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Title: Republic and Revolution
Author: Errico Malatesta
Date: June 1924
Language: en
Topics: revolution, reform, left unity
Source: The Anarchist Revolution: Polemical Articles 1924–1931, edited and introduced by Vernon Richards. Published by Freedom Press London 1995.

Errico Malatesta

Republic and Revolution

Thoughts on Republic and Revolution

Our avowed intention to take part in any revolutionary movement aimed at

gaining greater liberty and justice, together with recent statements by

certain comrades — whose real ideas have possibly been distorted by

thehaste with which newspaper articles are written — have convinced some

people, unfamiliar with our ideas, that we would accept, albeit on a

provisional basis, a so-called ‘social’ and ‘federated’ republic. There

are even some people who send us republican propaganda articles, in the

confident beliefthattheywill be published, for all the world as though

we were a republican periodical!

It would not seem necessary to waste words on this subject, given that

the anarchists have never allowed of misunderstandings about their

relations with the republicans. But it is useful to return to the

subject because the danger of confusion is always greater when there is

the wish to advance from propaganda to deeds and when, therefore, one’s

own work must be coordinated with that of the other participants in the

struggle. And it is surely very hard to distinguish in practice between

the point where useful cooperation in the struggle against the common

enemy comes to an end and a merger begins which would lead the weaker

parties to surrender their own specific objectives.

---

It is a matter of urgency that we understand one another on the question

of the republic, because the regime which emerges from the direction in

which Italy is more or less rapidly heading will very probably be a

republican one. And it seems to us that if we support a republic we

shall be betraying not only our anarchist purposes but also those same

libertarian and egalitarian ideals which the majority of republican

workers — and those young people who, while themselves privileged, are

motivated by a need for justice which unites them with the workers —

intend to pursue by republican means. —

We said above that the regime which, in Italy, will replace the present

institutions will probably be a republican one. But what form of

political conspiracy might follow immediately on the heels of those

institutions that gave us fascism and whose fate has become inextricably

bound up with it?

We do not wish to predict how much longer fascism will last, especially

as wishful thinking could give us too much hope. Nevertheless we have

reason to believe that Italy will not be increasingly driven back to

medieval barbarisms and that sooner or later she will shake off the yoke

that burdens her. But then?

People only bestir themselves for what is immediately obtainable, and

basically they are right. Man cannot live by self-denial alone, and if

there is nothing new to set up there is an inevitable tendency to fall

back on the old ways.

It does not seem possible to us that there will be a return to pre-war

conditions and the days of anti-fascism — and certainly we should do our

best to avoid such a thing happening.

Anarchy is still not understood by the vast majority of people and we

cannot reasonably expect that they will wish and know how to organise

their own lives on a social level, on the basis of free agreement,

without awaiting their leaders’ orders and submitting to commands of

whatever kind. Except for a small minority with anarchist ideas, the

people, used to being governed, only overthrow one government to replace

it with another from which they hope for better things.

If one excludes, therefore, as undesirable a return to the hypocrisy of

constitutional monarchy, which would lead us to a new fascism as soon as

the monarchy and bourgeoisie felt themselves to be in imminent danger;

and excluding anarchy as being inapplicable in the near future, we see

only the possibility of communist dictatorship or a republic.

It seems to us that a communist dictatorship has little chance of even

short-term success: there are few communists; their authoritarianism

would not go down well in a movement which would, above all, be an

explosion of the need for liberty — either because their programme would

meet with practical difficulties, or because of the unpleasant results

of the Russian experiment, which is leading the country towards

capitalism and militarism.

There remains the Republic, which would have the support of the

republicans in the strict sense of the word, the social democrats, the

industrial workers anxious for change but without specific ideas on the

future, and also the mass of the bourgeosie which rushes to support any

government that seems able to guarantee ‘order’ — which, for them, means

no more than the protection of their own privileged economic status.

But what is a Republic?

The republicans — or that proportion of them who sincerely wish for a

radical change in the social institutions and are thus closer to us — do

not appear to understand what a republic is.

