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Title: Post Covid Riot Prime Manifest
Author: Anonymous
Date: 23.08.2021
Language: en
Topics: Insurrection, Riot, Germany, Corona, COVID-19
Source: [[https://non.copyriot.com/post-covid-riot-prime-manifest/]]
Notes: Originally posted in German language here: https://sunzibingfa.noblogs.org/post/2021/08/23/post-covid-riot-prime-manifest/ and translated to English here: https://non.copyriot.com/post-covid-riot-prime-manifest/

Anonymous

Post Covid Riot Prime Manifest

One: All governments are bad. Right, left, far right… all of them. They

do not act in our interest, the people from below, as the Zapatistas

would say. Covid-19 has expressed, like through a burning glass, the

fundamental antagonism between those who need to recreate the world in

such a way that there can be a world at all, and those who, in different

forms, hold on to the existing world, the world of doom, participate in

its consistency.

Two: The left are not allies in the process which is necessary to

organize the revolt, with some honorable exceptions. They have left us

alone and abandoned in the Corona era. They have not opposed the

narratives of the inevitability of the state of emergency, and many have

called for even harder cuts of our collective, fundamental rights. The

white, rich left of the West has spoken of “solidarity,” but in reality

has performed a de facto shoulder-to-shoulder with power, calling to

cease, to suspend all fundamental class struggles, all maneuvers of

social warfare from below. Called to trust power and its instructions,

it has continued to spread its propaganda, completely failing to make

its own fundamental studies of the situation. Again, with a few

honorable exceptions, such as the investigations and reflections of some

Italian leftists at the beginning of the Corona pandemic in northern

Italy. [1]

Three: Uprisings are possible and necessary even under pandemic

conditions. The nationwide uprising in the United States following the

assassination of George Floyd, in which billions of dollars of the

enemy’s property were destroyed, was the most extensive uprising since

the so-called “race riots” of the 1960s. These mass gatherings of angry

people have not resulted in a more rapid spread of the Corona virus, as

even our opponents’ media have admitted. They did, however, manage to

divert the focus on the war against a virus, a war that is a war of the

insane because you cannot declare war on a virus, let alone win such a

war, to the real diseases of society, the pervasive racism that is a

practiced shoot to kill racism especially by the security forces, which

at the same time creates executions in a quasi-extra-legal space. The

liquidation of the poor, which is a daily practice in the favelas of

Brazil, is implanted in the governance of the metropolises of the West.

The Obama presidency did not change this situation and nor will the

Biden presidency. Today the cops bend a knee in front of the cameras of

the media, tomorrow they and their masters simply continue with their

killings. The beautiful poems and show-stoppers at the inauguration of

“progressive” U.S. presidents do not change that. Kennedy increased the

number of “military advisors” in South Vietnam from 700 to 16,000, Obama

intensified the drone war. The only effective measure to stop racist

police violence is to burn down their precincts. The insurgents of the

George Floyd revolt did not succeed in generalizing this practice; the

decisive tactical defeat was the lost battle for the Fifth Precinct in

Minneapolis, shortly after the Third Police Precinct was completely

burned down, as correctly analyzed in “Memes Without End.” [2]

Not peace marches, but sabotage and disintegration of their war

machinery, blockading the necessary infrastructure for war internally

and externally, are the only effective measures to end their wars. Not

as a symbolic, time-limited demonstrative act, but as a fundamental,

strategic intervention.

