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Title: Cynical Lessons Author: Alejandro de Acosta Date: 2011, July Language: en Topics: The Anvil Review, review, cynicism Source: Retrieved on March 21st, 2015 from http://theanvilreview.org/print/cynical-lessons/
âThere were always men who practiced this philosophy. For it seems to be
in some ways a universal philosophy, and the most natural.â
â Julian the Apostate
Some months ago, I discovered a series of books on ancient philosophies
produced by the University of California Press, with lovely details of
Baroque paintings reproduced on the covers. The titles read: Stoicism,
Epicureanism, Neoplatonism, Ancient Scepticism ⊠Cynics. That last title
immediately drew my attention: Cynics and not Cynicism. It turned out
that Cynics makes explicit reference to anarchist ideas in a way that is
both intelligent and important to at least some of us. (I will return to
this intersection).
The choice of the title Cynics for William Desmondâs contribution was
probably only meant to avoid confusion, but it also suggests a way to
read the book so as to learn not merely of the Cynics but from them. Why
is it not called Cynicism? True, from one point of view it is perfectly
easy to say that there is Cynicism because we can list tenets held in
common by Cynics. Textbooks, encyclopedias and dictionaries do this: in
any of them we can learn that these people favored what Desmond calls
âcarefree living in the presentâ[1]; and that, to accomplish it, they
practiced a generalized rejection of social customs (Desmond catalogs
this rejection in delightful detail: it includes customs concerning
clothing, housing, diet, sex and marriage, slavery, work âŠ) in the
direction of a simplification of life.[2] (This was somewhat more
confusingly referred to as living in accord with nature).
But already in the ancient world, Diogenes Laertius, author of the great
gossip-book of ancient philosophers, commented: âwe will go on to append
the doctrines which they held in common â if, that is, we decide that
Cynicism is really a philosophy, and not, as some maintain, just a way
of life.â[3] One of the perpetual question marks hanging next to the
Cynicsâ status as philosophers is their common rejection of intellectual
confusion. The term typhos (smoke, vapor) rightly emphasized by Desmond
sums this up nicely. It was used, he writes, âto denote the delirium of
popular ideas and conventionsâ (244). Typhos also included the
âtechnical languageâ of philosophers: âthe best cureâ for it âis to
speak simplyâ (127).
In any case, there is also certainly something called cynicism. Desmond
consciously capitalizes the word when it is a matter of the school, and
leaves it uncapitalized when it is a matter of what could be called the
ambient attitude of a place and time â something people definitely live,
but in no way choose or wish for. Something like that seems to be what
Deleuze and Guattari were after in their recurring references to a
special relation between capitalism and cynicism in the Anti-Oedipus:
cynicism as the correlate of modern bad conscience, âaccompanied by a
strange piety.â[4] Cynicism, for them, is not so much the ideology of
capitalism, as it is a congeries of behaviors and attitudes secreted by
the capitalist socius, the apparent apathy that is ever becoming real,
but never for all that passing into a reasoned or passionate way of
life. It is rather the default lifestyle of those for whom a way of life
(in any interesting sense of the phrase) is impossible.[5]
In light of this, I propose that perhaps the most interesting
perspective is to say that there is no Cynicism, that there is cynicism,
and that there are (or at least were) Cynics, as individuals.
Whereas the usual philosophical guidebook (and, worse, the usual
philosophical conversation) starts with the Great Question âwhat is âŠâ,
I propose instead the question âwho is âŠâ Who is a Cynic? This question
never disappears: even when we find great commonalities between
different Cynics, we are still dealing with its familiar variant: âWho
is the real Cynic?â We know that Cynics first appeared in the Greece of
Socrates and Plato, and that there were Cynics well into Christian
times. How do we know this? As with other ancient schools, its
inventors, creators of a way of life, wrote nothing, or their writings
are lost. We know of them through what is now called doxography:
collections of sayings and opinions. Desmond recompiles and rearranges
the doxographies charmingly, proving the point that if it is philosophy
as a way of life that we are interested in, perhaps a few anecdotes
about a singular character are as valuable as a short treatise or a
letter to a friend. (I recall here Nietzscheâs gnomic proposition: âIt
is possible to present the image of a man in three anecdotesâ[6]).