They say ‘their’ republic is not like any of the others, that ‘their’

republic will be organised on a social basis and with a federal

structure — that is, it will expropriate, or at least heavily tax the

capitalists, give land to the peasants, encourage the transfer of the

means of production to workers’ associations, respect rights and

freedoms, all individual, corporate and local groupings, etc.

Now language like this can be either anarchist or authoritarian:

anarchist if such fine things can be achieved through the agency of the

more enlightened minorities which, overthrowing or resisting the

government, carry them out where and when it is possible to do so, and

certainly by propaganda and by the deed; authoritarian if, on the other

hand, it means taking over power by force and imposing their programme

by force. But what such language is not, is republican.

A republic is a democratic government, indeed the only real form of

democracy, ifby this one means a government of the majority of the

people ruling through their freely elected representatives. A republican

can thus say what his wishes are, what are the criteria that would guide

him as a voter, what the proposals he would make or approve were he

elected a deputy. But what he cannot say is what kind of republic the

parliament (or constituent assembly, if you prefer) that is called upon

to prepare the new constitution and the laws that will follow, will come

up with. A republic remains a republic, even if, governed by

reactionaries, it merely consolidates and even worsens existing

structures.

There would no longer be a king and royally appointed senate and this

would certainly be progress. But progress of very small practical

account. Today the predominating and determining force behind all

government is finance and royal power counts only as a tool in the hands

of the financiers, who well know how to jettison it without reducing

their baleful influence.

Anyway, do ‘social’ republicans really want the abolition of capitalism,

namely the rights and the opportunities to make a profit out of the

labour of others through the monopoly of the means of production? But

then why don’t they rid themselves of that ambiguous term and call

themselves socialists outright?

To us it seems that while they aim to improve the conditions of the

poorer classes and to reduce exploitation, they are happy to preserve

the right of the owners to make others work for their benefit and thus

leave the way open to all those evils that arise from capitalist

property rights.

As for their federalism, what does it come down to? Do they acknowledge

the right of the regions and the municipalities to leave the federation

and independently choose those groupings that best suit their individual

needs? Do they acknowledge that members of the federation have the right

to refuse any participation in military or financial affairs when they

see fit? We fear they do not, because this would leave as basis for

national unity only the good will of the federated regions; a thing

which hardly seems characteristic of the traditions and spirit of the

republicans.

In reality it is but a question of a forced federation, like

Switzerland, the USA or Germany, which continues to leave the federated

regions subject to centralised power, and there is therefore little to

choose between them and the centralised states.

---

If that is so, how and why could we agree with republicans in any kind

of movement?

We could join with the republicans on the question of revolution, just

as we could join with the communists on that of the expropriation of the

bourgeoisie, so long as they act in a revolutionary manner, without

having first set up their State, their Dictatorship. But this does not

mean we would ourselves become republicans or communists.

There is a need to make a clear distinction between the revolutionary

act, which overthrows as much as it can of the old regime, replacing it

with new institutions, and governments that follow to halt revolution

and suppress as much as they can of the revolutionary conquests.

History teaches us that whatever progress is made by revolution occurs

in the period when popular activity is at its height, when either a

recognised government does not yet exist or is too weak to openly set

itself against the revolution. Then, once government is established

reaction invariably sets in, serving the interests of the old and new

privileged classes, and seizes from the masses everything it possibly

can seize back from them.

Thus our task is to make, or help to make, the revolution, taking

advantage of all the occasions that come our way and from all available

forces. To push the revolution as far forward as possible, not only in

terms of destruction but above all in terms of reconstruction, and to

remain opposed to any embryonic government, ignoring it or fighting it

to the best of our ability.

We shall no more recognise the republican Constituent Assembly than the

monarchist parliament. If the people want such an assembly, so be it; in

fact we could find ourselves alongside the republicans in resisting any

attempts at restoration of the monarchy. But we ask, we demand, complete

freedom for those who think as we do, to live outside state protection

and oppression and to spread our ideas by word and deed.

We are revolutionaries, yes, but above all we are anarchists.

