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Title: Do you hear, Maidan? Author: Serhiy Kemsky Date: December 19, 2013 Language: en Topics: Ukraine, protest, reform, Direct Democracy Source: Retrieved on 23rd January 2022 from a translation of https://www.pravda.com.ua/columns/2013/12/19/7007716/ Notes: The following article was written by the Ukrainian anarchist https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serhiy_Kemsky][Serhiy Kemsky]], an activist that participated in the [[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Euromaidan][Maidan revolution]], proposing the replacement of the existing Ukrainian state with institutions of direct democracy. Just one day before President [[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viktor_Yanukovych][Viktor Yankovich]] signed the [[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agreement_on_settlement_of_political_crisis_in_Ukraine][agreement to settle the crisis]], on February 20, 2014, Kemsky was killed by a police sniper in Kyiv. On the first anniversary of the Maidan revolution, Kemsky was posthumously awarded the title “[[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hero_of_Ukraine”, along with 100 other activists that were killed during the events.
I am surprised by the statements that have been heard recently on social
networks. Like, the Maidan lacks meanings, leaders, plans, motivations
or something else. After talking to dozens of Maidan protesters, I was
personally convinced that everyone has their own vision of further
action. Moreover, it is possible to generalize all these visions,
because they do not contradict each other.
This article is an attempt at such a generalization. I hope that
everyone who cares will join the constructive conversation, and together
we will formulate a joint action plan.
Maidan chants “Gang away!” and really wants the current helmsmen to
vacate their seats. At the same time, everyone agrees that we did not
gather here to elect a new good king.
The demand of the community is to transform the state from a feudal whip
into an instrument of self-organization of society. We no longer need
shepherds — we need community executors who can effectively coordinate
public resources to achieve common goals. The Maidan demands that people
in power care about public values, not family values.
In addition to the head of the vertical power, many abuses are committed
by local officials. People suffer from them not only in Lviv and Kyiv,
but also in Donetsk and Sevastopol.
Maidan, referring to Article 5 of the Constitution, invented a remedy
against this, formulated by Les Podervianskyi. If we express this demand
in bold political terms, we are talking about the development of
instruments of direct democracy in Ukraine.
In particular, we need legal instruments through which society can
influence laws and those who have to implement them. Ideally, the
positions of heads of regional police departments, district courts,
prosecutor’s offices, etc. should be elected.
Some believe that society is not ready for so many elections, so today
it is possible to limit the right of a community to dismiss any official
who operates in that community. For example, the President of Ukraine
can be dismissed by all citizens of Ukraine; head of the department of
the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the region — residents of the
relevant region; the chairman of the appellate court of the city —
citizens of this city, the chairman of the district court — people
living in this district; the head of ZhEK — inhabitants of the houses
which are served by this office.
In order to initiate such a resignation, the citizens of Ukraine should
not prove to anyone the validity of their demand — to look for which
article of the code was violated by the official.
The universal reason for dismissal is that they “lost the trust of
citizens.”
If an official is fired after a local referendum, he or she should be
deprived of all civil servant benefits and receive a minimum pension
when he or she reaches old age. He may not be appointed to any public
office, but must not be restricted in his right to be elected by
citizens to an elected office.
It is necessary that after several showy dismissals they resign
themselves, without waiting for the people to express their distrust and
deprive them of the last cookies.
I would call it a permanent lustration: cleansing not from those who
once collaborated with someone, but from those who are now ruining the
lives of Ukrainian citizens or may decide to do so in the future.
In order to implement this requirement, we need changes in the
legislation on referendums on the people’s initiative — and not only on
the possibility of dismissing officials through referendums.
The procedure for initiating referendums needs to be brought up to
European standards. For example, in Switzerland, which has a population
of 8 million, 50,000 signatures are needed to initiate a referendum,
which is about one and a half percent of citizens. In Spain, which has a
population of 45 million, there are just over one percent of 500,000. In
Ukraine, this figure is 3 million signatures or 6.5 percent of the
country’s population.
Because of this, only well-funded structures with the support of
Ukrainian or foreign authorities can organize a “referendum on the
people’s initiative” in Ukraine. They are also citizens of Ukraine, but
this can be called a people’s initiative only very tentatively.
Therefore, we need to reduce the number of signatures for initiating a
referendum to 1–2 percent of the inhabitants of the territory where the
referendum is held.