Four: When we speak about our uprisings, it is necessary to specify

this. Our revolts have long since ceased to have anything to do with the

historically failed left. Sometimes they may still pose as cue-givers,

advisors, experts and organizers, but their time is over. Or as a famous

mastermind of the Left once said, “The materialist doctrine of changing

circumstances and educating forgets that circumstances must be changed

by people and that the educator himself must be educated.” We are no

longer available as pawns for their geopolitical games; we don’t care if

Assad is an anti-Zionist, Maduro an anti-imperialist. For us, there is

no more friendly power in the escalation of the confrontation for

hegemony between the democratic party in the USA and the communist party

in the People’ s Republic of China, we really don’t give a damn. We

learned a lot from the tactics of the Hong Kong revolt, we look with

admiration to Myanmar, we were inspired by the force of the revolt of

the Gilets Jaunes, who stormed ministries and looted luxury stores on

the Champs Élysées. The frontliners of the youth revolt in Chile can be

found in the current revolt in Colombia, proudly presenting each

Colombian city with its Primera Línea, formed by proletarian youth who

have nothing left to lose but a new world to gain. They know that their

future is only in their hands if they decide autonomously on their own

affairs and reject all requests for representation. These

insurrectionary movements, which have no fundamental demands of their

own, even if at the starting point of the revolts specific circumstances

and indignation often let the rage explode, refuse in their

contradictions and compositions the traditional views of the limitations

and perspectives of such spontaneous revolts. The barbarians set out to

storm heaven. [3]

Five: All movements write their own history. We started doing it a long

time ago, but the discourse is dominated by the voices of the old, white

world, the voices of those who make their money from our uprisings, who

base their careers on them, as journalists, sociologists, authors,

activists, party founders, political scientists… We say that we need a

narrative of the periphery, and our periphery stretches from the suburbs

of Brussels to the suburbs of Khartoum, from the traffic circles of

forgotten France to the heart of Cali. We write down our history again

and again, almost no one listens to us or our stories are stolen and

marketed. Yet we are the ones from whom there are lessons to be learned.

About victories, defeats, about sacrifice and grief, but above all about

the way to fight. We know that the young people who rioted in downtown

Stuttgart, Germany last summer did understand more about the images of

racist police violence against George Floyd, but also about the revolt

that followed, than the German left. Because it has quite a lot to do

with the reality of their lives. They were just shamefully abandoned by

those same people when the wave of repression against them started. We

think they have noticed the limits of the talk of ‘solidarity’. Maybe

they still lack a bit of experience in writing down their own history,

but at least they don’t seem to have forgotten how to riot, as we could

see in the German media these days. We will still have a lot of history

to write down, because it will be us who will write the history of this

so-called world and the world that follows it.

Six: We have to grasp the horizon of the present conflictuality. It

cannot be less, since not only our patience is finite, but also, for the

first time, the time we have left to organize the final onslaught.

Everyone knows that the world in which we live is doomed. The only

question is what will come of it. We have seen how the permanent nature

of the state of emergency in the governance of the pandemic initially

only met with resistance in the marginal sectors of society; the

spontaneous revolts in response to the proclamation of the state of

emergency (which have been largely concealed in the Western media) broke

out in the jails, the proletarian suburbs and slums (especially in

Africa, but in Europe as well, for example in the French banlieues) and,

for example, on the Indian subcontinent among itinerant workers who were

desperately trying to get back to their villages because this was the

only prospect of survival they saw for themselves.

The social level of the state of emergency, the inherent existential

attack, was at first negated by broad sections of the class, or rather

it was possible to manipulate this class contradiction by means of fear

manipulated by the media. The actions organized from below in many

countries showed (also) that it was possible to realistically assess the

health threat posed by the coronavirus and to develop protective

measures that would meet the real needs of the people. This was not only

the case in the poorer countries, but also in many hospitals in Italy,

France, Spain and the USA, especially the nurses in many areas were

thrown back on themselves in the early phase of the pandemic, had to try

to protect themselves under improvised conditions and still provide care

for their patients. These processes of self-organization, which included

(rudimentarily and too little) mutual aid, do not appear in the

prevailing narratives about the pandemic without reason. The fact that

the left (again, with few exceptions) also refers exclusively to the

state’s pandemic policy, even in their later restrained critiques of

individual aspects of the measures policies, makes them part of the

power bloc that is hostile to us in this point as well.

Everything that still awaits us on the horizon, all the horrors and

catastrophes, are just crying out for us to collect and evaluate the

experiences of self-organization that we have made during this pandemic.