Further Thoughts on Republic and Revolution

In the Voce Repubblicana, our friend Carlo Francesco Ansaldi comments on

our discussions about the immediate future, and in particular my article

‘Republic and Revolution,’ which appeared in the last issue of that

periodical. He expresses what basically are aspirations and desires that

approximate and even perhaps blend with ours, but it seems to me that he

runs away from the heart of the matter — the way in which, in the

immediate aftermath of the fall of the existing institutions, we set up

the new social structures and decide on the source of the constitutent

power. In our current discussions it is not really a question of the

point of arrival — since on this we can all perhaps agree, Ansaldi

included — but of the ways and means by which we put our ideals into

practice.

Do the republicans, and especially those, Ansaldi again included, who

describe themselves as ‘social,’ ‘federalists’ or ‘syndicalists,’ intend

convening the ‘Constituent Assembly’ (the legislative body elected by

universal suffrage) immediately after the fall of the present regime and

submit to their being set up by majority vote?

Another republican writer, Paolo Albatrelli, again in La Voce, clearly

says yes. But what does Ansaldi say? What do the ‘social and federalist’

republicans say?

‘Our republic,’ says Albatrelli, ‘must spring from the direct will of

the people ... If the majority of the Italian people is with us, we do

not intend to resort to any violence against them. We do, however,

desire that they be allowed a free vote and do not come under any

pressure or violence from an executive power devoid of scruples and

morality.’

Does this, therefore, mean that if the Constituent Assembly voted for a

monarchy the republicans would submit and that the whole movement would

have served for nothing more than to save and to supply a new virginity

to this monarchy that fascism is now dragging with it into the gutter?

And what about the preconditions of an anti-monarchist position?

Albatrelli suggests that the party ‘jealously retains it in its specific

programme and does not present it to any possible opposition as a bill

to be settled in advance.’ But are the antimonarchist preconditions not

based on the conviction that the institution of monarchy is opposed to

any real political and social progress and that until it is abolished

there will be no guarantee of liberty or possibility of a wide general

education of the mass of the people? Does it mean nothing to Albatrelli

that fifty years of republican, socialist and anarchist propaganda have

resulted in ... fascism? Where we are concerned, the antimonarchist

preconditions should be accompanied by anticapitalist ones. But the

republicans, who ascribe prime importance to political form, should at

the least insist on ... a republic. Otherwise their republicanism

reduces to no more than the assertion of a far-off ideal, a vague

‘potential’ which could even be accepted by Mussolini and Victor

Emanuel.

True enough, it is not probable that a Constituent Assembly set up upon

the fall of fascism would vote for a monarchy. The mass of the people

are tired of change and the bourgeoisie needs order and peace which, in

the circumstances, are more likely to prevail under a republic,

bolstered by all the illusions that new regimes carry with them, rather

than the hard-won fight for restoration of a monarchy. On the other

hand, it is most probable — almost certain — that the Constituent

Assembly, being what it would inevitably be in present moral and

economical times in Italy — that is, made up of a majority of

conservatives and clericals, landowners and lawyers, representing the

great industrial interests of the land — would give us a conservative

and clerical republic like the republic of France on the fall of the

Second Empire and which, after more than fifty years, is still a

centralising and capitalist republic.

Apart from die right of the majority, which we do not recognise, to

impose its will, by force, on the minority; apart from the consideration

that no electoral mechanism can succeed in electing a chamber that would

express the will of the majority — even if such a thing as a majority

with one common will existed — there always remains the fact that under

a capitalist regime, when society is divided between rich and poor,

bosses and workers whose ration of daily bread depends on the whim of

those bosses, there cannot be such a thing as a free election. Then:

also remains the fact that under a centralised regime the more developed

regions exploit the less developed ones, while the latter regions, more

heavily populated, hamper progress and tend to be a drag on reform.

‘The free vote of the people,’ says Albatrelli. But can he really

believe what he says?

In some of the bigger cities and in some of the more progressive regions

the conservatives would be eclipsed and the mass of the people, in a

state of revolutionary ferment, would vote in a majority of socialists,

republicans and communists — and even anarchists, should the latter

allow themselves to take part in the comedy. But even in these

circumstances it is a deception to maintain that the elections would be

free. Unfortunately we are a’ violent people and the recent experiences

of war and fascism have exacerbated, to the point of paroxysm, all our

worst instincts. Even if our leaders, the most well-known and popular of

men, sincerely wished for the liberty of the individual, force, fraud

and violence would exert yet greater influence over the choice of

deputies than the informed and free will of the majority.

