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Title: Science is Capital
Author: dot matrix
Date: 2006
Language: en
Topics: AJODA, AJODA #61, anthropology, Camatte, capitalism, science
Source: Anarchy: a journal of desire armed #61

dot matrix

Science is Capital

Science is Capital

Revolution can no longer be taken to mean just the destruction of all

that is old and conservative, because capital has accomplished this

itself. Rather it will appear as a return to something (a revolution in

the mathematical sense of the term), a return to community though not in

any form that has existed previously. Revolution will make itself felt

in the destruction of all that is most “modern” and “progressive”

because science is capital.

— Jacques Camatte [1]

Science is a system of knowledge acquisition that is based on

empiricism, experimentation, atomization, rationalizing causality, and

methodological naturalism and that is aimed at finding the truth.

Theories — predictive hypotheses — are the basic unit of knowledge in

this system. Science also refers to the bodies of knowledge achieved

from this research.

Most scientists feel that scientific investigation must adhere to the

scientific method, a process for evaluating empirical knowledge under

the working assumption of methodological materialism, which explains

observable events in nature by natural causes without assuming the

existence or non-existence or the supernatural. Particular specialized

studies that make use of empirical methods are often referred to as

sciences as well.

Conversations about science get complicated since the word refers to

distinct yet connected things. For example, physics is a science (a

field of specialized studies) that is not always scientific (according

to the above definition), since quantum physics moves away from the

distinction between observer and observed that is fundamental to

experimentation. However, to the extent that physicists reject the

implications of that moving away, physics continues in the trajectory

that science (as a way of thinking) has established.

Science must be critiqued as the modern problem-solving technique.

Science is so widely accepted that for many people it has in fact become

synonymous with problem solving. Even people who are critical of most

other aspects of the culture we live in, find themselves reverting to

science when pushed to defend their ideas, e.g. anti-civilization

anarchists who refer to biology when attempting to convince about an

optimal diet, or to anthropology to prove the superiority of their blue

print for future societies.

Of the various ways to critique science, the most fundamental addresses

the scientific method, which emphasizes a) reproducibility, b) causality

(that a thing or event causes another thing or event), and c) the

relevance of things (material reality) over all else (more accurately,

it emphasizes a specific perspective on material reality, the only

perspective that science recognizes as valid). One problem with the

scientific model is how it maintains and relies on a perspective of the

world as a frozen (static) place. Also problematic is the idea that

everything can be broken down into discrete, quantifiable parts, that

the whole is never more than the sum of its parts. Underlying both of

these perspectives are the premises that the best or only way to know

the world is to distance ourselves from it, to be outside of it; that

this distance allows us to use the world; that utility is, in fact, the

appropriate relationship to have to the world.

On a practical level there is the understanding that scientists are

operating within a system that is based as much (if not more) on

hierarchy and funding as it is on paying attention to what is actually

going on around us. There are multiple accounts (even from conventional

sources) showing that who is funding a study has a substantive impact on

what the study discovers, from tobacco’s impact on health to the

possibility of restricting the spread of genetically modified organisms,

but these examples are merely the most obvious.

The more subtle ones have to do with how we ask questions (“when did you

stop beating your child?”), who we ask questions of (related to the

questioner’s access, biases, language, etc.), what questions we think to

ask, and how we understand the answers we get, as well as what

meta-interests the questions serve (how are the assumptions of this

culture fed and/or challenged by who, how, and of whom these questions

get asked?).

