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Title: Beyond the Scottish referendum
Author: Mike Sabot
Date: August 20, 2014
Language: en
Topics: Scotland, self-determination, nationalism
Source: Retrieved on 3rd June 2021 from https://scotlandaf.wordpress.com/2014/08/20/beyond-the-scottish-referendum/

Mike Sabot

Beyond the Scottish referendum

It’s less than one month to the Scottish independence referendum on

18^(th) September.

I’m not going to tell you to vote or not vote. Some anarchists will

abstain and focus on organising where they are, others will vote Yes in

the hope of at least a few reforms.

But if you do vote Yes, make it a wholly pragmatic choice – don’t buy

into the ideology of the Yes campaign or its variant, left nationalism.

Whatever the rhetoric of some on the Left,[1] this is a Scottish

nationalist campaign, just as the No camp represents a British

nationalism. Anyone who cares about class struggle politics needs to

strongly oppose both.

Nationalism, whatever form it takes, does two things: it tries to create

a community of interest between the bosses and the working class; and it

binds this community to the capitalist nation-state, reinforcing the

latter’s power and role in exploitation.

There is no genuinely ‘progressive’ form that this can take.

We have, as Paul Mattick observed, a century of experience of national

liberation struggles where apparently progressive anti-imperialist

movements culminated in an oppressive new ruling class.

And we could now potentially see a new wave of independence movements in

Europe in response to neoliberal restructuring and the more immediate

crisis of capitalism. Do we expect different results?

New divisions and rivalries among European workers are not something to

be applauded. Neither is the spectacle of a decidely bourgeois-led

independence movement like that in Catalunya, where a more wealthy

region seeks to stop ‘subsidising’ the rest of Spain.

But smaller states are better and more democratic?

Well, if we were to take a critical look at actually existing small

European states we find:

that they’re certainly no more favourable to workers’ organising;

they are also coercive (which is the role of any state apparatus) and

can be just as authoritarian (an exceptional example being the role

played by the Catholic church backed by the Irish state);

they have been remarkably open to neoliberalism and austerity (which

has had a devastating effect on small states from Finland to the

Netherlands, nevermind southern Europe);

there is a growing anti-immigrant trend related to systemic white

supremacy across northern Europe;

that some have also sent willing to send troops abroad (Denmark in

Afghanistan) or have aided others who have (Ireland again, offering

Shannon airport for use by the US Air Force);

and they are always subject to the dictates of larger supranational

structures and of capital itself.

‘When the people are being beaten with a stick, they are not much

happier if it is called “the People’s Stick”.’ – Mikhail Bakunin

The claim made both in the Yes campaign and on the Left that Scotland

too can be a ‘normal democracy’, is an astounding attempt to ignore the

obvious bankruptcy of representative democracy and its living critique

in recent global social movements.

Even if the Scottish government is for now less likely to introduce

draconian measures like the Bedroom Tax or adopt an anti-immigration

stance, this is not in any sense a static situation. Massive

political-economic forces will be brought to bear on post-independent

government policy – it will make cuts and it will use its borders in its

own economic interests.

Small states are more than capable of manufacturing consent or of

over-ruling public opinion when they need to (take the famous

‘crowdsourced constitution’ in Iceland, which was in fact quietly buried

by the government). The real ‘democractic deficit’ will continue

post-independence.

What about the Scottish Left?

It is in content a mix of left nationalism and nostalgic social

democracy. It argues against neoliberalism rather than capitalism itself

– a winning strategy for regaining seats in parliament, but absolutely

nothing to do with fundamental social change.

Both Common Weal and the vision of the Radical Independence campaign are

concerned with trying to manage capitalism better.

Surely hegemonic on the Left, Common Weal is an explicitly class

collaborationist think-tank – nicely summed up in its slogan ‘All of us

first’. Its proposals in creating a high-growth economy, are in reality

about increasing the rate of exploitation and outcompeting workers

internationally.

Its advocacy of ‘work councils’ to smooth relations in the workplace is

a necessary part of increasing productivity – i.e. profit. Where they

have been used in Europe they have consistently undermined unions and

workers’ militancy.