They are our munition for what is yet to come. If this is not done, we

are at the mercy of the state and its omnipotence. We know this from all

revolts, uprisings and overthrows. It’s not just about the “front line,”

any success achieved there is worth nothing if we don’t build an

insurgent infrastructure, and of course that includes the medical field.

This is also what we mean when we talk about the horizon of

conflictuality: The revolt is not a playground, but the space that

creates bases to be able to risk an insurrectionary process. Either we

create an analysis of the real situation or we will perish.

Seven: We will have to get rid of a lot of old baggage. Especially

ideological ones. The way the totality of fascism is understood and

described comes from historical processes, some of which are already a

century old and do not even begin to do justice to the form of totality

we find today. Those who fail to understand, deny, or relativize this

totality, which targets subjectivities themselves, stand against the

necessary steps in the insurrectionary process. As Agamben rightly

noted: „The regimes established in the self-proclaimed communist

countries were a particular form of capitalism, especially suited to

economically backward countries and therefore have to be labeled as

state capitalism, was well known to those who know how to read history;

what was completely unexpected, however, was that this form of

capitalism, which seemed to have accomplished its task and therefore

seemed obsolete, was instead now destined to become, in a

technologically updated configuration, the dominant principle in the

present phase of globalized capitalism.” And further, “What is certain,

however, is that the new regime will combine the most inhuman aspect of

capitalism with the most cruel aspect of state communism, combining the

extreme alienation of relations between people with unprecedented social

control.” [4]

The historical future is unwritten. Always. However, in the aggravation

of the various catastrophes, a permanent (inter)state state of emergency

regime will have to be established in order to be able to control the

most diverse processes that are necessary for the survival of the

system. In what way this emergency regime will be “narrated” is the only

question that is still open. For some time now, the narrative of the

“new green deal” has been haunting the world, but this will be

controlled and realized exclusively from the perspective and interests

of the privileged. No one needs to be under any illusions as to who will

be sacrificed first in a world of melting polar ice caps in order to

“save the planet in the name of humanity.” To develop a perception of

these barbaric acts, to anticipate them analytically, is indispensable.

Nothing would be more neglectful than to underestimate this process.

Eight: We have to build everything anew in the insurgent process. This

was something that the Invisible Committee asserted in 2007. We think an

incredible number of things have already been done in this regard.

What’s missing is a changed perspective on the countless insurgencies

and their experiences. The uprising in the Middle East and Africa,

always inaccurately referred to in the West as the “Arab Spring” (“Arab”

omits the participation of diverse ethnic groups as well as the fact

that the uprisings spread to the heart of Africa), showed how fragile an

entire chain of states can become within a few months. The insurgency

never aimed to take over the state; where it did, such as in Egypt by

the Muslim Brotherhood, it was only temporary, or resulted in

long-lasting civil wars like in Syria or Yemen. The real insurgent

transformation, however, took place within societies, as it is also

understood by the protagonists [5], only the Western leftist review of

the uprisings there is not able to realize the qualitative leap that

this uprising has meant for the region. Trapped in the thought worlds of

the storming of the Winter Palace, the Western left cannot become part

of the uprising because it cannot understand at all what the essence of

the current uprisings is. Or because it is only interested in colonizing

them ideologically and thus neutralizing them.

Nine: If we assume, then, that the time of the uprisings has already

begun, that the process of overthrow has already progressed much further

than prevailing narratives want us to believe, all questions arise in a

different form. Or, more sharply, the narratives that things are

different are narratives that oppose the insurgent dynamic because they

deny its existence.

Ten: What is urgently needed at this stage of the insurgent process is

the intensification of exchanges among insurgent factions. The question

of information, the possibilities of transmitting it or suppressing it,

manipulating it, is perhaps the most important strategic question at the

moment. It will determine whether the insurgent process will stagnate or

not. What the control of information, the power to let it circulate, or

indeed to prevent its circulation, means was made exceedingly clear

during the pandemic state of emergency. For the ruling system this

pandemic state of emergency was also a maneuver in the cybernetic civil

war, now it is also necessary to acquire the means to gain power over

the circulation of information. Everything is decided at this front

section. If the insurgent factions do not get beyond copy and paste of

tactics and memes, the insurgent process will fall into stagnation.

