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Title: The Impossible Consensus Author: Anonymous Date: Autumn 2019 Language: en Topics: technology, sabotage, Social Movements, Hourriya, The Local Kids, The Local Kids #5 Source: Reproduced in The Local Kids, Issue 5 Notes: First appeared in Journey Towards The Abyss; Scattered Reflections On The Technoworld (Hourriya, internationalist anarchist pamphlets #4)
When discussing the possibilities of struggle against new technologies,
we quickly get to a difficult point where a number of comrades take a
step back. “But will we encounter other people to struggle with us?”
Maybe this is a false question. Because if we don’t fight the new
technologies, how could we still succeed in encountering other people,
or worse, how could we still succeed in struggling? Given the evolution
of the world and its spaces that are closing themselves more and more
with every new technological application (yes, the flaws will always be
there, but can we always let the struggle be confined to the existing
flaws?) it is not at all possible to assume that the way we struggle
today will still be possible tomorrow.
And moreover, we cannot demand from every aspect of revolutionary
struggle that it must be able to count on a certain consensus. Besides,
it is only when we start to struggle that we can discover if others are
ready as well. To start making propaganda against technology in
competition with the state seems to be pointless. In order to struggle
against technology, one must abandon the quest for consensus. There is
no other way. Even if we decide to participate in a precise conflict
such as, for example, a struggle against a new high tension line, this
does not necessarily mean that we hope to obtain consensus about the
sabotage of already existing lines. Do we therefore have to restrict
ourselves to do only that which could get the acceptance of a certain
number of the exploited?
Will there be people to applaud the saboteurs who plunge their
neighbourhood into the dark, who stop the trains they are taking
everyday to go to work, who deprive them of their telecommunication?
Maybe, and so the better, but we cannot base our project, our acting on
such a hope. In the best case we can wish that the situation, in which
the decision to sabotage the infrastructures has been taken, can help
other rebels to see more clearly. In his time Caracremada certainly did
not base his action on the search for consensus, however few
explanations were necessary to make his actions understood, because it
was clear who was the enemy. Who is the enemy can only become clear to
those who develop an understanding of the world, of their situation as
oppressed. Anarchist and revolutionary propaganda, but especially the
experiences of shared and insurrectionist struggle with other exploited
people, can contribute to this. But in the end, there are a lot of
factors at play which are not in our hands. Not in ours, not in the ones
of power. The analysis of these factors could certainly help us to
better orientate minority action.
In a certain way, to gain consciousness, as it is awkwardly called, is a
violent process. We separate ourselves from something we have known, we
have maybe cherished, we burn some bridges. It is not rare that these
gains of conscience intervene because of external factors which make us
“open our eyes”. The clash produced by a look at the real world can
provoke a reaction of no longer willing to look, but it can also push
towards a more important understanding of what is surrounding us. In
this last case, the provoked reflections and emotions will be added to
our conscience. A short circuit in the dependence on technology, an
abrupt disconnection, an obscurity which puts an end to the continual
chatter of the devices, why could this not generate such a clash?