In behavior and intent, The Cynics we know of were âmissionaryâ (as
Pierre Hadot has put it).[7] Their rejection of customs seems to have
had an essentially performative, confrontational aspect. Desmond
illustrates this as follows:
⊠the ancient Cynic could be stereotyped as a wild man who stood on the
corner piercing passers-by with his glances, passing remarks to all and
sundry, but reserving his bitterest scorn for the elites who parade by
in purple and chariots, living unnatural lives, and trampling on the
natural equality of man. (187)
Such confrontations in public places were one way in which the Cynic way
of life was communicated. How does one become a Cynic? By example,
obviously; by means of a model. Now, this anecdote tells of a more
intimate communication:
Metrocles had been studying with Theophrastus, the successor to
Aristotle and head of the Lyceum, a taxonomist and classificatory
thinker with a specialty in botany. Once while declaiming Metrocles
farted audibly and was so ashamed that he shut himself off from public
view and thought of starving himself to death. But Crates visited him,
fed him with lupin-beans, and advanced various arguments to convince him
that his action was not wrong or unnatural, and had been for the best in
fact. Then Crates capped his exhortation with a great fart of his own.
âFrom that day on Metrocles started to listen to Cratesâ discourses and
became a capable man in philosophy.â[8] (28)
This intimate aspect is not emphasized in Desmondâs book, perhaps for
lack of evidence. One could go a long ways in the direction of answering
the question âWho can be a Cynic?â by considering the status of customs
and laws from the perspective of how people have become capable of
subverting them. I do not mean conferring a special status on
transgression as a social or philosophical category, but rather becoming
curious about who it is that grasps the instability of mores,
conventions, laws and so on, and how they become capable of selectively
ignoring them.
Consider then this couple: unusual public behavior / anecdote
documenting the same. As Desmond points out, a typical chreia or
anecdote related an action followed by a witty, insightful, or bluntly
truthful utterance. It would seem that the anecdote was simultaneously a
spoken rhetorical device and a genre of literature, both in close
relation to what is best about gossip. There were many compilations of
such anecdotes in the ancient world. It is not hard to imagine that
these anthologies were compiled so as to amuse the curious; but they
could also have brought about, at a distance and thanks to a certain
sort of reading, the transmission of a model that public harangues and
private obscenities can communicate face to face, body to body. I mean
the imitation of unusual behaviors, and, more importantly, a stimulation
to invent new ones relevant to oneâs own life. This literary
transmission of the Cynic life has surely happened many times and in
many ways.
Long after the first generations came lengthier written texts either
advocating the Cynical way of life or at least presenting it in a
favorable light. But by then the writersâ commitment to the way of life
was in question. It is one version of the question âWho is the real
Cynic?â Desmond discusses, though does not promote, a common distinction
between original âhardâ Cynics (Diogenes, Crates, Hipparchia) who lived
the life and derivative âsoftâ Cynics, who, fascinated by it, merely
wrote about it (Lucian, Dio Chrysostom). It is, of course, as a distant
echo of this supposed merely literary presence of the school that the
term âcynicâ reappears as an ordinary noun, and eventually as a
pejorative term, bringing the question âwho?â full circle from punctual
designation to anonymous epithet.
One example of the richness of this questionâs persistence in the
literary transmission of Cynicism is Lucianâs The Death of Peregrinus.