But remember that, offsetting and overwhelming the revolutionary forces

of the cities and regions that I shall call subversive, are the

countless Vendees’[1] of Italy, where the elections would be subject to

the economic and moral pressure of the bosses and priests, backed up by

the violence of those elements which are always ready for a bit of

bloodletting on behalf of anyone who cares to pay for it.

Then what to do? Make of the Italian Constituent Assembly a carbon copy

of the French Convention of 1792–93, when the rival parties guillotined

one another and prepared the way for a Bonaparte? Or imitate the ‘rural’

Assembly of 1871 which began with the massacre of the Communards and

continued as symbol and shield of bourgeois clerical reaction?

---

But, it will be asked, if you don’t want the Constituent Assembly, what

do you want?

Revolution. And by revolution we don’t mean the insurrectionary phase

alone, which would be indispensable, save in the highly unlikely

eventuality that the regime, collapsing from within, falls of its own

accord. But insurrection would be sterile if it were not followed by the

liberation of the people and would serve merely to replace one state of

violence by another.

Revolution is the creation of new institutions, new groupings, new

social relations. Revolution is the destruction of privilege and

monopoly, a new spirit of justice, solidarity and freedom which must

renew the whole of social life, raise the moral level and the material

conditions of the masses by calling upon them to provide for their own

future through their direct and conscious action. Revolution is the

organisation of all public services by those who work within them in

their own interests, as well as in those of the wider public. Revolution

is the destruction of all coercive bonds, and is the autonomy of groups,

communes and regions. Revolution is the free federation, brought about

by solidarity, by individual and collective interests and by the needs

of production and defence. Revolution is the establishment of a myriad

free groupings based on the ideas, desires, needs and tastes of all and

every individual. Revolution is the formation and dissolution of

thousands of representative, neighbourhood, communal, regional and

national bodies which, lacking any kind of legislative power, serve to

make them known and harmonise the wishes and interests of the people

near and far, and act through propagation of information, advice and

example. Revolution is freedom proved in the crucible of events — and

lasts as long as freedom lasts, that is, until such time as others,

profiting from the weariness that overtakes the masses, the inevitable

disappointments that follow upon exaggerated hopes, possible mistakes

and human error, succeed in creating a power which, backed by an army of

conscripts and mercenaries, makes laws and blocks any forward movement —

and reaction sets in.

To my question, ‘How do you know in what direction your republic will

go?’ Ansaldi counters by asking, ‘How do you know in what direction your

anarchism will go?’ And he’s right. There are too many and complicated

historical factors, too great a factor of uncertainty in the human will

for anyone to be able seriously to predict the future. But the

difference between us and the republicans is that we seek neither to

harden our anarchism in dogma, nor impose it by force. It will be what

it can be, and will develop as people and institutions grow more

supportive of complete liberty and justice. The republicans, on the

other hand, seek to make laws which, by definition, would be obligatory

for all and must therefore necessarily be imposed on the recalcitrants

by material force. If the republicans renounce the gendannes, then

agreement can soon be reached.

It is possible — even certain — that the next movement will lead to the

establishment of a republic. But this will be a ‘social’ republic only

if the social reforms are carried out beforehand and only to the extent

that they have been carried out. And it will be ‘federalist’ only if the

unity of the state has firstly been broken up and the autonomy of the

regions and communes has been set in motion. The forces of reaction, to

which all governments tend, will be proportionately less effective the

more radical the reforms carried out in the revolutionary period.

If, however, as it seems, the republicans intend to begin with the

Constituent Assembly and only then proceed to carry out reforms through

the agency of that Assembly, the antifascist movement would be of little

use.

Even so, we shall take part, but only to work within the masses, outside

and if necessary against the Constituent Assembly, to draw the maximum

possible advantage for our ideas in favour of freedom and justice.

[1] A western region of France which, during the Revolution and early

Napoleonic period, was home to the forces of royalist insurrection —

Editor.