Yes: the radical case for Scottish independence, the most comprehensive

statement made by members of the Radical Independence campaign, is a

call for united frontism to the extent that socialism – even a

bureacratic state ‘socialism’ – isn’t even on the agenda, but is treated

as a utopian project for some distant future.

It seeks to create a Scottish broad left – not an ‘anti-capitalist’ –

party along the lines of Syriza or Die Linke, and it reproduces the same

‘Keynesian wish list’ based on the same weak analysis of the state and

capital, critiqued so well by Michael Heinrich.

Like Common Weal, it sprinkles radical rhetoric – participatory

democracy, decentralisation – on its reformism. It doesn’t differ

substantially from the latter, but offers mild criticism of certain

aspects, including its support for the Nordic model.

The Nordic example

Small states par excellence, Common Weal want us to emulate the Nordic

states where thanks to a number of reasons – a strong labour movement,

available natural resources etc. – it has been able to maintain more of

its welfare provision than Britain. From an international perspective,

these countries have been labour aristocracies living off the toil of

workers abroad.

But all of the Nordic states have experienced their own neoliberal

offensive and inequality is growing there too. Asbjørn Wahl has shown

how even in oil-rich Norway the welfare state is being eroded from

within and the ideology of workfare is growing in strength.

He insists that constant reference to Nordic countries’ position in

international league tables is unhelpful:

The problem is that all the teams in the league table are being

weakened. Or to use another image, we still have a cabin on the upper

deck, but it is the upper deck of Titanic, and the ship as a whole is

sinking. (2011: 11)

The Nordic example is incredibly useful, however. We can learn a great

deal from the internal class contradiction and struggle in these

countries, which belies the case made by social democrats here.

In the Nordic Left we find a debate going on about how to combat the

challenge to welfare provision. Along with Wahl, the work of Swedish

welfare academic, Daniel Ankarloo, is particularly interesting.

He argues that the labour movement there has been ‘weakened by […] class

co-operation’ (2009) and belief in a ‘social policy road to socialism’

(2008: 78–84) – i.e. that somehow the welfare model was an example of

socialism in practice that just needed to be expanded. Instead, to

defend existing gains as well as to fight for a different society, we

need to rediscover class militancy and that this, ‘radicalisation must

[…] come from below in the form of the self-organisation of the labour

movement’ (2009).

Welfare struggles, rather than commitment to welfare statism itself, are

a crucial part of this – strengthening the working class and its

capacity to struggle (ibid.).

Ankarloo rightly argues that this movement needs to organise across

society and in the rank-and-file of unions. We should also draw

inspiration from the revolutionary syndicalist SAC in Sweden and the

broader Nordic extra-parliamentary Left, which is far more organised

than any similar movements in Scotland or the UK.

Renewing the struggle

None of the promised reforms of the Yes campaign are guaranteed.

We should not trust an independent Scottish state to share much wealth,

to protect NHS provision, not to attack the unemployed or the disabled,

not to make cuts, to deport people or remove trade union restrictions.

Some are hopeful that the grassroots pro-independence movement will

produce an oppositional social movement after secession. But this is

wishful thinking. It would require it to reject its own ideological

basis, its very nature as a cross-class alliance organised by forces who

seek to gain political power.

Aspirations for social change, for ‘democratic control’ and

redistribution of wealth in this movement should be encouraged but

pointed in a revolutionary direction.

If the nationalist project isn’t soon wrecked on the rocks of its own

contradictions, we will need to work to fragment it.

Whatever the result of this referendum, the lasting gains we need depend

most of all on our own capacity as a class for itself to organise and

struggle.

A genuine and practical internationalism is key to this.

Hope lies not in trying to create new labour aristocracies or the

international solidarity of left nationalists, but in uniting workers

struggling from below against state, capital, patriarchy and white

supremacy around the world.

[1] There has been a great deal of confusion, or obfuscation, over the

meaning of ‘nationalism’. Green party co-convenor, Patrick Harvie, for

example insisted that he is not a nationalist, some have tried to

distinguish between a ‘good’ (small or new state or civil) nationalism

versus a ‘bad’ (large state or imperialist or ethnic) nationalism,

others have made facile declarations of ‘internationalism’ – another

term warped out of recognition. We should judge people by their actions

not their rhetoric: do they foster a cross-class imagined community and

social change through the state or not?