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Title: Do you hear, Maidan?
Author: Serhiy Kemsky
Date: December 19, 2013
Language: en
Topics: Ukraine, protest, reform, Direct Democracy
Source: Retrieved on 23rd January 2022 from a translation of https://www.pravda.com.ua/columns/2013/12/19/7007716/
Notes: The following article was written by the Ukrainian anarchist https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serhiy_Kemsky][Serhiy Kemsky]], an activist that participated in the [[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Euromaidan][Maidan revolution]], proposing the replacement of the existing Ukrainian state with institutions of direct democracy. Just one day before President [[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viktor_Yanukovych][Viktor Yankovich]] signed the [[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agreement_on_settlement_of_political_crisis_in_Ukraine][agreement to settle the crisis]], on February 20, 2014, Kemsky was killed by a police sniper in Kyiv. On the first anniversary of the Maidan revolution, Kemsky was posthumously awarded the title “[[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hero_of_Ukraine”, along with 100 other activists that were killed during the events.

Serhiy Kemsky

Do you hear, Maidan?

I am surprised by the statements that have been heard recently on social

networks. Like, the Maidan lacks meanings, leaders, plans, motivations

or something else. After talking to dozens of Maidan protesters, I was

personally convinced that everyone has their own vision of further

action. Moreover, it is possible to generalize all these visions,

because they do not contradict each other.

This article is an attempt at such a generalization. I hope that

everyone who cares will join the constructive conversation, and together

we will formulate a joint action plan.

Implement Article 5 of the Constitution

Maidan chants “Gang away!” and really wants the current helmsmen to

vacate their seats. At the same time, everyone agrees that we did not

gather here to elect a new good king.

The demand of the community is to transform the state from a feudal whip

into an instrument of self-organization of society. We no longer need

shepherds — we need community executors who can effectively coordinate

public resources to achieve common goals. The Maidan demands that people

in power care about public values, not family values.

In addition to the head of the vertical power, many abuses are committed

by local officials. People suffer from them not only in Lviv and Kyiv,

but also in Donetsk and Sevastopol.

Maidan, referring to Article 5 of the Constitution, invented a remedy

against this, formulated by Les Podervianskyi. If we express this demand

in bold political terms, we are talking about the development of

instruments of direct democracy in Ukraine.

In particular, we need legal instruments through which society can

influence laws and those who have to implement them. Ideally, the

positions of heads of regional police departments, district courts,

prosecutor’s offices, etc. should be elected.

Some believe that society is not ready for so many elections, so today

it is possible to limit the right of a community to dismiss any official

who operates in that community. For example, the President of Ukraine

can be dismissed by all citizens of Ukraine; head of the department of

the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the region — residents of the

relevant region; the chairman of the appellate court of the city —

citizens of this city, the chairman of the district court — people

living in this district; the head of ZhEK — inhabitants of the houses

which are served by this office.

In order to initiate such a resignation, the citizens of Ukraine should

not prove to anyone the validity of their demand — to look for which

article of the code was violated by the official.

The universal reason for dismissal is that they “lost the trust of

citizens.”

If an official is fired after a local referendum, he or she should be

deprived of all civil servant benefits and receive a minimum pension

when he or she reaches old age. He may not be appointed to any public

office, but must not be restricted in his right to be elected by

citizens to an elected office.

It is necessary that after several showy dismissals they resign

themselves, without waiting for the people to express their distrust and

deprive them of the last cookies.

I would call it a permanent lustration: cleansing not from those who

once collaborated with someone, but from those who are now ruining the

lives of Ukrainian citizens or may decide to do so in the future.

In order to implement this requirement, we need changes in the

legislation on referendums on the people’s initiative — and not only on

the possibility of dismissing officials through referendums.

The procedure for initiating referendums needs to be brought up to

European standards. For example, in Switzerland, which has a population

of 8 million, 50,000 signatures are needed to initiate a referendum,

which is about one and a half percent of citizens. In Spain, which has a

population of 45 million, there are just over one percent of 500,000. In

Ukraine, this figure is 3 million signatures or 6.5 percent of the

country’s population.

Because of this, only well-funded structures with the support of

Ukrainian or foreign authorities can organize a “referendum on the

people’s initiative” in Ukraine. They are also citizens of Ukraine, but

this can be called a people’s initiative only very tentatively.

Therefore, we need to reduce the number of signatures for initiating a

referendum to 1–2 percent of the inhabitants of the territory where the

referendum is held.

