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Title: Socialism and Sex
Author: Freedom Press, Anonymous
Date: April, 1887
Language: en
Topics: Freedom Press, Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Socialism, sex
Source: Freedom: A Journal of Anarchist Socialism, Vol. 1, No. 7, online source http://www.revoltlib.com/?id=3130, retrieved on May 2, 2020.
Notes: Freedom Press, London

Freedom Press, Anonymous

Socialism and Sex

"THAT will reconcile me to life," writes Emerson, "and renovate nature,

to see trifles animated by a tendency, and to know what I am doing." And

which of us, tortured and reduced well nigh to despair by the horrible

degradation of human dignity in the existing hypocritical and unnatural

sexual relations, does not feel the need for such a vision of the end

and meaning of our present pain, if still we are to fight on. This essay

by K. P.¹ is one of those jets of thought which pierce the misty

confusion of times when the air is full of the dust of out-worn forms

and faded beliefs with a ray of positive and reasoned conviction,

pointing the road to a new order in human life more in correspondence

with our consciousness of reality.

Following the method which is the recognized basis of rational

generalization concerning the future development of society among all

schools of scientific Socialists, the author of 'Socialism and Sex'

traces in rough outline the growth of certain broad tendencies in the

past, the form they have assumed in the present, and the indications

they afford as to their probable direction in the future. But he differs

from most scientific Socialists in taking the two fundamental functions

of animal life, nutrition and reproduction, as together and equally the

determining factors of social development among mankind. Economic

relations alone are not the main root from which all other relations

among men have sprung; sexual selection, he holds, has played an equal

part with the struggle for subsistence, in forming each variety of

social life. A particular method of sex relationship. and a particular

method of wealth distribution would seem always to have corresponded to

one another and existed simultaneously in every community, both

expressing the same fundamental idea of appropriation by horde, tribe,

group, family, or individual. Common possession, the supremacy of women,

the supremacy of men, have succeeded one another, both in the relation

of the sexes and in the relation of human beings towards wealth; and now

we find ourselves in a period of transition in which new relations of

both sorts are in process of formation; the relations of fundamental

human equality.

"The leading principle of modern socialism "(ie. the coming form of

economic relations) is that "a human being, man or woman, unless

physically or mentally disabled --- has no moral right to be a member of

the community --- unless he or she is laboring in some form for the

community." The main object of Socialism is to secure to each individual

a free field for his labor, and the supply of his needs in return for

his work. This is the economic independence which is essential to the

moral dignity of each man and woman in a free society. But our present

form of sexual relationship is an effectual bar to the attainment of

this economic independence by women.

At present the work of the majority of women, i,e., those who are

married, and are not actively engaged in productive labor, may be

divided into two classes.

Firstly, the difficult and onerous task of rearing children. A task

often fulfilled with a reckless or despairing ignorance, which is fatal

to the mother's health and happiness, and is actively injurious to the

community.

Secondly, home duties, i.e., cleaning and moving from one place to

another a variety of objects, mostly superfluous for human well-being,

and which might be thrown out of the window with more advantage to the

real dignity of life than the famous stone that Thoreau decided unworthy

of the expenditure of energy required to dust it. Very often a large

slice of such a woman's time is wasted over some muddling cooking, which

with a little organization might be accomplished (what is necessary of

it) with infinitely less labor. A handful of intelligent persons, with

adequate appliances, might easily perform the labor of food preparation

for a whole community; whereas, we have now, at least one woman in every

household spending half her day on it, generally with lamentably

inadequate results.

Among the rich, the activity of women is mostly expended in misdirecting

the labor of others.

A great deal of the second class of work is essentially degrading. It is

unnecessary, and it is inartistic. It creates nothing, it produces

nothing of real beauty and utility, and therefore it fails to satisfy

the strongest and most human instincts of the worker.

The method of remuneration is equally destructive to self-respect. In

both classes of employment, payment is doled out to the worker at, the

good pleasure of her lover. The more pressure she can put upon him the

more payment she can exact; and to an ungenerous and unscrupulous woman

there are no limits to this pressure but the generosity and

wealth-gaining powers of the man she exploits in virtue of her position

of economic dependence; whilst to a selfish man the woman appears merely

as the hired instrument of his pleasure and comfort, in fact, his

chattel-slave.

We live in days of the individual ownership of social wealth and the

individual ownership of women by men. it is no new observation that the

position of woman and wage-worker are very similar under these

conditions of universal exploitation. Both must labor, not at their own

pleasure, but at the pleasure of a master. The wage-worker can refuse

his employer's terms, but only at the risk of starvation, the woman is

bound to her lover by the same tie, and in both cases the current

morality of the masters preaches the submissive acquiescence of the

slave, and stigmatizes revolt as anti-social and foolish.