Despair and despondency will spread, there will be unnecessary defeats

or insurgencies experienced as defeats that will discourage people from

joining the insurgents. This must be prevented. There is no lack of

revolts and uprisings these days; a glance at the bourgeois daily

newspapers is enough to convince oneself of this. What is missing is a

common idea of how to “storm heaven”, which already appears so tangibly

close in our wildest nights. “Le Monde ou rien” was the name of the game

in France a few years ago. We believe it goes even beyond.

Eleven: So, if we assume that the struggle we are facing is fundamental

in the sense that it is about survival, or more precisely, the struggle

for (human) life on this planet altogether, it is indispensable to look

more closely at the front positions in this struggle. That means to work

out a concept of how the necessary antagonism is shaped and which

representation it adopts. First of all, it means saying goodbye to all

the half measures and false friends. To say goodbye to all the

campaigns, events, climate targets, all the follow the science nonsense,

all that is supposed to prevent us from setting in motion the only

process that can put an end to this dystopian madness. All these

characters, organizers and little groups who pretend to be allies but

who only have their agenda of participation in mind. Insurrection or

barbarism. That’s the word now. We can’t go for less. Anything below

that is a self-destructive trip cloaked in the cowardly words of realism

and feasibility. The core of power must be destroyed. That is our only

survival strategy.

Twelve: “Against this dispositif of subjectification, however, it will

be possible and necessary to continue to build antagonistic

subjectivities capable of inhabiting and managing the vast planetary

crisis that is emerging. In recent decades, radical ecological movements

have decried the incoherence of the politics of good, everyday action,

and have demanded the large-scale action through which capital

appropriates life and extracts value from living matter. Today, as the

continuous and inevitable violence of the green transition phases to

capitalist logic becomes evident, the post-political ideal of

environmental politics as a field potentially beyond conflict,

pacifying, neutral, has fallen definitively”writes Alice Dal Gobbo in

“La transizione ecologica tra comando del capitale, erosione del

soggetto e nuovi antagonismi”. [6] As she so beautifully puts it: to

inhabit and overcome. One could also say that therefore there is only an

insurrectionary life as the last and only possibility, that all these

master’s and doctoral theses, all this sociological bullshit, all the

“leftist media”, the event and project managers, all the “leftist and

emancipatory groups” must be called what they objectively are:

Opponents. In 2007, the companions of the Invisible Committee already

wrote this unequivocally, but there are still pacts with this opponent,

even if in the social escalation, which the policy of measures as a

result of Corona was, it has unmistakably taken the side of the state

power. One really cannot indulge in any kind of reverie. The Corona

measures were the blueprint for the agenda of green fascism knocking at

the door. In Germany, the support for the most restrictive state of

emergency policy was greatest among the supporters of the Green Party,

the Green leader and former Maoist Kretschmann outstripped all

right-wing populists with his demand to intervene massively in

fundamental rights “next time”, without false regards to constitutional

concerns. The federal leader of the Greens brought the governance of the

state of emergency as “the model” for “the configuration of climate

change” on the table, point-blank autocratic forms of government are

described as desirable, if this “serves higher goals”. Not for nothing

the enthusiasm of the #ZeroCovid bubble for the Chinese “management of

the pandemic” was unlimited, it is really only necessary to look closer,

everyone and everything exposes itself, one must only have the courage

to recognize the harshness of the future conflictuality that results

from these confessions.

Thirteen: Our situation is hopeless. From this, all possibilities arise.