Western education predisposes us to think of knowledge in terms of

factual information, information that can be structured and passed on

through books, lectures and programmed courses. Knowledge is something

that can be acquired and accumulated, rather like stocks and bonds. By

contrast, within the Indigenous world the act of coming to know

something involves a personal transformation. The knower and the known

are indissolubly linked and changed in a fundamental way. Coming to know

Indigenous [ways of knowing] can never be reduced to a catalogue of

facts or a data base in a supercomputer; for it is a dynamical and

living process, an aspect of the ever-changing, ever-renewing processes

of nature. [2]

And on a philosophical level, knowledge is created from foundations that

limit and construct it in specific ways. While on one hand science is a

response to the superstition and hierarchy associated with religion, it

also continues christianity’s theme of a pure abstract and universal

truth, separate from the sludge of everyday life, with scientists and

doctors in the position of clergy that is, people who know more about us

than we do. Some people believe in science (as something they don’t

understand that can solve their problems) in ways similar to how others

believe in god. Some people cite scientific references the way that

other people cite scripture.

Traditionally, science posits a neutral objective observer, a

fantastical being to compare to any angel or demon: this neutral

observer has no interest other than truth, which comes from information,

and information is received inside of laboratories, with carefully

identified variables and carefully maintained control sets. (The

mystification of this awesome observer is only magnified, not

ameliorated, by the addition of peer review, in which a body of

knowledgeable colleagues examine the experiments and data to verify

their validity). [3]

Science exemplifies this cultures tendency to specialize, and

consequently to create experts, people who know every little thing about

specific bits, but not how those bits interact with other things —

clearly a result of thinking that is thing-based (vs. for example,

relationship-based). So for instance, practitioners of allopathic

medicine prescribe multiple medications to people, frequently without

having any idea about how these specific drugs will interact with each

other, much less any idea about how a person’s feelings or other life

experiences are related to their physical health.

In The Origins of Authoritarianism, Hannah Arendt uses the word

scientism to express the logical extension of scientific thinking, which

makes otherwise impossible moral or ethical questions (such as, “Can

someone be worthless? And if so, can that person be euthanized?”) easily

resolvable. In other words, the inhuman aspects of totalitarian states

are related to the reliance of those states on science as the ultimate

arbiter of value: indeed, the idea that everything must be of measurable

value is part of the scientific paradigm.

Fragments on Why Anthropology Cant be Anarchist

By definition, anthropologists scientifically study groups of people —

relationships, customs, behaviors, and social patterns.

(The “scientifically” is what separates anthropologists from say

artists, comedians... or just curious people.) The history of

anthropology is of civilized men and the occasional woman going to

cultures foreign to them and reporting back about these cultures to

their funders. As scientists — with all the quantifying and rationalist

implications of that word — anthropologists are responsible for

interpreting primitive/ Other peoples to the mainstream. To the extent

that anthropologists are mediators between the civilized and the

barbaric, they are also part of a cultural trajectory that includes

missionaries.

Anthropologists, as well as other social scientists, extend the realm of

science by making people’s homes into laboratories, by presuming that it

is possible and appropriate to engage objectively with people in

cultures very different from their own (or even people from their own

culture), for the purpose of distilling the most meaningful information.

And, as with all sciences, what is considered most meaningful is part of

an on-going debate (with many unexplored and unquestioned assumptions),

a debate ultimately framed by funders — from private grantors to

universities. Why do people get paid to study people? What do the

funders get for their money? They get increased markets (in the form of

the studied), increased control of existing markets (more information

about what motivates people — thus how to sell more effectively), and

more products (from tourism to books to drugs).

As a discipline, anthropology is compelling for a number of mostly

obvious reasons, including that it provides a more holistic view of

people than the views from economics, political science, sociology, etc.

More significantly, it provides evidence that our options as a species

are more varied than we are taught to believe. Because anthropology

provides people (who become anthropologists) with a funded way to do

interesting things and have interesting conversations, and the kind of

people who want to find out about other cultures can be intriguing

people, it is tempting to conflate the people, and their experiences,

with anthropology itself. But the study of people scientifically, the

creation of experts, the context of meeting and learning about people

while being funded by corporations, is inherently skewed and

manipulative, no matter the intentions or integrity of the people

involved.