Desmond mentions it briefly; I will take it up in some detail. In this
satire we learn of the life and spectacular death of the âill-starredâ
Peregrinus the Cynic.[9] As the satire opens, Theagenes, a fearful,
crying Cynic (?) gives a hoary speech in praise of Peregrinus; then a
nameless, laughing man mounts the same platform to tell the truth. (This
man is not identified as a Cynic). He dismisses Theagnesâ praise as well
as his tears. Instead he offers his laughter, and another perspective on
Peregrinus. He details, among other things, how Peregrinus started life
as a good-for-nothing, becoming a parricide in exile after strangling
his own father for no reason other than the inconvenience of caring for
an old man. In exile Peregrinus eventually transformed himself, managing
to become a well-respected Christian leader. As such, he was imprisoned,
and received all of their support. Once freed, he betrayed the
Christians. Setting off again, he became a Cynic and trained in ascetic
exercises. These were the ponoi, practices Cynics would use to loosen
the bonds of custom: Peregrinus shaved half his head, smeared his face
with mud, masturbated in public, beat and was beaten with a fennel cane,
etc. Eventually his love of glory and attention led him to his famous
self-immolation, the event that Lucian ruthlessly mocks as a failed
apotheosis. Having publically announced it years in advance, Peregrinus
killed himself by jumping into an enormous pyre before countless
witnesses at the Olympic festival. This was purportedly done to show
others that they need not fear death. Lucian, now present as the
narrator, places himself, laughing, at the scene of the pyre, describing
Peregrinus and Theagenes as pitiful actors. Lucian is not only
unimpressed: he calls the witnesses âidiots,â and retires. In the scenes
of the aftermath, Lucian converses with curious passers-by and
latecomers, answering their idle questions with preposterous and
contradictory exaggerations.
It seems that, for Lucian, to say one is a Cynic, even to have trained
in the ascetic exercises, means nothing special if in the present one
continues to demonstrate vanity. And nothing could be more vain than
capitalizing on oneâs own suicide by announcing it years in advance.
Here Lucian, who never called himself a Cynic, shows himself capable of
wearing that mask in his satire. He addresses an interlocutor:
⊠I can hear you crying out, as you well might: âOh, the stupidity! Oh,
the thirst for renown! Oh â â, all the other things we tend to say about
them. Well, you can say all this at a distance and much more safely; but
I said it right by the fire, and even before that in a large crowd of
listeners. Some of these became angry, the ones who were impressed by
the old manâs lunacy; but there were others who laughed at him too. Yet
I can tell you I was nearly torn to pieces by the Cynics... [10]
The entire story revolves around the question: âwho?â Lucianâs
Peregrinus cynically moves from low-life to moral Christian to ascetic
Cynic to vainglorious blowhard. Is this progression Cynical? Or is
Lucianâs laughter more of a Cynic effect, however he may have lived?
Desmond, for his part, suggests that much of Lucianâs satire may be a
âhatchet job,â such as the account of the parricide, for example.
Considering this takes us one turn further into the maze of the
question: âwho?â What if it is Lucian, the writer, who is the
vainglorious one, envious of Peregrinusâ performance, its practical
philosophy? What if, for example, Peregrinus had an excellent reason to
take his own life, and opted to use his death to teach a final lesson,
one the results of which he could not live to see? Could that not be the
opposite of vanity? For me this ambiguity manifests a tension between
way of life and philosophy, or, again, between living according to
nature and a missionary urge to harangue others to do the same.[10]
Lucian calls Peregrinus an actor, his suicide a âperformance.â
Discussing the history of the well-worn metaphor of the world as
theater, the philologist Ernst Robert Curtius traces it back to comments
in Platoâs Laws about humans as puppets of the gods, or to a phrase in
his Philebus about the âtragedy and comedy of life.â But then he notes:
âIn the popular lectures on philosophy (âdiatribesâ) of the Cynics, the
comparison of man to an actor became a much-used clichĂ©.â[11] This story
of origins only becomes interesting when we read between the lines in
Curtius, noticing that it must have been the Cynics who began using this
metaphor without reference to the divine, and perhaps not as a metaphor
at all. Simply put: everyone is an actor. Desmond writes: âif the self
is substantial and secure in itself, then, like a good actor, it can put
on and off many masks, playing many roles without dissipating or
compromising itself, just as a good actor can appear in many guises
while remaining the same person beneathâ (182).[12] Indeed, the
reception of this idea, metaphor or not, which Curtius traces from the
Romans through the Middle Ages to Shakespeare, Baltasar GraciĂĄn, and
CalderĂłn, may be studied along at least two axes: who takes the
world-theater to be a divine place? Who does not? And: who says is there
is anything behind the actorâs masks? Who does not? About Lucian and
Peregrinus, Desmond writes:
Peregrinus was rightly named Proteus because he was as adaptable and
many-masked as the Old Man of the Sea. He took many shapes and professed
not to be changed by any. Lucian scoffs, but Peregrinusâ own intention
in his last âroleâ as a latter-day Hercules may have been to demonstrate
that external flames and a melting body cannot harm âthe god within.â
(182)
That would be the case for saying that there is someone behind the mask.