If the figure is 2 percent, it will be necessary to collect about 55,000

signatures to initiate a referendum on the dismissal of the governor of

Kharkiv region; on dismissal of the mayor of Kharkiv — 35 thousand

signatures; on the dismissal of the head of the police station in

Vradiyivka — 200 signatures.

Of course, it is possible to smash regional departments or collect the

Maidan every time. But it is easier and more efficient to exercise

direct democracy through referendums — Europe has long been convinced of

this. Those who aspire to go to Europe, as well as those who plan to

build Europe in Ukraine, should benefit from this experience.

Another important point is that the results of referendums, as a

manifestation of the people’s will, should come into force after their

establishment, without any decisions of the authorities.

If Yanukovych resigns in this way — society will have a reliable way to

remove from power any of his successors — and this is much more than

just resignation.

How exactly to achieve the adoption of such a law by the Council?

Permanent Maidan throughout Ukraine

The public sector of Euromaidan consists of dozens of public

organizations, which almost every day form coordination centers and

declare themselves leaders of the public movement. However, many have

already realized that it is not necessary to repeat the mistakes of

politicians — we need to unite around principles, not individuals.

Therefore, I offer all the brothers from the Maidan the following

principles of unity:

have the number of votes in accordance with the number of members who

elected him to represent them in the Public Sector Council.

Therefore, the Euromaidan medical service, self-defense forces, and

kitchen volunteers, as organized groups, will have different influences

on decision-making — but everyone, regardless of their role in the

common cause, will be equal.

Public Sector Council. Small groups should coordinate with each other

and choose 1 representative from several groups.

shall have a number of votes according to the number of people who

elected him.

limited, and each newly formed group of 50–150 people can at any time

send a representative or recall him and re-elect a new one.

Council an issue voted by the group.

Council on a particular issue, it may hold a vote on the matter and

inform the Council of the results. According to these results, the

results of voting in the Council change.

invited by the Council for consultations, but decisions are made by

voting of the Council.

work. To perform specific tasks, temporary working groups are carried

out, which are disbanded after the implementation of these tasks.

groups may not be persons holding managerial and administrative

positions in state institutions, state enterprises and political

parties.

parties when their interests coincide with those of the public, but

shall not campaign for any political party.

Based on these principles, people can unite in groups on a territorial,

professional or any other basis, elect their representative and

influence the general decisions of the Euromaidan community: discuss new

ideas in their group, offer their work to the Public Sector Council

through their representative. At the same time, they will not be limited

in their own initiative and will be able to self-organize at their own

discretion.

Everyone will be able to join in making joint decisions and developing a

common strategy. In the absence of such a desire, a person may not

belong to any group and simply do what he deems necessary.

If necessary, this structure can be legally registered as a public

organization, but this is not a priority.

After the completion of the Kyiv stage of the Maidan, this organization

can protect itself from repression, create mutual aid structures that

will meet the needs of society instead of the state and oligarchic

businesses — such as production, agricultural and consumer cooperatives

in trade, insurance, medicine, independent trade unions. etc.

The next steps

As the stay on the Maidan does not bring results in the form of

decisions of officials, I propose to expand the list of means of public

pressure.

Initiatives to put pressure on pro-government oligarchs look promising,

but insufficient. It is necessary to picket the houses, offices and

businesses of all deputies of the pro-government majority.

To do this, you can create mobile groups of 30–40 people who will picket

4–5 objects a day. Each group should have many posters, banners and

several loudspeakers. Picketing will last 1–2 hours.

It is desirable that police and journalists respond to them. It is not

necessary to engage in skirmishes — when there is a threat of physical

confrontation, the group disperses and gathers near the place of the

next picket.

In this way, one can not only put pressure on the button-pushers — after

all, they are the ones who vote in the Verkhovna Rada, the instinct of

self-preservation can prevail over party discipline — but also involve a

passive part of Kyivites from different parts of the city.

Also, if possible, you should camp near Mezhyhirya and under the

Verkhovna Rada, so that the legislature can be picketed during votes for

bills that are important to the community.

To organize such pressure requires today:

deputies of the Verkhovna Rada;

those who want to take part can apply;

also to draft laws to be passed by the Verkhovna Rada under public

pressure.

It’s not easy. But radical changes in society are never made without the

efforts of thousands and thousands of people who have decided to live

differently.