In “Anthropologists and Other Friends,” esteemed American Indian writer

Vine Deloria Jr. brilliantly refutes the possibility of exploring people

in a vacuum, by describing the reciprocal creation that happens between

agents of mediation (in this case, anthropologists) and the mediated (in

this case, Indians). Deloria examines how the anthropologists, by having

clear ideas about what Indians do (ie, who is Authentic) and by

attending only to those Indians who are willing to act the way they’re

supposed to, encourage those Indians to continue acting Authentically,

which then reinforces the anthropologists in their definitions and

expectations. This creates a self-perpetuating cycle — a closed loop in

which people from two groups create and support mutual judgments (which

they take as fact). Two of these judgments are “real Indians do specific

kinds of rituals” and “real anthropologists are experts in the culture

that they study.” It is the very premise of purity of a static identity

(a premise required by science), that is so falsifying to experience and

so limiting to the sort of information that studiers can gather about

the studied. (This model of knowledge creates a similar dynamic between

activists and the targets of their activism — leading people to embrace

concepts like “real women,” “the real working class,” and “real

wildness.”) To the extent that an activist is interacting — in theory or

practice — with abstractions rather than with actual relationships, to

that extent activists become invested in maintaining the distance

between themselves and what — or whomever they are attempting to save.

And interaction with abstractions (vs. relationships) is what is

required for things like funding and school credit; it is what makes a

work scientific.

Anthropologists will always emphasize the difference between the studied

and the studier. This tendency is also demonstrated by all people who

want (for reasons of money or status, or both) to be experts on another

group of people and it usually means reifying (or freezing) the studied,

attempting to keep them distinct, pure, Authentic.

In Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology, David Graeber encourages us

to “break down the wall” between cultures studied by anthropologists

(cultures frequently described by words like “primitive” and

“kin-based”) and modern societies. He posits this wall as the belief

that some inherent, essential shift occurred to create modern cultures

as fundamentally different from previous cultures. He suggests that it

is much more interesting and relevant to look at the ways that we are

the same as the people being studied. While his point about the

usefulness of “the wall” is unassailable, the point is that creating and

maintaining this wall is exactly what anthropology is for. As Graeber

himself notes, it’s anthropology when people are talking about

“primitives,” but sociology, political science, economics, architecture,

psychology, etc. when talking about people like the studiers. Science

insists that we distance ourselves — both as groups and as individuals —

from the rest of the world, so as to more effectively use it. The social

role of anthropologists is that particular category of distancing that

involves cultures that are different along specifically those

“primitive” and “kin-based” lines.

While major paradigms will always have offshoots that grow in tangential

directions, these branches grow only to the extent that they are useful

to the main body. Interesting people will want to do interesting things

to and with the tradition, but to the extent that these people expect

and work for recognition within the field, to the extent that they are

judged by standards set within the field, to the extent that their work

is used by corporations — then they are part of the scientific

trajectory with all that that implies.

The only reason to stay distant from the Other, the whole purpose of an

Other, is for control and manipulation, of both the Other and the Same.

Put simply, Others are easier to kill (however that killing might look

in different circumstances), and the easier they are to kill, the more

both sides of the Same/ Other split feel the pressure to conform.

Anthropology, like the other sciences, is useful to the status quo in

its ability to make the studied into objects that can be manipulated and

consumed by the current system, and in its ability to increase control

over the studiers.

Responses to Science is Capital

bob on science as capital:

Dear Bay Area Anarchist Collective,

I enjoy enigmatic epigrams as much as the next guy, but what does it

mean, actually, to say that “Science is Capital”? That it’s expensive?

Dot Matrix seems to think that saying science is based on “funding” is

some sort of objection to it. Anarchist magazines are also based on

funding, only not as much. Envy, however, is not argument. “Funding and

school credit” are the obsessions of a failed graduate student.