Something like Lucianâs laughter would be the case for saying that there
is not, or that what is behind the mask is another mask, or that it does
not really matter⊠Now we might have begun to understand what is vital
in the couple behavior/anecdote. It it is a tension, an intimate
challenge, a kind of existential dare, that can only be resolved or
transformed in oneâs own life and body.
I have mentioned the list of titles in the series: Stoicism,
Epicureanism, Neoplatonism, Ancient Scepticism ⊠Cynics. When I gazed
upon the gathered books I felt I was not merely looking at a list of
didactic books aimed at a curious and intelligent student. I also felt
that I had before me a series of manuals, or at least fragments of
manuals concerning ways of life that are perhaps still available.
(Notice that someone claiming that the Cynic way of life is no longer
available could be accused of taking a cynical position). Grasped as
manuals they suggest a different sort of curiosity, and perhaps another
aspect of intelligence as well. I have advocated for a pragmatic use of
certain anthropology books along the same lines, as manuals concerning
the organization and disorganization of social and cultural life,
available to all. This sort of reading is obviously also in some sense a
willful misappropriation, or at least a misreading; something else than
the conventional use of such texts. It has two facets: the patience of
engagement with the text (one cannot simply call it plagiarism or
âstealing ideasâ); the impatience, or maybe hurried patience, concerning
whatever in it is significant enough to draw into oneâs life as an
urgent problem, challenge, or question âŠ
That said, I would like to consider that the Cynic way of life is
impossible. Maybe no one could embody their way of life perfectly,
avoiding the ambiguities brought about by the public aspect of the
example or the harangue. Or at least, if someone did, it was in a way
that was inimitable and so incommunicable. Historically speaking, such
perfect Cynics must have disappeared. I recall the first day I spoke in
public of the Cynics. One of my strange teachers was present; he said
something like: âWhat about the Cynics who were such perfect masters
that they disappeared?â At the time, I did not know how to respond.
Perhaps I was confused. I now find his question calming, in two perhaps
contradictory ways. First, if we suppose that the real Cynics
disappeared, we can be untroubled about finding real Cynics; we can
assume that we never will. The use of the question âWho is a Cynic?â is
modified accordingly: we will expect to find masks, semblances,
references. Imperfect embodiment is still embodiment, and literature is
still (is very much so!) life.
Secondly, however, one can certainly disappear to the historical record
without disappearing from the historical record. Oneâs life can just as
much be expressed in an anecdote as hidden within it. (Or both, which is
what I suppose Nietzsche meant: the best anecdotes reveal and conceal at
once. Otherwise we are collecting bad gossip, trivia, distractions,
typhos). This idea of disappearing (of secrecy, or of clandestinity)
could be used to finally dispose of the seriousness behind the question
âWho is the real Cynic?â, dissolving the distinction between âhardâ and
âsoftâ Cynics: the first might have written all manner of things, an
exquisite and singular literature which they destroyed or shared with a
very few; the latter might have undertaken countless ascetic exercises,
from the ridiculous to the grotesque, but opted not to record them and
disallowed others from reporting on them. All of this is intimately
related to the problem of vanity at stake between Lucian and his
character Peregrinus; it also shows much of what is at stake in the
difference between ancient or medieval ways of life and our so-called
lifestyles.