If the figure is 2 percent, it will be necessary to collect about 55,000
signatures to initiate a referendum on the dismissal of the governor of
Kharkiv region; on dismissal of the mayor of Kharkiv — 35 thousand
signatures; on the dismissal of the head of the police station in
Vradiyivka — 200 signatures.
Of course, it is possible to smash regional departments or collect the
Maidan every time. But it is easier and more efficient to exercise
direct democracy through referendums — Europe has long been convinced of
this. Those who aspire to go to Europe, as well as those who plan to
build Europe in Ukraine, should benefit from this experience.
Another important point is that the results of referendums, as a
manifestation of the people’s will, should come into force after their
establishment, without any decisions of the authorities.
If Yanukovych resigns in this way — society will have a reliable way to
remove from power any of his successors — and this is much more than
just resignation.
How exactly to achieve the adoption of such a law by the Council?
The public sector of Euromaidan consists of dozens of public
organizations, which almost every day form coordination centers and
declare themselves leaders of the public movement. However, many have
already realized that it is not necessary to repeat the mistakes of
politicians — we need to unite around principles, not individuals.
Therefore, I offer all the brothers from the Maidan the following
principles of unity:
have the number of votes in accordance with the number of members who
elected him to represent them in the Public Sector Council.
Therefore, the Euromaidan medical service, self-defense forces, and
kitchen volunteers, as organized groups, will have different influences
on decision-making — but everyone, regardless of their role in the
common cause, will be equal.
Public Sector Council. Small groups should coordinate with each other
and choose 1 representative from several groups.
shall have a number of votes according to the number of people who
elected him.
limited, and each newly formed group of 50–150 people can at any time
send a representative or recall him and re-elect a new one.
Council an issue voted by the group.
Council on a particular issue, it may hold a vote on the matter and
inform the Council of the results. According to these results, the
results of voting in the Council change.
invited by the Council for consultations, but decisions are made by
voting of the Council.
work. To perform specific tasks, temporary working groups are carried
out, which are disbanded after the implementation of these tasks.
groups may not be persons holding managerial and administrative
positions in state institutions, state enterprises and political
parties.
parties when their interests coincide with those of the public, but
shall not campaign for any political party.
Based on these principles, people can unite in groups on a territorial,
professional or any other basis, elect their representative and
influence the general decisions of the Euromaidan community: discuss new
ideas in their group, offer their work to the Public Sector Council
through their representative. At the same time, they will not be limited
in their own initiative and will be able to self-organize at their own
discretion.
Everyone will be able to join in making joint decisions and developing a
common strategy. In the absence of such a desire, a person may not
belong to any group and simply do what he deems necessary.
If necessary, this structure can be legally registered as a public
organization, but this is not a priority.
After the completion of the Kyiv stage of the Maidan, this organization
can protect itself from repression, create mutual aid structures that
will meet the needs of society instead of the state and oligarchic
businesses — such as production, agricultural and consumer cooperatives
in trade, insurance, medicine, independent trade unions. etc.
As the stay on the Maidan does not bring results in the form of
decisions of officials, I propose to expand the list of means of public
pressure.
Initiatives to put pressure on pro-government oligarchs look promising,
but insufficient. It is necessary to picket the houses, offices and
businesses of all deputies of the pro-government majority.
To do this, you can create mobile groups of 30–40 people who will picket
4–5 objects a day. Each group should have many posters, banners and
several loudspeakers. Picketing will last 1–2 hours.
It is desirable that police and journalists respond to them. It is not
necessary to engage in skirmishes — when there is a threat of physical
confrontation, the group disperses and gathers near the place of the
next picket.
In this way, one can not only put pressure on the button-pushers — after
all, they are the ones who vote in the Verkhovna Rada, the instinct of
self-preservation can prevail over party discipline — but also involve a
passive part of Kyivites from different parts of the city.
Also, if possible, you should camp near Mezhyhirya and under the
Verkhovna Rada, so that the legislature can be picketed during votes for
bills that are important to the community.
To organize such pressure requires today:
deputies of the Verkhovna Rada;
those who want to take part can apply;
also to draft laws to be passed by the Verkhovna Rada under public
pressure.
It’s not easy. But radical changes in society are never made without the
efforts of thousands and thousands of people who have decided to live
differently.