Theories cannot be both “predictive hypotheses” and “unit[s] of

knowledge” (why not call them facts?), because no amount or arrangement

of facts is predictive of anything. Science does not assume that “the

world is a frozen (static) place,” because it includes dynamic

relationships and developmental processes. Since a primary object of

scientific study is natural systems, it is of course absurd to fault it

as static. Dot’s idea of science went out with Linnaeus, if indeed it

ever went in.

Anthropology is not “by definition” the scientific study of human groups

— all the social sciences do that — it is by definition the study of man

by the various methods of biology, archeology, linguistics and

ethnology. The latter, the least scientific variety, is the only one Dot

is talking about. (Few scientists, incidentally, still speak, as does

Dot, of the scientific method.) I have no idea what it means to call

even cultural anthropologists “mediators between the civilized and the

barbaric,” falsely implying that they use this pejorative terminology,

nor what it means to say they “are also part of a cultural trajectory

that includes missionaries? (Who among us isn’t?) Missionaries try to

change the natives; ethnographers try not to. Neither missionaries nor

anthropologists are mediators, because both communicate cross-culturally

in only one direction — but in opposite directions.

The best thinking in the essay is “mediated” from Vine Deloria, Jr.,

whose polemic against anthropologists would have furnished a far better

text. Even his criticisms, however, are outdated commonplaces.

Everything he and Dot have to say may be found in the discipline’s rich

penitential literature going back fifty years. In fact, every thing

factual Dot says is out of date by fifty to one hundred years. The

societies anthropologists study are not frequently described as

“primitive,” and they have not been exclusively “kin-based” for eighty

years. Anthropologists like Robert Redfield and Oscar Lewis noticed that

the method of embedded fieldwork is suitable to all kinds of

face-to-face communities, not just bands and tribes. They have produced

countless studies of peasant communities (in Mexico, India, Sicily,

etc.) and more recently urban neighborhoods. They have followed the

Indians from the reservations to the big cities.

“The only reason to stay distant from the Other, the whole purpose of an

Other, is for control and manipulation? What extravagant nonsense. Has

not Dot identified other purposes, such as careerism? Has Dot ever

ridden a bus? Or been bothered by salesmen, panhandlers or police? (In

Berkeley, of course, these things never happen.) Often you want to keep

the Other an Other, not for control or manipulation, but to avoid it.

It is Dot Matrix, not the typical anthropologist, who essentializes the

natives by positing an Authenticity which the anthropologists (Other to

the Other) with their metaphorical test tubes will never experience. Has

Dot experienced it? If not, how does Dot know that they falsify? By now,

a lot of anthropologists, especially in the United States, are natives

(Jomo Kenyatta, first president of Kenya, was a British-trained social

anthropologist), and many natives read the books written about them.

Jack Goode returned after twenty years to the African scene of his

original fieldwork to find that the locals were citing his monographs in

lawsuits.

To me, there is nothing scandalous about supposing that someone from

another culture might understand it better, on some levels, than some or

all of those who live it. Any economist of any nationality understands

important aspects of my country better than I do.

In some ways, from reading maybe twenty books, I understand the Roman

Empire better than any Roman ever could. A Swedish economist, Gunnar

Myrdal, probably understood American race relations in the 1940s better

than any American, black or white. The “emic” and “etic” (internal and

external) perspectives are complementary; neither should be privileged.

Dot is a hierarch. Trying to come across as a champion (self-appointed)

of the native experience, Dot instead exhibits intolerant hostility

toward epistemological pluralism, and should stand in the corner reading

Paul Feyerabend to Fred Woodworth. But I have a question which I

answered, I suspect, in my first paragraph. Do you have to be an

anthropologist to understand the culture called anthropology? Is Dot an

anthropologist? Or maybe a failed graduate student?

It’s tremendously exciting writing this, not knowing whom I am

insulting!

Hooray for Captain Spaulding!