I conclude by discussing the interesting references to anarchist ideas
in Cynics. This has great interest for me and mine. One of my
companions, when I showed him, patted me on the back and said something
like: âSee, now our movements are points of reference for everything,
even for a book on ancient philosophy!â At which point I cringed twice,
once for the phrase âour movementsâ and again for the pat on the back,
that little victorious sentiment ⊠I do not think that is exactly what
is interesting here. That Desmond makes the reference is indeed
noteworthy, especially given the clearly pedagogical intent of his
book.[13] But at the same time, that is not a reason for us to be
comforted; rather, it is a matter of curiosity, a reason to think
differently about who we suppose we are and what we suppose we are
doing. I mean that we could provisionally accept the connection he
makes, taking everything he writes about the Cynics as an intimate
challenge.
When he calls the Cynics anarchists, Desmond confesses this is just âthe
most convenient labelâ for them. Of course:
⊠they renounced the authority of officialdom and of social tradition:
not marrying; not claiming citizenship in their native or adopted
cities; not holding political office; not voting in the assembly or
courts; not exercising in the gymnasium or marching with the city
militia; and not respecting political leaders ⊠To be free is to have no
master, whether that master be a god, political assembly, magistrate,
general, or spouse. (185)
But Desmond thinks, as many or most do, of anarchism as a form of
politics, and so restricts the Cynic-anarchist connection to the
rejection of certain forms of political organization. On this side of
the question, he generalizes to the point of grotesque error: it is not
true that, as he seems to think, all anarchists think humans are
fundamentally good, or that life without the state is better because it
is more natural than life under it. On the other hand, calling Cynics
anarchists is compelling in that they did not form parties or foment
revolutions. So it is precisely to those anarchists most suspicious of
such activities that this comparison will be interesting.
For me, the import of this is to show the tense relation, or
non-relation, between the Cynicsâ concern with ethics (a way of life)
above all, and the various political stages of the world, with all of
their typhos. One could anachronistically call them a subculture; this
would be useful precisely to the degree that it allows us to focus on
how they both maintained a way of life and did not entirely disappear in
the doing. That is: it is arguably the public aspect of their way of
life that brought them to these various platforms.
Desmond does not call the Cynics anarchists and leave it at that; he
also suggests that the same Cynics could be called democrats, kings, or
cosmopolitans. Indeed, for what does âcarefree living in the presentâ
especially have to do with the State or its rejection? Instead of
asking: âwhat is Cynic politics?â, we can ask: âwho is the Cynic when
she does this, when he says that âŠ?â Let us say provisionally that the
Cynics were playing with, playing at politics, insofar as its cloudy
stages are also so many platforms from which to launch the perhaps
inevitable diatribe. They were democrats, because in so doing they
discovered a way of simultaneously inhabiting and resisting their
dominant political environment, pushing it in a radically egalitarian or
at least populist direction (Desmond reminds us that for many
âdemocracyâ essentially meant ârule by the poorâ(188).) But the
democratic assembly is also a place to practice comic wit! And the
funniest thing is to call oneself a king. Well, why not? It is much
funnier than calling oneself an anarchist or a democrat! Cynics are
kings in rags (57).[14] As with democracy, Desmond suggests that what we
have here is an intelligent exaggeration, a pushing to the limit, of
another ancient commonplace: that the best should rule.
The poor Cynic can claim to be a âkingâ because in his wild,
unconventional life he has recovered all the natural virtues: courage,
temperance, simplicity, freedom, and, most of all, philanthropia. As
âkingsâ who try to lead people to a life âaccording to nature,â they are
acting only in the peopleâs best interest. They alone love mankind, and
so in comparison with them, Sardanapallus, Xerxes, Philip, Alexander,
Antigonus, Seleucus, Ptolemy, Nero, Vespasian, Domitian and the rest are
only gangsters. (199)
They are, or aspire to be, monarchs in the only non-deluded sense of the
word. And cosmopolitans? It seems that at least some of them did use
this term. And here again we have what seems to be a provocation. Since
the polis was the only available sense of âstate,â to claim to be a
citizen of the cosmos is to express oneself through paradox. âHow can
one be a citizen of the totality and its vast spaces? Can one make the
cosmos oneâs home? ⊠Diogenes implies that only the Cynic wanderer is
truly at home anywhereâ (205). I conclude that this mixture of
paradoxical and provocative attitudes is more interesting than opting
for any one Cynic politics.