Fourteen: We are already much further along than we have been led to

believe. The fact that no live firearms were used against the George

Floyd uprising by state power, even though police stations were stormed

and burned down, even though the uprising generated material losses of

$2 billion on the opposing side, reveals much about our adversary’s fear

of entering the terrain of social civil war spontaneously and

reactively. Looking at the wave of insurrections that have swept the

world in recent years, we can observe several things. The insurgencies

are becoming more persistent; despite high casualty rates among the

insurgents, the revolts are not collapsing. The insurrections are

becoming more and more similar in ways of appearance and tactical means

being used. A now almost universal feature is that no demands are made

except of a general nature, such as dignity or justice. For example, the

enemy first had to establish a reformist counter movement within the

George Floyd revolt. It took time to do so; at its core, the revolt was

spontaneously revolutionary. No one wanted to disarm or defund the

police. They simply wanted to blow them to hell. And without cops, there

is no state.

Fifteen: Generalized social civil war is coming. It is inevitable. For

our opponent. (For us anyway.) Our opponent just wants to start it

prepared and on his terms. To force it on us. And not in response to

anything. This time the stakes in this game are too high for that. A

doomed capitalism, entrenched in a hubris of feasibility, mobilizing all

its reserves, which will stop at nothing. Here, too, the Corona measures

policy have been and continue to be revealing for all those who have the

courage to have a closer look. A virus with a lethality rate that,

depending on which calculation, is between a factor of 1.5 – 4 times

that of any of the flu viruses known to date. Italian companions asked

at the very beginning what would happen if a pathogen with the lethality

of Ebola (which was initially 80% in the most recent outbreak in Africa)

had appeared here in Europe. Would nuclear bombs have been dropped on

cities to stop the spread? One must have the courage to answer yes to

this question. The climate catastrophe will make whole areas

uninhabitable, millions and millions of people will lose their

livelihoods, they will desperately try to bring themselves to safety –

and the sealing-off policies of the wealthy states and regions will be

relentless. A system that has not even found it necessary to evacuate at

least all the children from the shithole of Moria will mobilize

everything to secure the prosperity of the metropolitan elites in the

escalation that will inevitably come. At whatever cost. The warpages,

the disruptions of the global production and supply chains, the numerous

revolts of the surplus proletariat in the metropolis itself, which will

inevitably occur as a result of futurity, create the tendency towards

generalized social civil war. The only question is who will define the

terrain of this civil war. They or we. “Deep knowledge means being aware

of the disturbance before the disturbance.” (Sun Tzu).

Sixteen: One must not indulge in any illusions. The vanguard in the

Endgame [7] of declining civilization, state-capitalist China, has made

an app mandatory in the wake of the pandemic state of emergency, without

which life, at least in the cities, becomes virtually impossible.

Shopping, using public transport, visiting restaurants,… Interestingly,

the app was launched just three weeks after the Wuhan lockdown, which

means we can assume that it practically just had to be pulled out of the

drawer. The app includes name, photo, passport number, it regulates the

status of the person based on an algorithm: green, yellow, red. Green

means full freedom of movement, yellow means quarantine, red means

corona. These classifications are by no means linked to clear evidence

such as PCR tests, but are generated by the system itself in a way that

is not comprehensible for the user. Numerous cases have been reported in

which people were classified as “sick” without this being comprehensible

to them, let alone controvertible. In Beijing, 300,000 public cameras

monitor the city, in industrialized Shanghai there are three million,

which are now additionally equipped with sensors to measure the

temperature of those being monitored; major parts of the systems already

have a facial recognition system anyway. Incidentally, these systems for

facial recognition have already been optimized to such an extent that

they can also identify people who wear a medical mouth-nose protection

mask. The Beijing camera surveillance system has been euphemistically

named the “heavenly network”. In the Xinjiang region, the security

architecture is a bit more advanced. The totality of the world’s future

governance is being exercised on the oppressed minority of the Uyghurs.

Drones are in the sky, mandatory spyware on smartphones, facial

recognition systems at gas stations regulating access to purchase fuel.

