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Title: Anarchy in the classroom Author: Judith Suissa Date: 2005 Language: en Topics: Libertarian Education, education, schooling Source: Retrieved on 12th July 2021 from https://newhumanist.org.uk/1288/anarchy-in-the-classroom
Weâve become used to the words âanarchistâ or âanarchismâ being casually
tossed around whenever the press wish to describe some apparently
inexplicable act of violence or to lampoon an idealistic theory of
social change. But some intellectuals can be equally guilty of
misrepresentation. Anarchism, they insist, has no claim to be considered
as a coherent or serious political theory. It is branded as âutopianâ or
ânaĂŻveâ for proposing that human beings are naturally good, and that
this natural goodness is quite enough to sustain a stateless society.
Here is Max Beloff, hard at work, ploughing this familiar furrow.
Anarchism, he writes: âis based on a fundamental misunderstanding of
human nature, on the unproven supposition that given total absence of
constraints, or alternatively material abundance secured by communism,
human societies could exist with no coercive element at all â Or
consider Jonathan Wolffâs sweeping assertion in his account of anarchism
in his Introduction to Political Philosophy: âto rely on the natural
goodness of human beings to such an extent seems utopian in the
extremeâ.
No wonder anarchism is so disregarded in contemporary society. It has
become almost fatally tarnished by such thoroughly misleading and
partial depictions of its central argument.
If this idea constitutes a gross misrepresentation, then what is the
anarchist conception of human nature? Both Proudhon and Bakunin insisted
that it was inherently two-fold, involving both an egotistical potential
and a sociable, altruistic potential. As Bakunin picturesquely expresses
it: âMan has two opposed instincts; egoism and sociability. He is both
more ferocious in his egoism than the most ferocious beasts and more
sociable than the bees and ants.â
There is a very similar recognition of the complexity of human nature in
Kropotkin, whose monumental treatise, Mutual Aid, written at the
beginning of the 20^(th) century, can be interpreted as an attempt to
counter the extreme version of social Darwinism put forward by theorists
such as Huxley. Kropotkin regarded the simplistic notion of âsurvival of
the fittestâ as a misleading interpretation of evolutionary theory, and
pointed out that Darwin himself had noted manâs social qualities as an
essential factor in his evolutionary survival. Origin of Species is full
of references to manâs âsocial natureâ, without which, Darwin argues, it
is highly probable that âthe evolution of man, as we know it, would
never have taken place.â
Kropotkinâs paradigm case of âmutual aidâ as a factor in the evolution
of animal species is that of ants. While there may be aggressive
fighting for survival between species, within the ant community, mutual
aid and cooperation prevail: âThe ants and termites have renounced the
âHobbesian warâ, and they are the better for it.â Although Kropotkin did
not deny the principle of the struggle for existence as a law of nature,
he ultimately regarded the principle of mutual aid as more important
from an evolutionary point of view, as it is this principle which
âfavours the development of such habits and characters as ensure the
maintenance and further development of the species, together with the
greatest amount of welfare and enjoyment of life for the individual,
with the least waste of energy.â
The notion that anarchism should be interested in the development of
âhabits and charactersâ is clearly incompatible with the notion of some
original altruistic state of grace. But Kropotkin was often even more
explicit. In a particularly powerful piece written for Freedom in 1888,
entitled âAre We Good Enough?â Kropotkin directly confronted the common
argument that people are ânot good enoughâ, or ânot yet ripe for free,
Anarchistic Communismâ by tersely asking: âBut are they good enough for
Capitalism?â. If people were naturally and predominantly kind,
altruistic and just, argues Kropotkin, there would be no danger of
exploitation and oppression. It is precisely because they are not that
the present system is intolerable and must be changed.
Kropotkin did believe ultimately in the power of the altruistic aspects
of human nature to prevail. He contended, against Rousseau, that even a
corrupt society cannot crush individual human goodness: even a
capitalist state cannot âweed out the feeling of human solidarity,
deeply lodged in menâs understanding and heartâ. Nevertheless, he
acknowledged that people âwill not turn into anarchists by sudden
transformationâ. Even after a successful social revolution which
dismantles the state there will still be a vital need for an education
which can nurture the social virtues on which an anarchist society might
be built. This is a central theme.
And no wonder. It is precisely because anarchists â particularly social
anarchists â did not assume human beings to be essentially good that
they assigned such an important role to this subject.
But what exactly is anarchist education? Historians of education and
educational theorists often lazily conflate it with âlibertarian
educationâ, an approach which rejects traditional models of teacher
authority and hierarchical school structure, and which advocates maximum
freedom for the individual child within the educational process â
including, in its extreme version, the chance to opt out of this process
altogether. Even writers who are sympathetic to anarchist notions of
education include descriptions of anarchist schools (such as the Escuela
Moderna, founded by Francisco Ferrer in Spain in 1907, and the Modern
School Movement in the United States which followed it) alongside
libertarian schools such as A S Neillâs Summerhill.
This is another misconception. The sheer volume of anarchist literature
devoted to educational issues, and the efforts invested by anarchist
activists in educational projects, shows quite clearly that for the
social anarchists, schools, and education in general, are a valuable
aspect of the project for social change, rather than something to be
dismantled along with the other machinery of state bureaucracy.
Itâs true that anarchist schools often share structural features with
free schools, such as a non-coercive pedagogy, democratic management,
student-led timetables and lesson plans, and informal student-teacher
relationships. But there are crtical differences. Typical anarchist
schools have substantive curricula with clear anti-statist,
anti-militaristic and anti-religious messages. Great emphasis is placed
on the communal aspects of life in the school, and involvement in
broader political issues.
In contrast, the libertarian position associated with educational
experiments such as Summerhill makes just the type of optimistic or
naĂŻve assumptions about human nature which are often wrongly attributed
to anarchism. John Darling quotes A S Neill as asserting that children
are ânaturally goodâ and will turn out to be âgood human beings if [they
are] not crippled and thwarted in [their] natural development by
interferenceâ.
Neill indeed had considerable sympathy for Homer Laneâs idea of
âoriginal virtueâ â reflected in his insistence that all moral
instruction perverts the innate goodness of the child. This pure
libertarian view is in clear contrast with the anarchist view, which
holds that there is nothing morally objectionable in the attempt by
educators to pass on substantial beliefs or moral principles to
children. Anarchist schools, unlike schools such as Summerhill, made no
pretense at neutrality in their ethos and curriculum.
For anarchists, the ideal society is something that has to be created.
And education is primarily a part of this creation; it involves a
radical challenge to current practices and institutions, yet at the same
time a faith in the idea that human beings already possess the
attributes and virtues necessary to create and sustain such a different
society. They do not need, therefore, to either undergo any radical
transformation or to do away with a Marxist âinauthenticâ consciousness.
Education is not a means of creating a different political order, but a
space in which we experiment with visions of a new political order â a
process which itself constitutes an educative and motivating experience
both for educators and pupils.
In many standard works on anarchism, education gets barely a passing
mention. A pity. For the anarchistsâ acknowledgment of the need for a
substantive educational process, designed along clear moral principles,
goes hand-in-hand with their contextualist account of human nature. It
thus turns what what might otherwise be nothing more than naĂŻve optimism
into a complex and inspiring social hope.