💾 Archived View for library.inu.red › file › chris-day-race-treason-gender-trouble.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 08:28:10. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content

View Raw

More Information

➡️ Next capture (2024-06-20)

-=-=-=-=-=-=-

Title: Race Treason, Gender Trouble
Author: Chris Day
Date: 1995
Language: en
Topics: whiteness, Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation, letter, race, gender, a response
Source: Retrieved on June 13, 2016 from https://web.archive.org/web/20160322162355/http://loveandrage.org/?q=node/52
Notes: Published in the Mar/Apr 1995 issue of the L&R Newspaper.

Chris Day

Race Treason, Gender Trouble

Dear Love and Rage,

Noel Ignatiev’s attempt to defend his claim that white women can expect

“that the state will protect them from strangers” demands a response.

Noel replies to the evidence of the experience of “white” women on the

Love and Rage Production Group to the contrary by asserting that by

their apparent refusal “to be the property of any man” they have placed

themselves beyond the shield of whiteness.

The main problem with Noel’s argument is really a simple matter of fact:

women who in no way place themselves “beyond the shield of whiteness”

cannot expect that the state will protect them from strangers unless by

“strangers” Noel means Black men. In that case Noel is correct in noting

that such protection is extended not out of concern for women but in

order to protect the property of white men, but then it is white men and

not white women who have an expectation of protection.

White women (like all women) can expect to be treated like the

collective property of men (including strangers) without any expectation

of protection by the state. Women are routinely menaced and harassed by

strange men on the streets with impunity. And in a thousand ways (in

conversations, in the mass media, in all manner of social customs) men

assert their control over women. In the ultimate expression of male

power, rape, women usually have no effective recourse through the state.

In those instances in which the state does act a white woman who has

been raped can expect that in the defense of the property rights of

white men she will be put through a legal process that often reproduces

much of the humiliation and degradation of the initial act of rape.

I think that it is the way that Noel conflates the defense of white

women as the property of white men with a benefit to white women (the

expectation of protection) that is so infuriating. Noel is right to say

that patriarchy is decisively shaped by white supremacy, but he needs to

also see how white supremacy is shaped by patriarchy. The power of

contemporary white supremacy has its roots in the historical ownership

of human beings by other human beings. The power of patriarchy is rooted

in the continuing ownership of human beings by other human beings.

Clearly the state treats white women and black women differently and in

many instances those differences constitute privileges for white women.

But sexual violence as a central part of the apparatus of social control

is not just about upholding whiteness. It is first and foremost about

upholding the subordinate social position of women.

Noel claims that “statistics show that the safest thing to be in this

country is a white woman.” The crucial term here is “thing.” White women

are safe only if we exclude the vast majority of violence that is done

to them by men who claim ownership over them (fathers, brothers,

husbands, boyfriends, bosses...). That violence of course is highly

underrepresented in any statistics precisely because women know that

they can’t expect to be protected by the state. These statistics also

exclude the millions of times women capitulate to men (to have sex, to

do the dishes, to do what he wants) who have not even threatened

violence because those women know that it lurks just beneath the surface

of the situation.

Noel argues that by refusing male control rebellious women (like the

women on the Production Group) are locating themselves outside of

whiteness. By attempting to define acts of resistance to the patriarchy

through the solitary lens of race treason Noel is effectively erasing

the feminist content of those acts. The emerging theory and practice of

race treason will be better served by a respectful analysis of the full

range of resistance to the full range of forms of domination than by

trying to drag every expression of revolt or refusal under the umbrella

of treason to whiteness.

Love and Kisses,

Christopher Day