The cops are allowed to stop anyone and everyone at any time and check

their smartphones; anyone who has installed encrypted communication

systems like Whatsapp may end up in a “re-education camp.”

One should not be under any illusions, the various “health passports”

[8] that are currently being implemented in many Western countries such

as France and Italy, the mandatory apps and vaccination certificates

without which participation in social life in New York is no longer

possible, the discourses on ostracism and repression against people,

who, for a variety of reasons, have not been vaccinated against Corona,

show that the gap between the conditions in China and those in the

so-called Western democracies is only temporary, ergo due to the

concrete circumstances in which the formation of totality currently

finds itself. The process of abolishing cash, which is currently being

pushed forward, creates further comprehensive control possibilities.

This will make it possible to control and regulate access to the

acquisition of virtually everything necessary for life. The acquisition

of certain goods or services can be linked to good behavior or to

“misconduct”; there will certainly be pilot projects for this in the

West. Just as, for example, the matching of DNA material was initially

only possible for socially outlawed crimes such as rape or murder,

within a few years this procedure was used for minor crimes such as

damage to property, of course preferably in the context of “combating

political crime”, e.g. broken windows of banks. Perhaps the first thing

to be done in the future will be to block the purchase of pornographic

material for “sex offenders” in order to generate social approval,

before gradually arming the whole system.

So the really crucial point is not that all these measures exist, or

will exist, but the path to social acceptance of this totality. At this

point, too, the Corona pandemic is a welcome maneuvering ground for the

Empire. Supposed security, in this case from a disease, is exchanged for

consent to all-encompassing surveillance measures; indeed, beyond that,

the consenting subject himself becomes part of the all-encompassing

surveillance system, which not only monitors his fellow human beings,

but also, in anticipation, himself. The terminology and the selectivity

of the “war against the virus” are borrowed from the “war against

terror” that was unleashed after Nine Eleven; it is not for nothing that

a linguistic derailment such as ” endangerer” for people suffering from

Covid-19 finds its way into social discourse unchallenged. At this point

almost everything is decided: Will it be possible to detach relevant

parts of society from this deadly discourse or to stand on their side in

this conflict or not. A large part of the left has long since decided

where they stand and will stand, and as already stated above, these are

now our opponents and not our allies. This is not a moral judgment, but

a necessary materialist analysis. In the social civil war, ambiguities

about strategic alliances take bloody revenge.

Seventeen: To be. Now, as all autonomy, all power of control over one’s

own body and the subject it houses, gradually disappears, as man trades

himself for a promise of naked survival, in the present and in all

future pandemics and in the face of climate change, to be remains as the

last place of antagonism. When everything is directed at preventing or

generating processes, only the act to be remains. Where this is more

than a final moral stance of the individual not submitting, a social

antagonism emerges that does not want to and cannot become part of the

present future. It really needs the radical break with practically all

existing ideas about revolutionary processes to be able to engage with

the real new conditions. Anything else is a waste of energy and time,

and, moreover, contributes to the stabilization and perfection of the

empire in the death drive mode. Life arises in the unfolding totality in

non-places; where this life becomes collectivized, it appears as an

antagonism of non-movements whose concrete demands, if they are made at

all, are as secondary as they are almost arbitrary, and have a function

primarily only as a rallying cry. In these new dynamics, which elude

classical revolutionary understandings, different social laws of space

and time apply: just a gathering of a few precarious commuters at a

barren traffic circle in some suburb, already an angry crowd in the

heart of Paris, desecrating national shrines and looting posh boutiques

in the luxury quarters. Just as these non-movements appear out of

nowhere, they disappear almost as suddenly, refusing any representation

(The few who tried to capitalize on the Gilets Jaunes revolt and

initiate political careers or parties were forcibly expelled and

threatened in their private life), only to rise again overnight like a

ghost. (In France as a mobilization against the new cop protection law

and the Pass Sanitaire.) It’s going around again, the ghost, and this

time not only in Europe. Each nightly riot of young people in a park has

more explosive revolutionary power than dozens and dozens of leftist

demos and events, because it defies political usability. Life defends

itself in this phase that will decide everything – or in other words:

Either we defend life itself by to be, or we will no longer be part of

it, but just a cybernetic hypothesis.