Keeping this in mind, what happens when we return to the initial
connection and make it operate in the other direction, asking: are
anarchists Cynics? Could anarchists (really) be Cynics?[15] As with
other practices or ideas that interest me, for example those of the
Situationists and Nihilists (there might even be people clever enough to
play this game with the word âcommunistâ!), I feel the need to keep
asking the question âwho is âŠ?â which is, among other things, the
perspectival question of the true and false.[16] This is not a matter of
identity or identification, of clarifying or purifying our essence. It
means, among other things, asking if there are anarchists who, instead
of considering their activities solely as a politics (âanarchismâ),
understand what they do as aspects of a way of life distributed unevenly
between political activities in the ordinary sense, micropolitical
activities, and anti- or non-political activities â even inactivities?
Are there anarchists who experience their lives as the ultimate
criterion, instead of some goal or cause? If so, they will find plenty
of interest in a manual entitled Cynics.
Yes, someone could read this book as a manual; someone could begin a
revaluation of anarchist activities stimulated by the example of the
Cynics. In that direction, I conclude with an outline of topics for
immediate discussion and implementation:
terms such as âideologyâ or âspectacle.â Rather than deploying a a
true-false, reality-appearance dichotomy (the starting point of so many
boring conversations), to me typhos suggests an intimate, personal,
singular limit. It is the limit of my interest in the world, in the
ideas and experiences of others, and in some of my own ideas and
experiences as well. âBeyond this limit,â I can make a habit of
thinking, âall is smoke, vapor, typhos.â Ah, the destestable convergence
of the uninteresting and the confusing âŠ
people who have shaved half of their head, some who are dirty enough to
be said to have caked mud on themselves, a few who have masturbated in
public ⊠what kinds of situations can you get yourselves into that
exemplify, not in principle but in fact, detachment from what you wish
to detach yourself from? Instead of contending with others about
interpretations of the world, you could bend your urge to compete in the
direction of increasingly absurd or confrontational public acts. It is
stimulating to imagine how, violating before me a custom concerning
sexuality, you could provoke me to go and violate one concerning diet or
work.
truly describe themselves as âlaughing a lot and taking nothing
seriously?â (65)[17]
Chrysostom, Dio. Discourses. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932.
Curtius, Ernst Robert. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.
Deleuze, Gilles and FĂ©lix Guattari. Anti-Oedipus. Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1985.
Desmond, William. Cynics. Berkeley: University of California Press,
2008.
Hadot, Pierre. What is Ancient Philosophy? Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 2004.
Laertius, Diogenes. Lives and Opinions of the Eminent Philosophers, vol.
II. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1925.
Lucian. Selected Dialogues. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Nieztsche, Friedrich. Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks.
Chicago: Regnery, 1962.
â. Human, All Too Human. New York: Penguin, 1994.
Serres, Michel. Detachment. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1989.
[10]Lucian, 75.
[1] Cynics, 65. All further references in the essay.
[2] An account of this simplification as a de-culturing, perhaps
de-civilizing process, perhaps more palatable to some, can be found in
Nietzsche: âThe Cynic knows the connection between the more highly
cultivated manâs stronger and more numerous pains, and his profuse
needs; therefore he understands that manifold opinions about beauty,
propriety, seemliness, and delight must give rise to very rich sources
of pleasure, but also to sources of discontent. In accordance with this
insight, the Cynic educates himself retrogressively by giving up many of
these opinions and withdrawing from the demands of culture. In that way,
he achieves a feeling of freedom and of strengthening âŠâ Human, All Too
Human § 275.
[3] Lives and Opinions of the Eminent Philosophers, VI. 103.
[4] Anti-Oedipus, 225.