Bob Black

---

Dear Dot,

It is good that the arguments presented in “Science as Capital” (Anarchy

61, Spring/Summer 2006) have definite bite. And they will probably

stimulate some response in the letters section (as long as most readers

aren’t brain dead). However, I think you could develop a much more

effective critique (effective from my perspective, at least — from your

perspective you may have different priorities) if you were less globally

aggressive in your attacks on science and anthropology, and a lot more

nuanced and relativistic instead.

For example, your critique reads to me as being very brash and impulsive

in some major ways, almost caricaturing what you critique to the point

that it becomes a false portrait which tends to lose the interest of

readers like myself, who would prefer less black-and-white posturing and

more exploration of grey areas. In the first place anthropology isn’t

merely a science and has never been merely a science. Some of the things

you criticize anthropology in general for being are really only aspects

of the scientific tendencies of anthropology and aren’t true in anything

like all instances of anthropological practice. You write as though you

are possibly unfamiliar with the development of modem scientific

anthropology from out of philosophical anthropology, or at least, as

though you feel that philosophical anthropology has been absolutely

eclipsed and doesn’t need to even or ever be mentioned (which I feel is

far from true). If you read the essay on the anthropological

investigation of the post-situationist milieu by Karen Goaman

(“Oppositional Currents and the Art of Anthropology”) that I sent last

week (and which will appear in the first issue of the new journal Modern

Slavery), you’ll recognize that while she is practicing anthropology

(and is even doing so from within a university setting), she isn’t

practicing any sort of scientific anthropology, which results in her

work being defined by your critique as either non-anthropological, or as

some sort of anomaly that would be meaningless in an overview of the

subject. From my perspective, I think her work is almost cutting-edge

anthropology and in the future will be recognized as such by an

increasing number of other self-critical, practicing anthropologists

(though, probably not by any means a majority of anthropologists as long

as most anthropological institutions and investigations are organized

and funded by state and capital). My point is that capital and state

influences tend to permeate every aspect of life, but rather than reject

life or all of its individual constituents (from anthropology to art to

everything else) it makes more sense to make a more nuanced critique of

the dominant (capitalist/statist/hierarchical) trends which still leaves

some room for the minority tendencies which are often there (unless the

institution or practice being discussed is clearly and absolutely tied

to hierarchy, market-relations, etc.).

A similar argument can be made with regard to science more generally.

While it has largely been captured and constrained by capitalist and

statist interests, historically this has not always (and during

particular periods often not at all) been the case. It remains

definitely possible in my opinion for scientific practices to operate

outside of the caricature of science you have constructed, though it is

also true that for general shorthand purposes a critique like yours can

be made which will work well enough for dealing with 95% (and maybe even

99%) of actual scientific practices here and now. Still, to be accurate,

and to not perpetuate a falsely totalistic critique, I prefer to at

least give a hint of the areas of actual and potential (and historical)

scientific practice that lies outside of your critique.

Take care,

Jason McQuinn

---

Dot responds:

I agree that my argument is simplistic along the lines that you say.

While I did read and include information from a couple of recent texts,

my point was not to write a careful study of today’s anthropology which

would necessarily include whatever details run counter to the main

thrust of how capital and Control Society work through science in

general and that field of science in particular. As you acknowledge,

your response demonstrates a difference in our priorities. I would

categorize your focus as primarily historical — meaning carefully

factual, scrupulously specific, detail oriented in exactly the way you

say you wish the article was. I would label my interest, on the other

hand, as more philosophical, emphasizing broad brush strokes, a feel for

how associations and context work; more impasto than pointillist. I know

that the historically minded people will read this as an excuse for

sloppiness, just as I sometimes get frustrated with historically minded

people for focusing too much on punctuation and correct dates, rather

than on information that is more relevant to me.

The weakness of philosophical or broad brush writing is obvious: without

enough fact to back up ideas, the ideas either are or seem to be mere

personal ponderings. The strength of it, however; can be that it doesn’t

get tied down in arguments about what year something happened or whether

the latest theories are relevant or not. In this case, I happily

concede, that the most up-to-date anthropology might well seem more

personal, more human, more respectful, less scientific.