Eighteen: Of course, we are all afraid. Always of death, now also of

life itself. Only submission promises security, that is the power, the

last promise that the death drive empire still has. But: We should learn

to admit that we are afraid, or better said, that we are also scared.

Death frightens us, illness frightens us. It is not bad to be afraid,

death belongs to life, just as the fear of its end belongs to love. But

we learn to live with it, because love is stronger. [9] Or in other

words, only by risking everything, by creating a life that first makes

life one, we can defeat this fear. If we continue to pretend that fear

does not determine our actions, if we hide behind supposed facts,

necessities and ideological lies and constructs, we have already lost

before we have even started to fight. Fear is both our adversary and our

ally, we have to listen to it, let it take shape, in order to be able to

deal with it, because it leads us to our hidden truths that lie

slumbering deep in our hearts. It is the path to our unacknowledged

desires, the certainty that one must have lived at all in order to be

able to die. If we do not take this path, we will reap a life of sadness

without knowing whose content this sadness actually is, which we carry

with us day after day like a terrible burden. We will not be ourselves

for all time. What a choice.

Nineteen: The apocalypse is coming. Either way. The Anthropocene will

end, a comet will hit the Earth, or we are not alone in space (for which

there are some indications) and another life form will wipe us out,

subjugate us or colonize us (we would deserve anything)… Ultimately, the

question of the apocalypse is a philosophical question. But are not all

really important questions, love, death, freedom,… philosophical

questions anyway? Is it not always a question of what attitude we have

towards something and what actions we take as a result? And how do we

determine all this fundamental stuff in relation to the very concrete

questions that arise in the current insurrectionary process?

“What revolts or processes of adaptation will emerge in the metropolises

in the future, and where the fault lines will lie, is still largely

unidentified. The struggles and forms of appropriation in the

proletarian spectrum, in the subclasses of migrant youth, of socially

disenfranchised women, of the victims of deregulation in East Germany,

seem so far inscrutable to us, because we are confronted with images in

which we do not recognize the essence of the emancipation of the class,

and because our analytical tools are not sufficient to decode the

meaning of the struggles behind the forms of appearance. Therefore,

there is nothing left but to face the historical process without

resorting to the hierarchical-patriarchal, anticommunist political

patterns and organizational models, and without hastily producing new

ideologies that would already adjust a straitjacket to the completely

open situation and smooth out existing contradictions in favor of a

monocausal worldview,” wrote a Revolutionary Cell (RZ) in 1992 at the

end of its organizational form, and one may not believe that these words

are already almost 30 years old [10].

Without a doubt, the world has moved on and the insurrectionary process

is not waiting for the scattered remnants of an antagonistic leftist

narrative. But as always, when something leaves, something remains that

is worth preserving and passing on. Just as all the ideological and

theoretical set pieces should be found too easy and thrown overboard in

the face of the world we face, so rich is the treasure of concrete

practical experience that needs to be salvaged. Our adversary learns

from every battle, from every defeat, from every victory. But above all,

from each of his defeats, from our successes. The magnificent avenues of

Paris are in reality only the result of an urban planning that sought to

anticipate all the coming uprisings. Thousands of military, political,

sociological and economic think tanks are working feverishly every

second to perfect the maintenance of the deadly order, we have a few

vintage books and essays, a few written down memories of the Golden

Horde that once set out to make the conditions dance fundamentally.

The question now is how we can succeed in bringing this treasure of our

practical experience into the current insurrectionary processes, whether

it is at all possible to create places of exchange between the

generations of insurgents that are accessible to all but cannot be

infiltrated and manipulated by the enemy. Which brings us back to the

beginning of this considerations.