Nevertheless, K. P., and we are heartily at one with him, preaches

immediate revolt in the matter of sex relationship among those

individuals who are mentally prepared for the change. A sudden and

universal alteration in this matter is likely to cause more suffering

than a mode of change "whereby society would grow accustomed to the new

type by its appearance as a more and more frequent variation."

But what is this new type of sex-relationship corresponding to the

"economic independence" of all the members of the new economic

organization of society?

Women are divided by nature, says K. P., into two classes: those who are

fulfilling the task of child-bearing and child-rearing, and those who

are not; many women passing from one class to the other in the course of

their lives.

The first class are engaged in social work, which, if it is efficiently

performed, unfits them during the time so occupied to take an active

part in other productive labor; and equally with other workers they are

entitled to the supply of their needs from the common stock.

The second class are on the same economic footing as men, and K. P.

believes that they will mentally and physically be able to maintain that

footing. He adduces examples which have come under his own observation

as to the work efficiently done by healthy peasant women in southern

Germany, Switzerland, and Northern Italy, and adds, "the student of

civilization will find that there was a time when the woman physically

was on a par with the man, while mentally she was his superior."

We look forward with deep interest to the publication of the evidence

which K. P. informs us he has collected on these points.

The sex relationship of these economically independent men and women

would be "a relation solely of mutual sympathy and affection; its power

and duration would vary according to the feelings and wants of

individuals." "When marriage is no longer regarded as a profession for

women, and nigh the only way in which they can gain the comrade-ship of

men and a wider life --- when the relations of men and women are

perfectly free, and they can meet on an equal footing --- then so far

from this free sexual-relationship leading to sensuality and loose

living, we hold it would be the best safe-guard against it. Men and

women having many friends of the opposite sex with whom they were on

terms of close friendship, would be in less danger of mistaking fancy or

friend-ship for love, and the relation of lovers would be far less

readily entered upon than at present, when in some social circles man

and woman must be lovers or exhibit no sign of affection. Every man and

woman would probably ultimately choose a lover from their friends, but

the men or women who being absolutely free would choose more than one,

would certainly be the exceptions ; --- exceptions, we believe,

infinitely more rare than under our present legalized monogamy,

accompanied as it is by socially unrecognized polygamy and polyandry ---

by the mistress and the prostitute."

"The sex-relationship of the future will not be regarded~' (necessarily

and essentially) "as a union for the birth of children." Lovers "will

not have children without the mature consideration and desire of the

woman, if not of both."

So far, we have rather noted the contents of 'Socialism and Sex,' than

commented upon them, for the greater part of this pamphlet is both in

manner and spirit the finest declaration which has appeared in English

of Anarchist belief with regard to the difficult and delicate question

of which it treats. We summarize for our readers only that that they may

be thereby incited to read the whole for themselves.

Nevertheless, we have one thing against the author. Doubtless,

motherhood is a social function claiming adequate remuneration from the

community, doubtless, under certain conditions the population question

invites serious attention; but is it conceivable that in a free

Socialist society there is likely to be even the shadow of an excuse for

entertaining such a repulsive idea as that of the positive and active

interference of the public --- " the state " --- in a matter so personal

and delicate?

Anyone who has studied the feelings of women on this subject will admit

that it is, to say the least, extremely improbable that a large number

of them in a condition of economic and social freedom would insist upon

producing a dozen, or even half-a-dozen children. The majority would be

content with two or three; and the small number whose maternal impulses

craved larger fulfillment would be counter-balanced by that other

minority who would prefer to have no children at all. Most women at the

present time marry in absolute ignorance of physiology; this ignorance

being fostered by our corrupt morality as a safeguard of "virtue," i.e.,

unreasoning submission and self-repression. Consequently, they accept an

unlimited number of children as "God's will," without permitting their

own reason, or even their own feeling, any part in the matter. A

condition of things already breaking down and hardly likely to outlive

the slavery of women.

We fail, therefore, Anarchist theory apart, to see the practical force

of K. P's position with regard to "state sanctioned births." For the

rest, his essay is the utterance of one who, with clean hands and a pure

heart, dares to scale the heights of truth, and to approach every side

of life with the reverence of sincerity.

Whenever I find my dominion over myself not enough for toe, and

undertake the direction of toy neighbor also, I overstep the truth, and

come into false relations to him. I may have so much more skill or

strength than he, that he cannot ex-press adequately his sense of wrong,

but it is a lie and hurts like a lie both him and me. Love and nature

cannot maintain the assumption; it must be executed by a practical lie,

namely, by force. --- Emerson.