[5] Question: does awareness matter in all this? Those who become aware
of ambient cynicism and how it has affected or shaped their social
personas: could they be on the way to becoming Cynics? It cannot be so
simple. Deleuze and Guattariâs reference to âa strange pietyâ invites us
to consider contemporary cynicism as the cynicism of the credulous. I do
not have much of a taste for discussing capitalism as such, but it would
be interesting to consider modern cynics in Deleuze and Guattariâs sense
as those descended, though not without a series of sociocultural
mutations, from those Hume called the superstitious. Precisely with this
difference: modern cynics are superstitious, and they know it, and they
are resigned to it.
[6] Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks, 25.
[7] What is Ancient Philosophy?, 108. The Cynic faces the crowd and
âscold[s] to his heartâs content,â as Nietzsche puts it (Human, All Too
Human, § 275.)
[8] The last sentence is cited from Diogenes Laertius, Lives and
Opinions of the Eminent Philosophers, VI.
[9] Lucian, âThe Death of Peregrinus,â in Selected Dialogues, 74.
[10] A fascinating discussion of these sorts of reversals, based on a
famous anecdote involving Diogenes the Cynic and Alexander the Great,
appears in Part 4, âFriar,â of Michel Serresâ Detachment.
[11] European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, 138.
[12] This is one of the few places where Desmond seems to go too fast,
overstepping his doxographical task. I find no correlate in the texts he
discusses to any such substantial concept of the self, which I take to
be a more recent invention. The same problem occurs in the definition of
typhos that I cited above: ââŠinsubstantial âsmokeâ in relation to the
self and its present experiences, which alone can be known and
possessed.â For me the highly abstract concept of the self is more
likely to be another example of typhos.
[13] His reference in making this connection ultimately seems to be
Kropotkinâs Britannica article of 1911 on âAnarchism,â in which Zeno of
Citium is given as an early inspiration. Zeno, founder of the Stoic
school, was a student of Crates the Cynic. (It would be tremendously
satisfying to discover a story about the two involving farts or
something comparable, to embarrass the seekers of noble origins.)
[14] As Dio Chrysostom put it, alluding to the figure of Odysseus. In
his âFourth Discourse on Kingship,â Dio imagines a version of the
anecdotal dialogue between Diogenes the Cynic and Alexander the Great in
which he prepares the idea of âkings in ragsâ by undermining the
conventional understanding of monarchy. âAnd Alexander said: âApparently
you do not hold even the Great King to be a king, do you?â And Diogenes
with a smile replied, âNo more, Alexander, than I do my little finger.â
âBut shall I not be a great king,â Alexander asked, âwhen once I have
overthrown him?â âYes, but not for that reason,â replied Diogenes; âfor
not even when boys play the game to which the boys themselves give the
name âkingsâ is the winner really a king. The boys, anyhow, know that
the winner who has the title of âkingâ is only the son of a shoemaker or
a carpenter â and he ought to be learning his fatherâs trade, but he has
played truant and is now playing with the other boys, and he fancies
that now of all times he is engaged in a serious business â and
sometimes the âkingâ is even a slave who has deserted his master. Now
perhaps you kings are also doing something like that: each of you has
playmates âŠâ (46-48)
[15] There are multiple ways to understand this question. It might be
interesting to compare it, and its possible answers, with a topic of
scholarly controversy discussed by Desmond: was Jesus a Cynic? (Cynics,
211-216). Naturally, the mere question would disturb the average
Christian: if Jesus was a Cynic, then the entirety of the Christian
religion is an colossal misunderstanding at best, a vile imposture at
worst. Does the correlation of Cynics and anarchists similarly unground
âanarchismâ?
[16] The parallels are obvious: there are vague epithets, a noun and an
adjective, for cynics and anarchists alike; there are Cynics and
anarchists, and there may or may not be Cynicism or Anarchism, depending
on who you ask. But âwho is âŠâ is also the question of possible and
impossible positions: âWho can be a Cynic?â So, for example, in the
aphorism cited above, Nietzsche writes that the gentle Epicureans had
the same perspective as the Cynics: âbetween the two there is usually
only a difference in temperament.â
[17] The quote is from Lucian.