Twenty: Capitalism in its final stage, which carries in itself the end

of the world inhabited by humans as a possibility, is the present, which

for the first time carries no visionary future in itself. This is the

first thing to accept. It is about only one question, everything beyond

it must be denounced as a warlike ruse to stabilize the system.

Everything that is claimed beyond this is based on a lie, no matter how

left-wing, emancipatory and solidary it comes across. So: How do we

manage to topple the colossus? How can the ever more rapidly spreading

riots, revolts and uprisings become something that fundamentally sets

the world on fire, so that in view of the ashes, with a little luck, we

may dare to dream of creating a new world again?

Without a doubt, to the astonishment of many on the left, the pandemic

state of emergency has accelerated the cycles of worldwide revolts,

while they are still waiting to simply carry on as usual with their

pointless demonstrations, events, signature collections and

participatory attitudinizing. The measures taken by governments, which

in many respects are not only repressive but also senseless and

incompetent, have multiplied social misery. Globally, fewer and fewer

people are willing to exchange their lives for an existence by whose

grace ever. What is also changing are the poles of conflict. There are

no longer better and worse governments (or ideas about them), there are

no solutions, no catalogs of demands. In the escalation, there is only

above and below, them or us. Either on the side of the insurrection or

on the side of “the government”. Any pre-revolutionary situation has a

peculiar lack of clarity; this is no different in the current phase,

which is dominated by the Corona state measures. This is not a time for

doubters and restrainers of the pure doctrine. Finding fascism in the

streets will increasingly be something we will find in the revolts,

therefore staying away from the revolts can only mean our final end.

There is a lot of contradictions to endure and the confrontations will

certainly not be something we will enjoy. But it remains an absolute

necessity.

Because this struggle, like all struggles before it, will be decided in

the streets. “When we revolt it’s not for a particular culture. We

revolt simply because, for many reasons, we can no longer breathe,” this

sentence by Frantz Fanon was written on a poster hanging outside a

Minneapolis cop precinct. Yes, we simply can no longer breathe. Either

we burn down one police station after another until things start to tip

in our favor, or we sit back, when we live in a privileged position, and

enjoy the end of the world with a few cold drinks. There is nothing in

between. Sorry.

[1] Ammalarsi di paura. L’«effetto nocebo» dello #stareincasa e della

malainformazione sul coronavirus

https://www.wumingfoundation.com/giap/2020/05/effe....

[2] Memes Without End. https://illwill.com/memes-without-end.

[3] Onward Barbarians

https://endnotes.org.uk/other_texts/en/endnotes-on....

[4] „Capitalismo comunista“ by Giorgio Agamben. Published in December

2020 on https://www.quodlibet.it/giorgio-agamben-capitalis....

[5] “Rethinking the concept of revolution through the Syrian experience”

by Charlotte Al-Khalili

https://www.aljumhuriya.net/en/content/rethinking-concept-revolution-through-syrian-experience.

[6] “La transizione ecologica tra comando del capitale, erosione del

soggetto e nuovi antagonismi” published onEffimira.

[7] “Endgames” is a column by Sebastian Lotzer that appeared in four

parts on “non copyriot”. Here is the English translation of the fourth

part on “Enough 14”, which also contains the links to the four parts in

German: https://enoughisenough14.org/2021/04/05/endgames-part-4/

[8] „Pass sanitaire: le problème, c’est le flicage!“ by Cerveaux Non

Disponibles.

[9] „Greenpass, nuovi confini e le frontiere della paura. Contributo per

un ragionamento collettivo. Published on Carmelia

https://www.carmillaonline.com/2021/07/29/greenpass-nuovi-confini-e-le-frontiere-della-paura-contributo-per-un-ragionamento-che-auspico-collettivo/

[10] Revolutionary Cells, an urban guerrilla in the FRG not operating in

full clandestinity, whose structures dissolved in the early, mid-1990s.

Here is the text: “„Das Ende unserer Politik“ (The end of our politics):

http://www.freilassung.de/div/texte/rz/zorn/Zorn05.htm