it means that the

demolition of capitalism has to wait until those 60 million Catholics

become free thinkers, all workers (or their majority) are organized for

class struggle, and Debs gets out of prison thanks to the majority of

voters.

Let us not misunderstand. It is an axiomatic, self-evident truth that a

revolution can only be made when there is enough strength to make it.

However, it is an historical truth that the forces determining evolution

and social revolutions cannot be reckoned with census papers.

Catholics in the United States and elsewhere will remain as numerous as

they are, or even grow, as long as there is a class, holding the power

of wealth and science, interested in keeping the masses in their

intellectual slavery, in order to dominate them more easily. Workers

will never be fully organized, and their organizations will always be

subject to breaking down or degenerating, as long as poverty,

unemployment, fear of losing one’s job, desire to improve one’s

conditions feed the antagonism among workers, and give the masters the

opportunity to profit from any circumstances and any crises to make the

workers compete against each other. And voters will always be sheep by

definition, even if sometimes they happen to kick back.

Given certain economic conditions and a certain social environment, it

is proven that the intellectual and moral conditions of the masses stay

basically the same. Until an external, ideally or materially violent

event comes and changes that environment, propaganda, education and

instruction remain helpless; they only act upon those individuals who

can overcome the environment in which they are forced to live, in virtue

of natural or social privileges. However, that small number, that

self-conscious and rebellious minority born by every social order in

consequence of those injustices to which the masses are subject, acts

like a historical ferment, which suffices, as it always did, to make the

world progress.

Every new idea and institution, all progress and every revolution have

always been the work of minorities. It is our aspiration and our aim

that everyone should become socially conscious and effective; but to

achieve this end, it is necessary to provide all with the means of life

and for development, and it is therefore necessary to destroy with

violence, since one cannot do otherwise, the violence which denies these

means to the workers.

Naturally, the “small numbers”, the minority, must be sufficient, and

those who imagine that we want to have an insurrection a day without

taking into account the forces opposing us, or whether circumstances are

in our favour or against us, misjudge us. In the, now remote, past, we

were able, and did, carry out a number of minute insurrectionary acts

which had no probability of success. But in those days we were indeed

only a handful, and wanted the public to talk about us, and our attempts

were simply means of propaganda.

Now it is no longer a question of uprising to make propaganda; now we

can win, and so we want to win, and only take such action when we think

we can win. Of course we can be mistaken, and on the grounds of

temperament may be led into believing that the fruit is ripe when it is

still green; but we must confess our preference for those who err on the

side of haste as opposed to those who always play a waiting game and let

the best opportunities slip through their fingers for they, through fear

of picking a green fruit then let the whole crop go rotten!

In conclusion, we completely agree with La Giustizia when it emphasizes

the necessity of making a lot of propaganda and of developing

proletarian struggle organizations as much as possible; but we

definitely depart from it when it maintains that we should not take

action until we have drawn the majority of that inert mass, which will

only be converted by the events and will only accept the revolution

after the revolution has begun.