But I don’t think that that changes the message in the article, which is

about trajectory, assumption, and yet another way we participate in the

otherification of ourselves and each other. I believe that there will

always be people who find ways to make their practices more human, more

appropriate, no matter how bad the institution they operate within. But

to address those is frequently to take the focus away from the momentum

of the tradition, to distract with details.

The strength of labeling a particular kind of dehumanized interaction

and expectation (in this case as scientific) comes from how much it

allows us to look at things differently, to question something that we

have been encouraged to take for granted.

There will of course be people for whom my method and writing don’t

work, and I hope I am being realistically humble, rather than cavalier,

by acknowledging that. That said I value both pointillism and impasto,

and I definitely welcome your critique along these lines. It is good for

me to be reminded of what I am leaving out, what assumptions I make

about my audience, and to remember that philosophy and history are not

polar binaries, but can combine pleasantly, like peanut butter and jam.

---

Dear Anarchy Staff,

SCIENCE IS COLLECTIVE

A different conception of society, very different from that which now

prevails, is in process of formation. Under the name of Anarchy a new

interpretation of the past and present life of society arises, giving at

the same time a forecast as regards its future, both conceived in the

same spirit as the above-mentioned interpretation in natural sciences.

— Peter Kropotkin [4]

While I agree with a significant portion of the critique of science by

Dot Matrix, he unfortunately falls prey to a number of fallacies in his

argument. I’ll admit at the outset that I may be biased in my approach

to this issue. I’ve studied what I believe to be science for

approximately six years and plan to continue as I work towards the

completion of my doctorate in evolutionary anthropology. I’ve found that

a scientific understanding of the natural world has enriched my

anarchist principles. So, with that perspective, I was a little

surprised to learn that, despite my best intentions, the entire purpose

of my endeavors to date has been to “stay distant from the Other” for

the sole purpose of “control and manipulation.”

Dot Matrix states that science is largely viewed as “the modem

problem-solving technique” but is troubled that “even people who are

critical of most other aspects of the culture we live in, find

themselves reverting to science when pushed to defend their ideas.”

This is bad, he informs us, because science “maintains and relies on a

perspective of the world as a frozen (static) place,” and is a

methodology that emphasizes “reproducibility”, “causality (that a thing

or event causes another thing or event)” and promotes “the relevance of

things (material reality) over all else.” From this perspective, science

dictates that “everything can be broken down into discrete, quantifiable

parts” and that “the whole is never more than the sum of its parts.”

There is some truth to what he says.

For example, to use Bertrand Russell’s analogy, if we see a cat on one

side of the room and then, after being distracted, we see it on the

opposite side, the most reasonable explanation is that the cat

physically traversed that distance. We could, if we wanted, suppose that

a wormhole opened and the cat was transported to that location (or

perhaps it was a malicious angel sent to confuse us), but since we’re

not confident about the reality of wormholes or angels (nor of their

habit of singling out stray felines) we can confidently discount those

possibilities for the time being. The same applies to all natural

phenomena (however Dot Matrix has clearly never seen the bitter

arguments that occur over which interpretation best fits the evidence or

he could never state that science “emphasizes a specific perspective on

material reality.”

Dot Matrix is also correct that many scientists (though certainly not

all, such as systems theorists) incorporate reductionism into their

approach in order to understand complex phenomena, by breaking them down

into easier to understand components. However, I’ve yet to meet anyone

actually engaging in science who believes that, say, understanding

electron transport within synaptic neurons is all you need to explain

the joy felt while listening to music. But, certainly, an understanding

of why cancerous cells mutate would go a long way to understanding the

disease at large (as would understanding the lifestyle of the person

afflicted). In the same way, Kropotkin (and Marx) used reductionism in

their arguments to promote their political theories.

But reductionism as the ultimate explanation is a commonly held fallacy

about science that hasn’t changed since William Blake condemned the

evils of “single vision and Newton’s sleep” at the turn of the 19th

century. At that time scientists really did believe that if you had

enough facts about the universe, you could predict everything about

future outcomes (Newton, like many early scientists, viewed his research

as determining God’s plan). But no one today, outside of a few

crackpots, would imagine that if you had precise measurements of wind

speed, barometric pressure, relative humidity, and temperature that you

could predict the exact motions of a leaf caught in a summer breeze, let

alone the universe as a whole. However, one could predict, within a

fairly reliable probability, how far and in what direction such a leaf

would travel under such conditions. This is the same principle by which

models of global warming are generated.

Science operates through making predictions (hypotheses) and, if those

predictions fail (repetition) the hypothesis is abandoned. It’s the

process of making a reasoned argument about the natural world. In order

to make a reasoned argument you have to agree on certain axioms,

otherwise you might as well debate in different languages for all of the

sense it will make. So, while I’m not sure what Dot Matrix means by “a

perspective of the world as a frozen (static) place” I can only presume

he’s referring to the laws of physics. However, I seriously doubt he’s

stating that the laws of gravity or thermodynamics are as arbitrary as

the laws of the State.

But if he wants to believe that, no scientist will force him to do

otherwise.

However, Dot Matrix is dead on when he critiques how science has been

abused by the State. Whether you’re talking about capitalists, fascists

or communists, the State has routinely politicized science to further

its grasp on power (including anthropology, in which 1/3 of all grants

in the 1960s were from the CIA[5]). It is this that makes most leftists

shun science as a whole (and why people immediately presume evolutionary

interpretations of human behavior are one step away from Dr. Mengele’s

views on eugenics). However, if we’re going to abandon science on those

grounds we’re also going to have to abandon philosophy, art, literature

and music for also being employed by the power hungry on a routine basis

to further their own ends (while remembering Mengele, people routinely

forget Rosenberg and Riefenstahl and the role of art in the Nazi

movement).

But Dot Matrix seems to be of the opinion that facts don’t matter, that

any wild speculation is as relevant as a controlled experiment and that

science has no place in his revolution (a view that Kropotkin would

heartily disagree with). However, I don’t believe that the politics of

exclusion is a healthy point of view as we work towards building another

world. I’m of the opinion that we should use any tool and any method if

it furthers our collective goal of human freedom. I view a proper

understanding of science to be a dual-purpose tool that anyone can

employ, akin to, say, a hammer. Frequently it is used to build the

edifice of State power, but it can also be used to undermine and

dismantle it.

Moebius Cube

---

Dot responds:

What is the viability of cherry picking? Is it appropriate to isolate

one fundamental aspect of a cultural understanding (in this case,

whatever you consider to be the good points of science) from the rest of

that culture (in this case the Control Society that we presumably both

hate)? If “Science is Capital” raised any hint of this question for you,

then I consider it worth the time you spent reading it.

Your examples of how excellently science has answered the questions that

science has asked are not compelling to me.

But perhaps that is because I am “of the opinion that facts don’t

matter:” (Ah facts, my good friends... )

Or maybe I just haven’t yet recovered from my abrupt and unplanned sex

change.

[1] Camatte, “Against Domestication” This World We Must Leave, 113

[2]

F. David Peat in Blackfoot Physics, 2; Understanding knowledge as an

individual thing, a matter of a relationship and personal

transformation, and not something that an expert can use to fill up

empty containers (aka students), is a fundamental challenge to the

over — emphasis on Mass that currently effects our lives so

intensely — from questions of democracy and social change, to

industrialization and how work is structured, to our sense of our

own personal relevance in the world.

[3] www.aip.org

[4] Kropotkin, “Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Ideal” (1896),

en.wikiquote.org

[5] Church Committee Reports, Book 1.X. The Domestic Impact of Foreign

Clandestine Operations: The CIA and Academic Institutions, The Media,

And Religious Institutions, p. 182; www.aarclibrary.org